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JK1521.A3 B69 1919
Bolshevik propaganda.
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BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA
HEARINGS
BEFORE A
"SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
UNITED STATES SENATE
SIXTY-FIFTH CONGRESS
THIRD SESSION AND THEREAFTER
PURSUANT TO
S. RES. 439 AND 469
FEBRUARY 11, 1919, TO MARCH 10, 1919
Printed for the use of the Committee oh the Judiciary
:!JI i'!
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1919
X
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY.
CHAELES A. CULBERSON, Texas, dmirman.
LEE S. OVERMAN, North Carolina. KNUTE NELSON, Minnesota.
DUNCAN U. FLETCHER, Florida. WILLIAM P. DILLINGHAM, Vermont.
JAMES A. REED, Missouri. FRANK B. BRANDEGEE, Connecticut.
HENRY F. ASHURST, Arizona. WILLIAM E. BORAH, Idaho.
JOHN K. SHIELDS, Tennessee. ALBERT B. CUMMINS, Iowa.
THOMAS J, WALSH, Montana. MILES POINDEXTER, Washington.
HOKE SMITH, Georgia. LeBARON B. COLT, Rhode Island.
WILLIAM H. KING, Utah. THOMAS STERLING, South Dakota.
JOSIAH O. WOLCOTT, Delaware.
C. W. JUKNEY, Clerk.
F. C. Edwaeds, Assistant Clerk.
Subcommittee.
Mr. OVERMAN, Chair-man.
Mr. KING- Mr. NELSON.
Mr. WOLCOTT. Mr. STERLING.
CONTENTS.
Page.
Text of resolution authorizing hearings 6
Excerpts from testimony of Thomas J. Tunney in German propaganda
hearings 6
Excerpts from testimony of Arclilbald E. Stevenson in German prop-
aganda hearings 11
Testimony of William Chapin Huntington 36, 67
Testimony of Samuel N. Harper 88
Testimony of George A. Simons 109, 141
Testimony of E. B. Dennis 163
Testimony of Robert F. Leonard 194, 199
^Testimony of Robert M. Storey 229
Testimony in executive session 235
Testimony of Mrs. Catherine Breshkovskaya 241
Testimony of Rogers Smith 252
Testimony of 'William W. Welsh 264, 267
Testimony of Roger E. Simmons 293, 308, 339
Letter from Louis Marshall, president American Jewish Committee 378
Statement by Simon AVolf 381
Testimony of Herman Bernstein 383
Testimony of Theodor Kryshtofovich 417
Testimony of Col. Y. S. Hurbau 434, 447
Testimony of Carl W. Ackerman 462
Testimony of Louise Bryant (Mrs. John Reed) . 466
Testimony of John Reed 561
Testimony of Albert Rhys Williams 603, 649
Text of resolution extending hearings 693
Testimony of Bessie Beatty B93
Testimony of Frank Keddie 723
Testimony of Raymond Robins 763, 857, 1007
Testimony of Gregor A. Martiuszlne 896
Testimony of Frederick H. Hatzel 922
Statement of Col. V. S. Hurban 921
Testimony of Oliver M. Sayler 933
Testimony of David R. Francis 935
Letter and statement from Catherine Breshkovskaya 1032
Matters submitted by Edwin Lowry Humes 1034
Documents submitted l)y Senator Sterling 1101
Matters submitted by the Postmaster General 1110
Excerpt from " The German-Bolshevik Conspiracy " 1125
Text of Bolshevik constitution of July 10, 1918 1159
Appendix, translation of Bolshevik laws 1169
3
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
TUESDAY, rEBBtlABT 11, 1919.
United States Senate,
Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to the call of the chairman, at
10.30 o'clock a. m., in room No. 226, Senate Office Building, Senator
Lee S. Overman presiding.
Present': Senators Overman (chairman). King, Wolcott, Nelson,
and Sterling.
The subcommittee had on February 11, 1919, concluded hearings,
held under Senate resolution 307, on the subjects of pro-German
propaganda and activities of the United States -Brevpers' Association
and its allied interests' in the liquor business,, which were published in
two volumes (2,975 pages) entitled "Brewing and Liquor Interests
and German Propaganda." Senate resolution 307 was passed by the
Senate on September 19, 1918, and is as follows :
Whereas Honorable A. Mitchell Palmer, Custodian of Allen Property, on or about
September fourteenth made the following statement :
" The facts will soon ajipear which will conclusively show that twelve or
fifteen German brewers of America, in association with the United States
Brewers' Association, furnished the money, amounting to several hundred
thousand dollars, to buy a great newspaper in one of the chief cities of the,
ISTation ; and its publisher, without disclosing whose money had bought that
organ of public opinion, in the very Capital of the Nation, in the shadow of
the Capitol itself, has been fighting the battle of the liquor traffic.
" When the traffic, doomed though it is, undertakes and seeks by these secret
methods to control party nominations, party machinery, whole political
parties, and thereby control the government of State and Nation, it is time the
people know the truth.
" The organized liquor traffic of the country is a vicious interest because
it has been unpatriotic, because it has been pro-German in its sympathies and
Its conduct. Around these great brewery organizations owned by rich men,
almost all of them are of German birth and sympathy, at least before we
entered the war, has grown up the societies, all the organizations of this
country intended to keep young German immigrants from becoming real
American citizens.
" It is around the sangerfests and sangerbunds and organizations of that
kind, generally financed by the rich brewers, that the young Germans who
come to America are taught to remember, first, the fatherland, and second,
America " ;
And
Whereas it has been publicly and repeatedly charged against the United States
Brewers' Association and allied brewing companies and interests that there
is in the Department of Justice and in the office of a certain United States
district attorney evidence showing:
That, the said United States Brewers' Association, brewing companies, and
allied interests have in recent years made contributions to political cam-
paigns on a scale without precedent in the political history of the country
and in violation of the laws of the land;
That, in order to control legislation in State and Nation they have exacted
pledges from candidates to office, including Congressmen and United States
Senators, before election, such pledges being on file ;
5
b BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
That, in order to influence public opinion to their ends they have heavily-
subsidized the public press and stipulated when contracting for advertising
space with the newspapers that a certain amount be editorial space, the
literary material for the space being provided from the brewers' central
office in New York ;
That, in order to suppress expressions of opinion hostile to their trade and
political interests, they have set in operation an extensive system of boycot-
ting of American manufacturers, merchants, railroads, and other interests ;
That, for the furthering of their political enterprises, they have erected a
political organization to carry out their purposes ;
That they were allied to powerful suborganizations, among them the
German-American Alliance, whose charter was revoked by the unanimous
vote of Congress ; the National Association of Commerce and Labor ; and the
JIanufacturers and Dealers' Associations, and that tliey ha^e their ramifica-
tions in other organizations apparently neutral in character ;
That they have on file political surveys of States, counties, and districts
tabulating the men and forces for and against them, and that they have
paid large sums of money to citizens of the United States to advocate their
cause and interests, including some in the Government employ ;
That they have defrauded the Federal Government by applying to their
political corruption funds money which should have gone to the Federal
Treasury in taxes ;
That they are attempting to build up in the country through the control of
such organizations as the United States societies and by the manipulation of
the foreign language press, a political influence which can be turned to one
or the other party, thus controlling electoral results ;
That they, or some of their organizations, have pleaded nolo contendere to
charges filed against them and have paid fines aggregating large sums of
money : Therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate, or any subcom-
mittee thereof, is hereby authorized and directed to call upon the Honorable
A. Mitchell Palmer, Alien Property Custodian, and the Department of Justice
and its United States district attorneys to produce the evidence and documents
relating to the eharses herein mentioned, and to subpoena any witnesses or
documents relating thereto that it may find necessary, and to make a report of
the results of such investigation and what is shown thereby to the Senate of the
United States as promptly as possible.
The present hearings are held under the following resolution
(S. Ees. 439) passed by the Senate on February 4, 1919 :
Resolved, That the authority of the Committee on the Judiciary conferred by
S. Res. 307 be, and the same hereby is, extended so as to include the power and
duty to inquire concerning any efforts being made to propagate in this country
the principles of any party exercising or claiming to exercise authority in
Russia, whether such efforts originate in this country or are incited or financed
from abroad, and, further, to inquire into any effort to incite the overthrow of
the Government of this country or all government by force, or by the destruc-
tion of life or property, or the general cessation of industry.
Maj. Edwin Lowry Humes, of the Judge Advocate General's
Department, United States Army, detailed by the "War Department
to assist the subcommittee in the hearings held under Senate resolu-
tion 307, appeared as counsel for the subcommittee in the present
hearings.
(The following excerpts from the testimony of Mr. Thomas J.
Tunney, an inspector of police, police department New York City,
before this subcommittee on Tuesday, January 21, 1919, pages 2679-
2681 and 2684-2687 of Volume II of the hearings entitled " Brewing
and Liquor Interests and German Propaganda," were ordered in-
serted in this record at this point :)
Mr. TuNNET. * * * We apprehended and secured evidence against Emma
Goldman and Alexander Berkman, and they were subsequently convicted for
trying to defeat the selective-draft act.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. i
Senator Overman. Did you find a list of those people? .
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes; we found this original letter that was used in the testi-
mony in the Hindu case in San Francisco, and was also used against Emma
Goldman and Alexander Berkman in the trial in New York.
Senator Oveeman. Where is Emma Goldman now?
Mr. TuNNET. She is in prison at Jefferson City, Mo.
Senator Nelson. In a safe place?
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes. She was ordered by the trial judge to be deported after
her term expires — both she and Berkman.
Senator Overman. What Is her native country?
Mr. TuNNEY. I think she is a native of Russia.
Senator Overman. She is ordered by the court to be deported after her term
is up?
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes; that was ordered by the trial judge with regard to both
Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman. There was some doubt as to whether
she was married to an American citizen or not.
Senator Overman. What age woman is she?
Mr. TuNNEY. She is a woman about 46 years of age ; a very able and Intelli-
gent woman and a very fine speaker.
Senator Overman. I know something about her, of course. How long has
she been in this country?
Mr. TuNNEY. Nearly 30 years.
Senator Overman. She is a fine speaker, you say?
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes ; she is a very fine speaker.
Senator Nelson. She speaks good English?
Jlr. TuNNEY. She speaks English very fluently. In fact, I have heard news-
paper men say that she is a master of the English language. She and Berkman
defended themselves on their trial, and they put in a very able defense, and
their cross-examination of the prospective jurors was particularly noticeable.
Senator Overman. Is she a handsome woman?
Mr. TuNNEY. No ; she is not. I would not call her a very homely looking
woman, either. She was a rather good-looking woman when she was young.
She is a very stout woman.
Leon Trotsky, before he left New York, was a great associate of Emma Gold-
man and Alexander Berkman.
Senator Overman. That is the Russian leader?
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes.
He called a meeting of the German socialists and Russians at the Harlem
River Park Casino, at One hundred and twenty-second Street and Second
Avenue, on the night of March 26, 1917, after the breaking oJ¥ of the diplomatic
relations between the United States and Germany, and he spoke in both German
and Russian that night, and this was the substance of his speech.
Senator Sterling. Who is that?
Mr. TuNNEY. Leon Trotsky.
Senator Overman. The foreign minister of the Bolsheviki.
Mr. Tunney. He said : " I am going back to Russia " — he was going the next
morning with about 35 or 40 of his associates, the names of whom, I believe,
the Military Intelligence has. There was a report submitted to Gen. Churchill,
and previous to that to Col. Van Deman. He said :
" I am going back to Russia to overthrow the provisional government and
stop the war with Germany and allow no Interference from any outside govern-
ments."
And he said :
" I want you people here to organize and keep on organizing until you are
able to overthrow this damned, rotten, capitalistic Government of this country."
He did leave the next morning, with his followers, on the Norwegian-
American Line ; and from that date until June 1 about 450 Russians left, with
various leaders, and they also went back there to roast the American commis-
sion that was over there at that time.
Two of the men who are now in the government over there were connected
with newspaper publications in New York. One of them was named William
Schatoff, and is commissioner of railroads.
Senator Nelson. Commissioner of railroads where?
Mr. Tunney. In Russia, now. Also, I understand, he is the new executioner
there in the place of Uritski, who was assassinated by a woman some time ago
in St. Petersburg.
8 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
There were some American boys coming out of St. Petersburg, and one of
them told me that he came up to them and spoke English to them, and said to
give his regards to Broadway, and had the train go back to St. Petersburg,
and kept them there until the next morning.
The other fellow, Wallen, was connected with the publications Novymlr and
Golatruda, Russian publications.
Senator NELS0^^ Russian publications in this country?
Mr. TuNNET. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Who else, may I ask. Inspector, accompanied Trotsky at
this time?
Mr. TuNNEY, I can not tell you the names. Senator, but the Military Intelli-
gence has a complete list of them, or a copy of them. I can get a copy if they
have not, from New York.
Senator Steeling. Did Lincoln Steffens accompany them?
Mr. TuNNET. No ; no Americans accompanied them at that time. They were
all Russians, but they were well-known anarchists, well known to some of my
men.
Senator Overman. I wish you would repeat the statement that Trotsky made
to them before lie left this country.
Mr. Tunnet. He said to keep on their organization here and they would
overthrow the Government of this country.
Senator Nelson. And knock out the capitalists?
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes. He called It the " damned, rotten, capitalistic Govern-
ment.'' Those are the words that he used.
Senator Overman. Capitalistic Government?
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes.
Senator Ovekman. Do you know whether they followed his ad\ice, or whether
they are going on with that work?
Mr. TuNNEY^. Yes. I would not say that it is very effective, but that is Ihe
talk amongst a lot of the same folloAvers now, sometimes in public and some-
times in secret conferences that they have.
Senator Nelson. You have a nest of those anarchists yet in New York, have
you not?
Sir. TuNNEY. Yes, Senator ; there are a lot of them there yet. I might say
that five of them were, subsequent to the conviction of Emma Goldman and
Alexander Berkman, apprehended for abusing the President and the Govern-
ment of the United States, and in .Tune they were convicted of violating the
espionage act ; and they were followers of Emma Goldman and were sentenced
to 20 years apiece. That was .lust a few months ago.
Senator Overman. What was Trotsky doing in this country before?
Mr. TuNNEY. He was ahvays talking to the Russians on organization. He
was connected with that ne^^•spape^ publication, the Novymir, and was very
ofteH delivering lectures both to Russians and Germans on anarchy while he
was here — radical socialism. He believed in the overthrow of all governments.
Senator Nelson. He spoke German as well as Russian?
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes; very fluently.
Senator Nelson. What was his nationality?
Mr. TuNNEY. He is a Russian.
Senator Nelson. AVas he a Slav or a German?
Mr. TuNNEY'. He is a Russian.
Senator Nelson. A Russian?
Mr. TuNNEY'. A Russian .Tew ; but they do not believe in any religion, of
course. They are just as much opposed to the Jewish religion as any other.
They call themselves " Internationalists."
Senator Overman. Did he speak English as well as Russian and German?
Mr. TuNNEY. He spoke very little English.
Maj. Humes. You say that these followers of Emma Goldman and Alexander
Berkman were convicted and sentenced to 20 years?
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes.
Maj. Humes. Do you remember what the sentence was that was imposed on
Emnta Goldman and Berkman?
Mr. TuNNEY. They were sentenced to two years each, which was the maxi-
mum sentence under the law at that time, the espionage act not being at that
time in effect.
I also remember that the sentence imposed on the bomb plotters was a year
and a half each, which was the maximum sentence under the law at that time ;
and then it was a subterfuge to get to try them under that, because it was never
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. \)
intended for criminals, but for legitimate shippers of explosives — in other words,
that they should notify the common carriers that they were shipping explosises
and comply with the Federal laws on that subject.
It * « 4; 3(( 4: *
Maj. Humes. What do you know about activities, since the armistice, on the
part of these people, the anarchists and others?
Mr. TUNNEY. They are very active. They hold secret meetings and they plan
to organize and disseminate propaganda by means of newspapers, small
pamphlets, and letters, and later on adopt other methods, which they have not
decided on up to the present time.
Senator Stealing. Is there evidence of renewed activity ou the part of these
anarchists, Mr. Tunney, since the armistice was signed?
Mr. Tunney. There is. Senator ; there is evidence, but hardly sufficient to
proceed against them up to the present time, with the right kind of witnesses.
You sometimes get this information direct from a secret agent that you can not
get him to testify to, because it takes years to get on the inside to find out cer-
tain things. You destroy his evidence after you use it in one case, and probably
jeopardize his life. Sometimes people think a man's life does not amount to
much if he accomplishes a whole lot of good ; that is, a man is willing to give
up his life for the cause of his country.
Maj. Humes. Do you know anything about the activities of Lenine in this
country?
Mr. Tunney. No ; I never found any of Lenine's connection here, never ; but
I do know about Trotsky and the other people.
Senator Nelson. How old a man was Trotsky?
Mr. TUiXNEY. I should judge Trotsky was a man, when he left here, of about
35 years of age.
Senator Nelson. What was his appearance?
Mr. Tunney. He was a typical Russian ; black, bushy, curly hair, and very
radical looking in appearance as well as in speech.
Senator Nelson. 'Was he a tall man or a short man?
Mr. Tunney. No ; he was of medium height. I should judge he was about
5 feet 6 or 5 feet 7.
Senator Overman. Was he employed In the hotels?
Mr. Tunney. No. I have heard that story. He used to write articles and
probably did take on different jobs. I think he used to write articles for various
Russian newspapers here.
Senator Overman. Did he have any other employment?
Mr. Tunney. Not that I know of.
Senator Overman. How long was he in this country?
Mr. Tunney. He was only in New York for a few months before he left.
He had traveled somewhat through the United States. What he did in the
other cities I do not know. I know only what he did in New York.
Senator Steeling. Did your activities lead you to investigate any newspapers
in New York or anywhere else?
Mr. Tunney. No ; no direct investigation. From time to time those foreign
newspaper investigations were turned over to men who understood the language.
Senator Nelson. Did you ever do anything in connection with Viereck's
" Fatherland" ?
Mr. Tunney. No ; I did not.
Senator Overman. Who owns the paper now that Trotsky was connected
with?
Mr. Tunney. Weinstein is one of the editors, and a fellow by the name of
Brailowsky.
Senator Overman. Really the same man thrt owned it when Trotsky
Mr. Tunney. Weinstein was associated with Trotsky in running it at the
time Trotsky was here.
Senator Overman. And he is now running it?
Mr. Tunney. Yes ; he is now running that paper.
Senator Sterling. Did you at that time seize or take into j'our possession, Mr.
Tunney, any material at newspaper offices which was meant for publication in
newspapers of an anarchistic nature?
Mr. Tunney. You mean in the American newspapers, Senator?
Senator Sterling. Yes.
Mr. Tunney. No ; I did not, with the exception of Emma Goldman's " Blother
Earth," and tlie " Blast," which were published in-Englrnd — two anarchistic pub-
10 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
lications. In fact, I never found any of the American or the English papers
connected with this movement at all.
Senator Nelson. Did Trotsky appear to be a man of education or ability?
Mr. TuNNEY. That was his reputation among the Russian people who speak
Engll.sh, that he was a man of ability among his own people, and quite a leader
of men.
Senator Steeling. Did you ever hear him speak, yourself?
Mr. TUNNEY. I did not. Senator. I saw him, though. But this information,
that I am testifying to, was by one of my o^^•n men, not a stool pigeon, but a
policeman who secured this information that I have testified to, and upon
which he based his reports at that time. That was turned over at that time
to the Military Intelligence, shortly after he made his speech, and I think they
turned it over to the State Department. That is on information, however. I do
know Trotsky was taken nff the steamer at Halifax and detained for a couple
of weeks. And while he was detained there people in New Y(]rk held a protest
meeting and demanded his release, and I think they sent a telegram to the
State Department in Washington at that time — some of the other radicals did —
and some time subsequent to that he was released.
Senator Overman. AVhat was the size of the meeting, do you remember, that
made the protest ?
Mr. TuNNEY. There were about 400 or 500 present. It was in a place called
the Lyceum. 64 East Fourth Street. New York. It was in April, 1917. after the
declaration of war. But there were over 1,000 present at the meeting the night
before he sailed from New York, at the Harlem River Park Casino. Emma
Goldman and Berkman were also present that nit;lit and listened to him speak,
f'apt. Lester. Do yon know how long Trotsky was in this country altogether?
Mr. Tt'NNEY. No : I know he was in New York only a few months. I do not
know how long he was in this country altogether.
Senator ()vee:man. Do you know who presided over that big meeting in which
he made a speech?
I\Ir. TUNNEY. ^Vho was the chairman, do you mean?
Senator Ovekman. Yes.
Mr. TuNNEY. I really do not know, but I think it was a man named Abra-
hams, who was subsequently convicted and sentenced to prison for 20 years for
violation of the espionage act. But I can find that out, I can get the names
of those A^ho were there.
Senator Overman. Did you have occasion to investigate the I. W. W. any?
Mr. TuNKEY. Yes ; in the early part of the European war they were making
a bomb to kill a couple of men here in the United States — three of the I. W. W's.
who were also associated with the anarchistic movement. Those men were
Carron. Berg, and Hanson. While making this bomb it prematurely exploded
and killed themselves, in an apartment house. One hundred and fourth Street.
It blew the front out of the building and killed the three of them, and killed
a woman up on the next floor. I might add that this fellovir Berg had a sister
known as Louise Berg, also referred to as " Dynamite Louise," who went back
shortly after Trotsky, with one or the other Russian bunch, to blow up some
of the officials in Russia.
Senatoi- Overman. Berg was one of the three conspirators engaged in the
manufactui-e of bombs?
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes. There was a conspiracy to kill three prominent men in
this country at one time, and as many thereafter as they could.
Senator (Overman. Do you know who were the prominent men they had in
view?
Mr. TuNNEY. I do.
Senator Overman. Who were they?
Mr. TuNNEY. John D. Rockefeller, sr., and John D. Rockefeller, jr. It was
also discussed amongst them at that time that in order to wipe out families
there was no good in killing one or two in the family, that they should kill
them all, even to the children, and they used to talk from that time that the
best way to do it was to get servants in the employ of the households of these
prominent men, so as to get a line exactly on what the family was composed
of and what it consisted of.
Senator Overman. Have you noticed the carrying of the red flag in New,
York?
Mr. TuNNEY. No ; they stopped carrying that. They passed a local ordinance
prohibiting its being carried. They used to carry it at all meetings.
Senator Overman. What effect does that red flag have on a crowd?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 11
Mr. TuNNEY. It has the effect of creating a feeling on the part of Americans
that they would like to assassinate everybody carrying the red flag; or at
least, a large number of them feel that way.
Senator Overman. What effect does it have on the people who are in sym-
pathy with carrying the red flag?
Mr. Ttjnney. It simply enthuses them, and they indulge in cheering and ,
waviug it in the air.
Senator Ovebman. It inflames them?
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes; and all those who are in sympathy with (hem. As soon
as the carrying of the red flag was stopped they started in to \Aear red neckties
and sometimes red flowers in their button holes.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think that the carrying of the red flag tends to
promote breaches of the p'.>ace?
Mr. TuNNEY. It does ; because it antagonizes Americans who are opposed to
them, and naturally there is a conflict right away. Americans claim they only
want one flag here, and th it is the Stars and Stripes.
Seantor Steeling. The red flag is usually understood to be the emblem of
anarchy ?
Mr. TuNNEY. Yes ; it is the emblem of anarchy. They sometimes call it
Internationalism. There are some modern Socialists who do not believe in the
red flag. The radical Socialists do not believe in any form of government at
all ; their motto is, " Do as you like," and everybody do the same ; they have no
regard for law, and they do not believe in law.
Senator Overman. One of their creeds is " Down with capital " ?
Mr. TuNNEY. " Down with capital and Government." They claim capital is
responsible for all government. They blame the churches for standing in their
way. They sometimes say they would like to destroy the churches. I met a
man one night some time ago who claimed the only way to destroy every build-
ing was to blow it down with dynamite. There was another man present who
said he did not believe in destroying buildings of ai't and science and where
literature vras kept, but all other buildings he would destroy. He differed to
that extent from the other fellow..
Senator Nelson. How many of those anarchists and those radicals, I. W. W.'s
and anarchists, have you in New York? As nearly as you can tell, how many
are there?
Mr. Tunney. Do you mean. Senator, who belong to organizations or associ-
ations?
Senator Nelson. No ; I mean that belong to such organizations or believe
in that gospel.
Senator Overman. Who sympathize with them.
Senator Nelson. Yes ; who sympathize with them.
Mr. Tunney. I believe there are 12,000 or 15,000 in New York. I mean those
who sympathize with the real radical movement. I should say we probably
have 50,000 who more or less sympathize with them.
Senator Nelson. They are mostly foreigners, are they not?
Mr. Tunney. Mostly foreigners.
Senator Nelson. From what part of the old country?
Mr. Tunney. The three principal nationalities that they represent are Rus-
sians, Spaniards — I am talking now about the anarchist group — and the Italians,
mixed up with some Germans. There are a few radical Irishmen and English-
men and a few Americans. There are very few of these English-speaking people
with the exception of — well, there is a very small percentage of them that mix
up with the real anarchistic groups.
Senator Nelson. Are there many Americans mixed up with them?
Mr. Tunney. Very few.
(The following excerpts from the testimony of Mr. Archibald E.
Stevenson, in Volume II of the hearings before the same subcommit-
tee entitled "Brewing and Liquor Interests and German Propa-
ganda," were ordered inserted in this record:)
[From testimony taken on Wednesaay, January 22, 1919, pages 2715, 2716, 2717, and
Mr. Stevenson. * * * With the declaration of war by the United States
the raison d'§tre for the Emergency Peace Federation and the American Neutral
Conference CJommittee ceased to exist, and they became defunct.
12 BOLSHEVIK pkopaga:sda.
However, the movement continued to become more radical, and on August
4, 1917, the I'eoplt's Council of America for Democracy and Peace was organ-
ized, with offices at 2 AVest Thirteenth Street, New York City.
Among the officers and executive committee are found Louis P. Lochner,
Leila Faye Secor, Rebecca Shelley, Scott Xearing, Jacob Panken — who, by the
way, is an extremely radical speaker, and a judge of the municipal court in New
York City ; Aigern in Lee. socialist alderman, New York City ; 5Iax Eastman ;
Emily Greene BaU h ; Judah L. Magnes ; Morris Hillquit ; Eugene V. Debs, who
is now serving a sentence for violation of the espionage act ; Irving St. John
Tucker, who was just convicted with Victor Berger for violation of the same
act ; and the treasurer of tliis organization is David Starr Jordan.
The advent of tl.is organization was hailed with enthusiasm by the German
propagandists, and wide publicity was given to it in the German organs, such
as Issues and Events, The Fatherland, etc.
The object, of course, was to discourage the military activities of the
United States and to bring about peace.
In a telegram which was sent by Leila Faye Secor to President Wilson they
stated that their membership is 1,800,000.
Senator Nelson. Evidently these organizations were all in opposition to
Gen. Pershing's organization over in France?
Mr. Ste\tsxson. That is certainly the impression that one might get,
Senator.
This telegram to President Wilson states :
" The organizing committee of the Peojile's Council of America, now repre-
senting 1,800,000 consituents, believe that a combination of world events makes
it Imperative that Congress speak in no uncertain terms on the question of
peace and war."
Senator Wolcott. What is the date of that telegram?
Mr. Steve>:son. This was in August, 1917.
Senator Nelsox. After we entered the war?
Senator Wolcott. After Congress had spoken.
Senator Nelson. Yes ; we spoke in April, did we not?
Senator Wolcott. Yes.
Mr. Stevenson (continuing reading) :
" The eminent position of our country among the Allies and the democratic
members of our Government, and the lives and the future happiness of the
young manhood of our Nation all demand that Congress should no longer re-
main silent and inactive on what is now the supreme interest of mankind,
how to bring a just and lasting peace into the world. * * *
" The Russian people are united for peace, based on the formula which is
gaining acceptance everywhere : No forcible annexations, no punitive indem-
nities, and free development for all nationalities. * * * "
Senator Wolcott. They might also have added : "And victory for Ger-
many "?
Mr. Stevenson (continuing reading) :
" Thus we have the representative assemblies of Russia, Germany, and Eng-
land debating peace terms while only the American Congress remains sijent
in this fateful war.
" Forward-looking men and women throughout the world are looking expect-
antly to Congress. Democracy is shamed by your silence."
That was a telegram addressed by this organization to President Wilson
personally. This organization is still in operation, and they held a dinner last
Monday evening in New York City, at which Scott Nearing presided, and they
determined to flood the country with handbill propaganda, because their litera-
ture has been denied the use of the mails.
Senator Wolcott. What have they in mind now? What is the nature of
their propaganda now?
Mr. Stevenson. They are taking up the league of nations. They are seeking
the amnesty of all political prisoners. They do not want any military estab-
lishment here. It is a very mixed type of propaganda. I do not know exactly
what they are doing.
Senator King. It is practically the overthrow of our republican form of
government, and the establishment of a^
Senator Nelson. Bolshevik government?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 13
Senator King. Yes.
Mr. Stevenson. There are a large number of persons connected with tlils
organization that sympathize with the Bolshevik and Soviet form of govern-
ment.
Senator King. Class government is what they want.
Mr. Stevenson. I think we shall have to wait until we see their propaganda
before we know exactly what they are doing.
Senator Wolcott. There's no telling what they are going to do?
Mr. Stevenson. I do not think so.
The outgrowth of this People's Council was the Liberty Defense Union, with
offices at 138 West Thirteenth Street, New York City, in which there is a
curious mixture of intelligentsia and anarchists, radical socialists and-
Senator Wolcott. What do you men by "intelligentsia" — intellectuals?
Mr. Stevenson. Intellectuals.
Senator Nelson. Senator, it means those anarchists who confine their opera-
tions to brain storms and not to physical force.
Mr. Stevenson. Among the members of this organization were the Rev. John
Haynes Holmes ; Scott Nearing ; Elizabeth Gurley Flinn, who is well known as
an I. W. W. ; Max Eastman ; Kate Richards O'Hare — and, by the way, there is
an extremely interesting connection. Kate Richards O'Hare is now serving a
sentence for violation of the espionage act, but she was an associate of Nicho-
las Lenine in the International Bureau, the People's House, in Brussels before
the war, in 1914.
Senator Wolcott. This question has been running through my mind, Mr.
Stevenson : Is it not a fact that these people, after all their efforts and agitation
and the expenditure of a great deal of labor and emotional energy, after all
did not make any kind of an impression at all on the plain, common-sense Amer-
ican people — speaking by and large, I mean ; they did not make any dents, did
they?
Mr. Stevenson. I think if you really mean the American people, I should
say no. Senator.
Senator Wolcott. That is what I mean. I mean the ordinary American
citizen.
Mr. Stevenson. But it is a fact that
Senator Wolcott. Of course, they can make some trouble here and there in
spots ; but, taking the great body of the American people, were they not too
level headed to be influenced by this outfit?
Mr. Stevenson. We must remember. Senator, that the American people — -
and by that I mean really American people — are not present in very large num-
bers in our industrial centers. They have made a very great impression on the
foreign element, which we will develop in the progress of the radical movement.
I have brought in this pacifist movement in this way because of its direct
connection with the subsequent radical movement, which is the thing which is
of most importance before the country to-day.
In connection with this Liberty Defense Union, Amos Pinchot was also a
member ; Eugene V. Debs ; Henry Wadsworth Dana, a late professor of Colum-
bia University ; David Starr Jordan ; Abram Shiplacoff, a Socialist assembly-
man in New York ; James H. Maurer, of the Pennsylvania Federation of Labor ;
and a large number of other persons of similar character.
The result of the Ford peace mission was the establishment of an interna-
tional committee of women for permanent peace, which was organized at The
Hague in 1915. They organized a special branch for the United States and that
branch had a subsidiary in New York City, which is now known as the Women's
International League.
It is rather interesting to note that at a meeting held on the 28th of November
in New York City by this league, among the other literature which was dis-
seminated was a pamphlet by a man known as Louis T. Fraina, entitled " Bol-
shevism Conquers," and the meeting resulted in a riot by some unattached sol-
diers that did not like the general tenor of the meeting.
Senator Nelson. They broke it up?
Mr. Stevenson. Mrs. Henry Villard, the mother of Oswald Garrison VlUard,
was the honorary chairman ; Crystal Eastman was the chairman ; and Prof.
Emily Greene Balch was also a member of that organization.
*******
Before going into the radical movement, I think it might be wise to define the
three principal kinds of radical thought which go to make up the radical move-
14 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
ment and which are merging in the development of Bolshevism. If you would
care for me to give a brief theoretical analysis, I will do so.
Senator Nelsox. Yes ; but be brief.
. Senator King. Tes ; I was just asliing a member of the committee here
whether that would be relevant to the issues which we were to investigate.
Would the radical movement now have anything to do with the German propa-
ganda or the investigation of the activities of the brewers?
Senator Nelson. I think so. I think they are still carrying on that propa-
ganda now.
Senator King. If that is traceable, of course, to the German propaganda, or
is a part of the Germ^an propaganda, I think that would be relevant. Other-
wise, I do not see its relevancy.
Let me ask you, Mr. Stevenson, is it your contention that this is a part of
the German propaganda?
Jlr. Stevensox. I think it is a result of the German propaganda. I call your
attention to these numbers of Issues and Events, which is a ijropaganda maga-
zine. They begin to sive publicity to Leon Trotsky here. [Indicating.] There
is a history of Leon Trotsky in this magazine.
IFrom testimony taken on Wednesday, January 22, 1919, pages 2729, 2737, 2738, 2739,
and 2740 :]
Mr. Stevenson. The corollary of the propaganda which was mentioned this
morning, and in which a large number of tlie persons engaged in the pacifist
organizations have taken part and now take part, is what may be generally
classified as the radical movement, which is developing sympathy for the Bol-
sheviki movement, and which in many quarters constitutes a revolutionary
movement among the radical element in this country.
Senator King.. Your contention is that this is the result of German propa-
ganda, had its origin in Germany, and therefore would be properly investigated
under the resolution of this committee?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes. The Bolsheviki movement is a branch of the revolu-
tionary socialism of Germany. It had its origin in tbe philosophy of Marx
and its leaders were Germans.
Senator King. And is this German socialism of this country and BoLshevism
of this country the product of or taught by these organizations to which you
referred this morning, in part?
Mr. Stevenson. The membership of those organizations was in large part
made up of persons either members of the Socialist Party or in sympathy
with it.
Senator Nelson. You mean that the German socialism was imported into
this country by these men?
Jlr. Stevenson. By some of these men.
Senator Nelson. That is what I mean.
Mr. Stevenson. Yes.
A A * :^ V * *
Senator Overman. Here is an exhibit that you put in, Mr. Stevenson, called
the California Defense Bulletin, tbe issue of December 2. 1918. It says :
" THE SPREAD OF BOLSHEVISM.
" Great things are about to happen. In fact something has happened that
has sent a thrill of joy through the heart of every true internationalist.
" Germany has followed the example set by Russia ; the Kaiser and his mili-
tarist gang have been pulled down from their high horses, and the workmen
and soldiers have taken over the reins of the government.
" The inspiring news was flashed through the world that the soldiers and
sailors had joined the revolution, thus avoiding a bloody and long-drawn civil
war. It is apparent that the Russian Bolsheviki had carried on an agitation
among the German soldiers as well as among the civilian population, and the
results are such that we feel inclined to tip our hats to the Bolsheviki and
excJaim : ' Well done, brave soldiers of the class war.'
" But Bolshevism is contagious. It is now reported that a revolution is brew-
ing in Holland. There have been strikes and riots in Switzerland, and In
Copenhagen, Denmark. In Sweden there has been a manifesto issued calling
the workers and soldiers to unite and organize along the same line as in Russia.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 15
, "The writer is acquainted with conditions, and is aware of the sentiment
among those opposing the Swedish Army, and it is safe to predict that the
transformation, or rather the revolution will be accomplished without much
bloodshed. Our Swedish fellow workers have for years carried on a systematic
agitation against militarism, and have gone into the barracks and training
camps distributing literature — and that they have been successful nobody who
knows the real state of affairs can deny. It is only a question of time, and
it may be nearer than we can realize when the Swedes will , straighten up and
throw the profiteers and militarists oflf their backs. They are slow in starting,
but when they set out to do anything, they usually do a perfect job.
" Let the ' patriotic profiteers' howl and shout tJiemselves hoarse. Let -tliem
summon all their stony-faced judges and their hypocritic pulpiteers — it will be
to no avail. They can not stop the onward march of labor. The day of indus-
trial freedom is drawing near. Get ready and do your part to speed the day."
Does that indicate, taken in connection with what you have referred to in
these other publications, that there is an organization In this country, now, to
bring about a Bolsheviki revolution?
Mr. Stevenson. I believe that is the desire of a number of the leaders. I
would not want to say it as definitely proved.
Senator Overman. These papers indicate that that is going on now?
Mr. Stevenson. All of these papers seem to indicate that.
The other publications of the Socialist Labor Party are the following news-
papers: Arbetaren (Swedish), Volksfreund und Arbelter-Zeitung (German),
Proletareets (Lettish), A Munkas (Hungarian), Radnucka Borba (South
Slavonian).
I believe they are also planning to have a Jewish paper.
Senator Nelson. They are carrying on this propaganda?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes.
Senator Oveeman. So that it looks as if it were nearly world-wido — this so-
cialism and Bolshevism and syndicalism. This appears to show that this propa-
ganda is prevalent throughout the whole -world, advocating a revolution in
every country in the world— even in Sweden and Switzerland?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes.
The prosecution of the I. W. W. enlisted the sympathy and support of the
Socialist Party of America. This was shown by an interesting leaflet printed in
Yiddish, which was picked up in the I. W. W. hall, 74 St. Mark's Place, New
■ York, in the middle of December last year. The translation of it is as follows:
" Socialists attention :
" The National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party not long a'go de-
clared at a session that the socialist party repeat the declaration of support of
all the economic organizations of the working class and declares that listings,
deportations and persecutions of the I. W. W. constitute an attack upon evei-y
American working man.
" And we call attention to the fact that the charges against the I. W. W. on
the ground that they burnt crops and forests and destroyed a lot of property
having been submitted to a legal test turned out to be all lies.
" The socialist party has always lent its material and moral support to or-
ganized labor everywhere, and whenever attacked by the capitalistic class,
.whatever was the character of the organizations. We therefore pledge our-
selves to support the I. W. AV.'s who are to be tried at Chicago and other places,
asking for a fair trial and without prejudice, and we ask our members to do
everything in their power to help the I. W. W. by informing the public of the
true facts, and also to refute the falsehoods and misinformation wherewith the
capitalist press poisons and prejudices public sentiment against these workers
who are chosen for destruction just as other workmen and leaders have been
repeatedly doomed to destruction by the same capitalists.
" Socialists collect funds and send to the I. W. W.
" Bring the matter up in your local organizations and branch meetings and
ask them to send two delegates to the I. W. W. Defense Committee that meets
every Sunday at 3 p. m. 74 St. Mark's Place, New York.
"All contributions are sent by the above mentioned address to the general
office at Chicago. . .
" I W W. Defense Committee, 1001 West Madison St., Chicago, 111.
"All checks to be made payable to W. D. Haywood, general secretary
" Greetings of the I. W. W. Defense Committee of New York."
16 BOLSHEVIK TT.OPXGANDA.
That centers attention on the Socialist Party in America and on socialism in
general.
I should like to point out that socialism may be divided roughly into two
principal kinds, one of which is the conservative evolutionary branch, which is
sometimes known as the opportunist or possibilist, which desires to bring about
its purpose throufjh parlianieutiiry action and tlie power of the ballot. The
second branch, which is the revolutionary socialism, otherwise called impossl-
bilist, is the official German socialism, and is the father of the Bolsheviki move-
ment in Russia, and consequently the radical movement which we have in this
country to-day has its origin in Germany.
Senator Nelso>;. Is that a part of their kultur?
Mr. Stevenson. It was one of the manifestations of their kultur, I believe.
Senator Overman. You used the word " impossibilist." Why do they call it
that?
Mr. Stevenson. Because they found it impossible to cooperate with existing
forms of government.
Senator Overman. And they wanted to tear down the existing form of gov-
ernment?
Jlr. Stevenson. Yes.
The capture of the Socialist Party in America in April, 1917, by the revolu-
tionary socialist element is of particular interest because the members of the
committee which brought in the majority report, the committee on war and
militarism of that convention, had for its leader Kate Richards O'Hare, and
Mr. Victor Berger was a member of that committee. Both of these persons
were delegates from the United States to the International Socialist Bureau
at Brussels, which carried out its world-wide propaganda from the People's
House in Brussels. Representatives from other countries were Nicholas Lenine,
the leader of Russian Bolshevism, and Rosa Luxemburg.
Senator Nelson. Lately deceased?
Mr. Steve>'son. Lately deceased ; who was one of the leaders of the German
Bolshevist element known as the Spartacus group, and Karl Liebknecht.
Senator Overman. He is also deceased?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes ; he is also deceased.
Senator Overman. Was Berger in the same convention with Liebknecht and
Rosa Luxemburg?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes ; he was a delegate to the same bureau, and represented
the United States.
Senator Nelson. Oh, he belonged to the same group.
Senator Overman. I know he did ; but I did not know that he had attended
the convention over there with them.
Mr. Stevenson. The adoption of the majority report of the committee on
war and militarism at that convention resulted in the withdrawal from the
party of the conservative element, of the evolutionary socialists, such as
Charles Edward Russell and .John Spargo, who have since done valuable service-
to the Government in the prosecution of the war.
Senator Overman. AVhere was that convention held?
Mr. Stevenson. At St. Louis.
Senator Overman. When?
Mr. Stevenson. April 7 to 14, 1917.
Senator Overman. Messrs. Russell and Spargo quit when they adopted those
resolutions?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes.
Senator Overman. And did valuable service for the Government?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes.
At this convention the following resolution was adopted :
" Now, therefore, be it resolved, that the socialist party being the political
arm of the working class in its fight for industrial freedom, and its power rest-
ing mainly in its clear-cut, specific declaration of political and economic prin-
ciples, rather than in the number of votes passed for party candidates, and the-
purpose of the socialist movement being the emancipation of the working class
from economic servitude, rather than the election to office of candidates, it is,,
therefore, declared to be the sense of this convention that all state organiza-
tions facing the solution of this question be urged to remember that to fuse-
or to compromise is to be swallowed up and utterly destroyed; that they be
urged to maintain the revolutionary position of the socialist party and main,-
tain in the utmost possible vigor the propaganda of socialism, unadulterated by
BOaSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. IIT
association of office seekers, to tlie end that the solidarity of the working class,
the principles of international socialism may continue to lav the foundations
for the social revolution.
" The social revolution, not political office, is the end and aim of the socialist
party. No compromLse, no political tradins."
* * * * * * *
(From testimony taken on Thursday, January 23, 1919, pages 2751, 2752, 2753-2772.
and 2776-2779:]
Maj. Humes. Mr. Stevenson, will you now resume, please, where you left off
last night?
Mr. Stevenson. If I remember correctly, I was just giving an illustration of
the socialist expressions from the Radical Review of Tuly, 1918.
Senator Overman. Where is that magazine published?
Mr. Stevenson. It is published in New York, Senator, by the Radical Review
Publishing Association, 202 East Seventeenth Street, New York City.
Senator Overman. Has it a large circulation?
Mr. Stevenson. I do not know what the circulation of it is. It is gotten up
in very good style and has no advertisements. It is circulated at all of the
radical meetings. At any of the meetings you attend you will pick up a copy
of this magazine. ■
Senator Overman. Do you know who is financing all of these associations of
the Bolsheviki, the Socialists, and so on?
Mr. Stevenson. I was coming to that with regard to the Bolsheviki, Senator.
Senator Overman. All right ; do not let me anticipate, then. Just go ahead.
Mr. Stevenson (reading) :
" True to the dictate of necessity, it flies the red flag of international social-
ism "—
This is referring to the Socialist Party — ■
" proclaiming the identity of the workers' interests the world over, recognizing
only one enemy, the International bourgeoisie, and substituting the national
particularism of an obsolete competitive capitalism with the international soli-
darity of socialism."
Senator Overman. It seems that they have a common flag, and that is the red
flag. That is the I. W. W. and the socialists ; have they aU a common flag?
Mr. Stevenson. They have.
Senator Overman. And that is the red flag?
Mr. Stevenson. That is the red flag.
Senator Overman. Each one of these organizations carries the red flag?
Mr. Stevenson. All of them.
And here is the epitome of the whole thing :
" The red flag of the Industrial Republic is expressive of all the slumbering
and vital forces in society making for progress and true civilization ; it is a
banner proclaiming and symbolizing the noble Ideal of social fraternity and
industrial equality. The ultimate triumph of the proletarian armies fighting
under the re(} flag, therefore, marks the dawn of the universal brotherhood and
of the cooperative commonwealth."
^ ^ il; * * Hi *
Mr Stevenson. The Anarchist element in this country has always been a
small one, but a very active and violent group.
Thev came into prominence again with the declaration of war by the United
States" and participated in the pacifist movement.
They organized the No Conscription League, with headquarters at 20 East
One hundred and tweuty-flftl) Street, Nev,- York City, and from that league
thev issued the most violent propaganda opposed to conscription. I should like
to submit one or two of their leaflets in the record.
A large number of anonymous leaflets were distributed, which were signed
"Anarchist," and by the underground pass. Among the assistints of Emma
Goldman and Berkman were M. Elinore Fitzgerald, Carl Newlander, Walter
Merchant, and W. P. Bales.
I might say that the official publication of the Anarchist was Mother Earth.
Senator Overman. Where was that published?
Mr Stevenson. In New York City.
Senator Nelson. What is the title of that— Mother Earth?
85723—19 2
18 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Ste\'enson. Mother Earth.
Senator Ovkkman. Who is the editor of that magazine?
Mr. Stevenson'. Emma Goldman. It is still being published, although it is
not coming out now in regular issues. She is conflned in prison for the viola-
tion of the espionage act, I believe.
Senator Overman. Was she tried under the espionage act after she was tried
under the conspiracy act?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes, sir.
The anarchists have organized a school, known as the Ferrer Modern School,
with headquarters at Stelton, N. J., but they have branches in most of the
cities of the United States.
In connection with this school, I must call attention to the organization of a
school for children now being conducted. The head of this movement is Mr.
Leonard D. Abbott.
On the trial of Emma Goldman and Berkman, Mr. Abbott was called to
testify as to the character of Emma Goldman and Berkman, and in the course
of the examination he was asked :
" Q. Does the Ferrer School teach children to disobey the laws of the
country?"
To which he replied:
"It teaches them to criticize all laws, and to prepare themselves for a free
society.
" Q. When you speak of criticizing laws, do you include the laws of this gov-
ernment?
"A. Yes."
Senator Overman. \A'hat is the extent of th<jse schools?
Mr. Stevenson. They are carrying on these schools in a great many centers.
Senator Oveeman. Are they night schools?
Mr. Ste\tsnson. No: I hat particular school Is a colony, to which these
children go.
Senator Overman. I understand they have other schools?
Mr. Stevenson. They have courses of lectures.
One New York branch of the Ferrer School has its headquarters at Pythian
Hall, 1914 Madison Avenue, New Y'ork City.
Senator Nelson. I suppose they have night schools for adults?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes ; the school is a regular school for teaching anarchy to
children as well as adults.
Senator Nelson. I mean, they have night schools for adults in that line?
Mr. Stevenson. I am not sure whether the Ferrer School has. I am sorry
to say that I can not enlighten you on that point, but they give a series of
lectures.
It might be of interest to give you a few of the titles :
On November 17, 1918, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn lectures on " Economic recon-
.struction." She is an I. W. W., as well as a sympathizer of the "Anarchist."
On Sunday, November 24, " The spirit of the mob, a factor in revolution,"
by J. Edward Morgan.
December 1, " The anarchist's relation to the law," by Lola Ridge ; and
similar lectures are carried on in New York.
Senator Overiian. Are any of these people educated people?
Mr. Stevenson. One of the lecturers here is Hutchins Hapgood, who is a
brother of Norman Hapgood.
Senator Nelson. He is <ine of their lecturers?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes.
The interesting feature of the anarchist movement is that it was originally
associated with Karl Marx in the First International; that was the Interna-
tional Working Men's Association, which was the first attempt to gather the
radicals of all countries into one party which would direct the movement in
foreign nations and which would attempt to bring about the results sought.
The anarchists were admitted to that movement. As time went on, however,
the socialists rather got away from the radical thought of the German official
socialism, and finally the anarchists were expelled, in 1872.
An interesting feature of the International, however, at the present time,
is that when the war broke out in 1914 the International AVorking Men's
Association broke up, because a number of the socialist groups in their respec-
tive countries supported their governments, notably the German socialists ;
and. for a time, it appeared that the socialist movement had received its death
blow. But the length of the war, the extraordinary sacrifices of the peoples, and
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 19
the economic burdens that have been imposed, have revived socialist luovements,
and consequently we find the Bolshevik! of Russia setting for tlieniselves the
task of reconstructing the International.
The Bolsheviki are simply the modern manifestation of official German
socialism, to which has been added some of the principles and tactics of
syndicalism.
Senator Ovebman. And they carry the red flag?
Mr. Stevenson, And they carry the red flag.
The interest of Russia to the United States is the fact that they have deter-
mined to revive the International, and that means that they are sending their
missionaries into all parts of the w^orld.
It vcas through their influence that the German Spartacus group, headed by
Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, got their start.
Their activities in Argentine have been prominent in the daily papers.
It is particularly Interesting to note, also, that a very large area in Mexico
is now in control of the Bolsheviki — a matter which, I think, has not been gen-
erally known — and that the propaganda of the Industrial Union of North and
South America, which it is called, is being circulated in New York City and in
other cities of the United States, printed in Russian for the benefit of the Rus-
sian immigrants and Russian Jewish immigrants to this country.
I have a translation of this. It is written by John Sennzott. It sounds rather
German to me, but I do not know anything about him.
Senator Overman. Yes ; it sounds German rather than Russian.
Mr. Stevenson. Yes.
Maj. Humes. What parts of Mexico do you refer to, Mr. Stevenson?
Mr. Stevenson. Yucatan and the adjoining States.
Just to illustrate what they are telling these people in this country, I quote :
"When a man wants a house, he goes to the Building Committee. Possibly
he is told there is an empty house at such and such a place. If he does not
like it, he is registered, and when his turn comes, he is built a house according
to his wishes."
In other words, they do not use any money, and everything is done on a co-
operative basis.
Senator Nelson. By the government?
Mr. Stevenson. By the Soviet government.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Stevenson. The interesting feature of the Bolsheviki movement is that
every one of these currents that we have spoken of is now cooperating with the
Bolsheviki emissaries. We have several avowed agents of the Bolsheviki gov-
ernment here — avowed propagandists.
Senator Nelson. In this country; operating here?
Mr. Stevenson. In this country ; operating to-day.
Senator Nelson. Can you give us the names of them?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes. Two of them are American citizens. One is John Reed,
a graduate of Harvard University.
Senator Nelson. You don't say?
Mr. Stevenson. And, by the way, he is a descendant of Patrick Henry. He is
now under indictment, but has not yet been tried, for violation of the espion-
age act.
I will read from some of his speeches to give you an illustration of the type
of propaganda which he Is spreading.
Senator Overman. Are these people financed by the Russian Bolsheviki?
Mr. Stevenson. I might say that we have found money coming into this coun-
try from Russia. Money has come into this country to the head of the Finnish
branch of Bolsheviki movement in this country, Sanitori Nourotava ; and there
is reason to believe that money has come in from other sources. Some of these
matters are now being investigated, and it would not be wise to make the names
of the people or the matter public.
Senator Overman. You said there were two Americans; one is Reed, who is
the other?
Mr. Stevenson. One is Reed and the other is Albert Rhys Williams.
Senator Overman. Where is he from?
Mr. Stevenson. He is from New York, I think. I do not know where he came
from; he is an American citizen, I know. He was a newspaper man. I be-
lieve he was a correspondent in Russia before we entered the war. I offer, as
an illustration, a book or pamphlet published by The Rand School of Social
20 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Science, by Albert Rhys Williams, entitled "The Bolsheviks and the Soviets."
That is an exposition of the spendid conditions in Russia under the Soviet form
of government.
The Russian Bolsheviki have flooded America with propaganda literature, of
which an example is "A letter to American working men from the Socialist
Soviet Republic of Russia, by Nikolai Lenin," published by The Socialist Publi-
cation Society, 431 Pulaski Street, Brooklyn, N. Y., in December, 1918. It is
an appeal to the American working men to straighten up and throw off the
incubus of cnpital and to join the ranks of the Soviet government. The Rand
School of Social Science has published — and these are in English — articles by
Nikolai Lenin, entitled " The Soviets at Work." They are very extremely inter-
esting documents and very appealing.
A large number of documents are printed in Russian, Yiddish, Finnish, and
the various other languages which are spoken by large groups of our foreign im-
migrants in this country ; and besides all this, we find that the Socialist papers,
almost without exception, encourage and support this movement.
Senator Ovebman. Would it be difficult for us to get a list of all such papers
and pamphlets published, and have it put in the record?
Mr. Stevenson. It would be quite a difficult task. In the first place, the
means of the Government for collecting these papers, books, pamphlets, etc.,
are rather limited at the present time. They are scattered all over the United
States.
Senator O^-eeiian. Is any of this propaganda going through the South?
Mr. Stevenson. Why, not so much ; at least, not so much has come to our
nttention. I might call attention to the New England Leader, published in
Boston and Fitchburg, Mass., for November 23, 1918, which has an interesting
article on the first page, entitled " Capitalism fast tottering to fall — Smug capi-
talists of this Nation will lose their crowns as soon as the spirit of the prole-
tariat of Germany is contracted by the American workers." and the heading is
" The people's hour has arrived."
Senator Overman. Where Is that from?
Mr. Stevenson. That is from Boston and Fitchburg, Mass. I am sorry that I
can not call your attention to all the interesting articles in these various papers.
Senator Nelson. Have you got any Finnish paper there?
Mr. STE^'ENSON. I have. Here is a Finnish paper [exhibiting].
Senator Nelson. Where is it published?
Mr. Stevenson. Published in Astoria, Oreg. It is a very prosperous-looking
paper, published in three sections, and the name is Toverl. It has in English
in the upper right-hand corner " The circulation of the Toverl is greater than
the combined circulation of all other newspapers printed in Astoria." It is a
very substantial sheet.
Senator Overman. Is it printed in English?
Mr. Stevenson. No ; that is Finnish. I submit now copies of various
Socialistic newspapers from various parts of the country. You might be inter-
ested to look some of those over. Now, here is a paper in English, entitled
International Weekly, with a subheading " Organ of the social revolution."
That is published in Seattle, Wash. Another one is entitled " Seattle Daily
Call. To carry truth to the people."
Senator Overman. Is that in English?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes; that is in English. I am only bringing these to your
attention as scattered illustrations of the type of publications printed.
Senator Nelson. Can you give us any information about the activities of
these extreme radicals in this country ; where they have operated, and what
they have done, or \indertaken to do?
Mr. Steatinson. Up to the present time, so far as actual proof is concerned,
their activities are largely propaganda, the holding of large numbers of meet-
ings, and the distribution of radical literature.
Senator Overman. Pamphlets and newspapers?
Mr. Stevenson. Pamphlets, newspapers, books, and hand bills. For instance,
one of the methods was to print a leaflet calculated to disturb the mind of
the reader, which was put into the mail boxes of a very large number of
tenement houses — stuffed in the various mail boxes — entitled " Why you should
be a socialist," by Theresa S. Malkiel, who, by the way, was a member of
several of the pacifist societies that we spoke of yesterday.
Immediately after the signing of the armistice there was a tremendous out-
cropping of this propaganda. The number of meetings doubled, and one of
the first meetings of interest was held on November 15, 1918, by the Yorkville
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 21
agitation committee (Yorkville being a part of New York City). Comrade
Patrick Quinlan, wlio is known for liis connection with tlie I. W. W., and wlio
has served a sentence for his activities with the I. W. Vf. in Paterson, N. J.,
made a speech tliat night, in which he said :
" Do not allow the capitalists to keep the Army in Europe for the purpose
of shooting down your fellow laboring men in Germany and Russia. Do not
trust Lloyd George any more than you trust the Professor. The red flag is
flying over nearly all of Europe ; it will soon fly in France, and spread across
the English Channel, an.. e\eiitually will fly over this city and the White House,
when the Republic of L.si.or i t the World is proclaimed."
At a meeting held on January 10, 1919, at the Labor Lyceum, 949 Willoughby
Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y., Mr. John Reed, who is the
Senator Overman. The Harvard graduate?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes ; the Harvard graduate, and wlio is in this country as
the consul general of the Soviet Republic, stated, among other things
Senator Overman. That is not recognized, though?
Mr. Stevenson. No ; not recognized. He says :
" My family came to this country, botli branches, in 1607 ; one of my ancestors
was Patrick Henry, who signed the Declaration of Independence; another of my
ancestors was a general under George Washington ; and another a colonel on the
northern side in the Civil War. I have a brother, a major in the Aviation
Corps, now in France, and I am a voter and a citizen of the United States; and
1 claim the right to criticise the government as much as I please. I criticise the
form of it because I claim that it is not a democratic enough government for me.
I want a more democratic government. I consider the Soviet government in
Russia a more democratic government at tlie present time than our own gov-
ernment."
He goes on in a very long speech, the tenor of which is to justify the position
and the activities of the Soviet government, and expressing the highest praise
for it. He goes on further to say :
"Now, this war, which is supposed to have been finished up now, was sup-
posed to be a conflict between two ideas — democracy and autocracy. Well, the
war is finished, comrades, and where in Hell is the democracy? Now, in New
York City free speecii is suppressed ; Socialists are not allowed to meet ; the •
red flag is banned ; periodicals are barred from the mails, and all the evidences
of Prussianism appear."
I might point out another dangerous feature of this thing.
Maj. Htjmbs. It would suggest that tlie whole speech be put into the record.
I have glanced over it myself. It has only been referred to, but I believe it
is an interesting outline of the whole plan of their activities.
Senator Overman. Let it go in.
Mr. Stevenson. The thing that I was going to mention is that a lot of edu-
cated people, particularly a number of educated and cultured women, who
have taken an interest in what is known as " liberal ideas," have, as a form
of entertainment, the inviting of John Reed and others to come and address
them on afternoons.
SeJiator Overman. That is the man who made this speech?
Mr. STE^■ENS0N. Yes.
(The speech referred to is here printed in the record, as follows:)
Comrades and friends : I am just told that there is an order from the police
that we are not to criticise at this meeting the United States Government or the
Allies. Now I was arrested and indicted some two months ago for criticizing
the intervention of the Allies in Russia. Since that time not socialist papers
but bourgeois papers, the Nation, the Dial, the Public, and the New Republic,
the Evening Post, Jane Addams, Senator Hiram .Johnson, Senator Borah, and
other members of Congress have said a damned sight worse things than I
have, and nobody dared either arrest or indict them. I am obliged to conclude
from that that" these persecutions are directed against socialism. Now it
evidently has not come to the attention of the gentleman who gave that request
from the police that according to my information the Attorney General of the
United States has ruled that criticism of the allies does not come under the
Espionage Act, for the simple reason that we have no treaties of alliance with
any European power at the present moment, and the foreign nations, we can
criticise them all we please.
Now, I am an American, and my family has been here a good deal longer
than the families of any police. My family came to this country, both branches,
in 1607. One of my ancesters was Patrick Henry, who signed the Declaration
22 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
of Independence. Another of my ancestors was a General under George Wash-
ington, and another a Colonel on the Northern side In the Civil War, now In
France, and I am a voter and a citizen of the United States, and I ilaini the
right to criticise the government as much as I please,
I criticise the form of it. I criticise the form of it because I claim that it)
is not a democratic enough government for me. I want a more democratic
government. I consider the Soviet Government of Russia a more democratic
government at the present time than our own government, and Col. William
Royce Thompson, who is a millionaire, said the same thing three months ago,
and nobody dared touch him. Now I charge agencies of our goxernment witli
keeping from the people of the United States the truth about Russia, and
Senator Hiram Johnson said the same thing the other day in Congress. We
have also agencies of our government which have not only kept the truth from
our people, but they have given out information about Russia which is not
true, and I refer here to the Sisson documents particularly, proving that Lenine
and Trotzky received German gold, and I tell the people In this hall assembled,
and the people of the United States, and the Senate of the United States, that
proof will be offered in Congress within ten days, and it is there now, that proof
will be offered that the Sisson documents are largely forgeries. I claim that
the statement of our government, which was given by Chairman Hitchcock to
the United States Senate, to the effect that our troops were welcomed by the
people at Archangel and Vladivostok is false, and the agents of our goverimient
know that it is false. We were not welcome in either Archangel or Vladivostok
and I don't mean only our own troops but all the Allies, and I say here that the
Allied troops, British, French, and Japanese, when they landed at Vladivostok
they shot In the streets hundreds of Soviet troops, blew down buildings, put the
Soviet government in jail ; that when it was over a funeral procession of the
working people, 20,000 strong, went through the streets carrying the coffins con-
taining their dead, which they laid down in front of the British Consulate,
from which machine guns had played on the people. They made speeches say-
ing they would never forget their dead, and there, surrounded by machine .guns
and artillery, they were about to leave.
There were American cruisers in the harbor. It was the 4th of July, and
the American cruisers flew the American flag. One fif the speakers said to the
people : " See ; to-day America celebrates the anniversitry of her independence.
Let us go and appeal to America so that the Americans on this, their day of
independence, will recognize that «e are struggling for freedom." And they
carried those coflins up the hill and laid them down on the sidewalk in front
of the American Consulate, and asked that we say a word for them. And five
days later the United States Marines landed and three weeks later they were
shooting down Russians without a Declaration of War.
I want to point out another thing, and charge, as Johnson has charged in the
Senate of the United States — as Senator Hiram Johnson has charged in the
Senate of the United States — and the Dial, the Nation, the Public, the New
Republic, and the Evening Post have charged the same thing, that our govern-
ment in sending troops to Russia without a declaration of war has violated the
Constitution of the United States and has committed an illegal act, and I
charge that same thing here tonight.
Now I want to point out to you what is being done in the Baltic provinces bj
the Allies, particularly by the English. The English have taken under their
protection the so-called governments of the Baltic provinces. Those govern-
ments which were set up by who? By the people of the Baltic Provinces? No.
By the officials of Kaiser Wilhelm ; and those are the governments that the
British government is taking under its protection.
I also want to call your attention to the despatches which have been coming
through and which have not been denied, that the Brlti'sh authorities have
told the Germans to resist the onward march of the Bolshevikl, the Lettish,
the Esthonian, and the Lithuanian people who are trying to win back their own
country from the tyranny of German barons who have terrorized the Baltic
provinces for centuries. There is a very Important thing for you to remember,
and that is that what the AUies are doing at the present time in the Baltld
provinces — and I don't say our own government, because our government has
nothing to do with this — but what the Germans, the English, and the French are
doing is carrying out the provisions of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk which the
Germans imposed upon the Russian Baltic provinces — a treaty at which the
whole allied world, including us here in America, threw up its hands in horror,
such were the conditions imposed upon the Baltic provinces. And now the
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 23
allies, wlthont any further delay at all, are imposing these same conditions, or
trying to Impose them, iipon the Baltic provinces, and the only reason they can-
hot do so is that there is an international red army of Esthonians, Letts,
Lithuanians, and Russians, who are resisting them to the last.
Now this war, which is supposed to have been finished by now, was sup-
posed to be a conflict between two ideals, democracy and autocracy. Well, the
war is finished, comrades, and where in hell is the democracy? Now in New
York City free speech is suppressed. Socialists are not allowed to meet, the
red flag is banned, periodicals are barred from the mails, and all the evidences
of Prussianlsm appear. I want to ask yon, if ypu know anything about imperial
Oermany, If you had ever been to a meeting in Germany, a political meeting?
Absolutely the same phenomenon is here. The Chief of Police comes to tell you
you can't talk about so-and-so, and 100 cops in the hall ! Is that so?
Now the war Is ended, but a new war is begun, and this time it IS a war
between two ideas for the first time in history. Those two ideas are these :
There are two parties. On one side is private property and nationalism, and on
the other side is property for the people and internationalism. Now the system
of civilization, comrades, under which we live, is bankrupt at the present time.
It hasn't got a leg to stand on. It doesn't dare to permit democracy, because
if it did it would be voted out of existence. It rests, of course upon words
which do no mean what they say, and upon force.
Now In this connection I want to call your attention to a statement of
Nieholai Lenine's, which he spoke in the third congress of Soviets, after the
disposal of the Constituent Assembly, when the other members were accusing the
BolshevikI of using force. Lenine stood on the platform and said, " We are
accused of using force. We admit it. All government is merely organized force
in the hands of one class against another; but now, for the first time in history,
this organized force is being used by the working class against the capitalist
class."
On the night of second Congress of Soviets in Petrograd, when the Bolshevik!
insurrection broke out and the Provisional Government fell, the Bolsheviki
were In session in a great hall like this one, the Smolny Institute. Throu,<Jh
the windows came the sound of cannon fire, and as the evening wore and the
success of the Bolsheviki Insurrection became apparent, all the other political
parties in that convention began to walk out. One after another the leaders
walked out and their delegates followed the leaders. And Trotzky, who
noticed that among the Bolsheviki delegates who ware In the great majority,
there were a number of delegates who seemed uneasy and uncertain to see all
the other parties leaving, went to the front platform and said, " Let the com-
promisers go ; they are just so much garbage which will be swept Into the
rubbish-heap of history."
But what I want to tell you most of all is this, that when these compromising
parties walked out of the Congress of the Soviets and left the balance, the
Bolsheviki, greatly reduced, here and there a man would stand up. One said,
" I am for the Esthonian Social Democracy ; I demand a place on that platform."
Another said, " I am from the Lettish Social Democracy ; I demand a place on
that platform." A third said, " I am from the Lithuanian Social Democracy ; I
demand a place on that platform." And so it finally came to pass that represen-
tatives of the working class from all over Russia came and joined hands with
them, and that was the beginning of the Russian international, which was the
beginning of the third international of the world's workers.
I was In the Lettish country just after the (all of Rega. I was at the front
and saw the Lettish soldiers, who alone of all the 12th Army stood against the
Germans, and stood against the Germans until they were cut down, one regi-
ment 3000 to 18, and the reason they stood against the Germans was not because
they didn't like the Germans, but because they were revolutionists, and they
saw Immediately that the Germans were the representatives of a militant capi-
talism advancing on Russia. The i-eason I know that was why they stood
against the Germans is that when the Allies landed at Archangel and Vladivostok
the Corps of the two revolutionary armies sent against the Allies was composed
of Letts, which race had already sacrificed their lives so bravely.
On the 10th of November the Bolsheviki controlled the City of Petrograd.
Their headquarters was in Smolny Institute, and they were organizing the
defence of the. City against Kerensky's cossack army which was coming up
from the South. . They were cut ofC from communication with the rest of the
country. The reactionary central committee of the postal telegraph union,
the telephone workers, and the railroad workers had declared against them
24 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
and the Bolsheviki iu the Smolny Institute were cut ott from all communication
with the rest of Russia and the world. They didn't know how the army would
go. Of course they knew the condition of mind of the ai-my. They knew they
had the masses of Russian people with them, but didn't know how the thing was
actually working out, and couldn't get any information.
In the Duma — on the Xevsky Prospect the Duma was forming what they
called a Committee for the Salvation of Country and Revolution. It was com-
posed of the anti-Bolshevik forces and included the compromising socialist
party. This Committee for Salvation was in communication with Kerensky
and with the rest of Russia and was trying to rouse it against the Bolsheviki.
I ^yas in the Duma that afternoon. I left the Smolny about noon. There one
man was doing the work of ten, and people were falling down from fatigue,
sleeping three or four hours, getting up again and working, and everyone was
gloomy and depressed. When I got to the Duma everybody was feeling fine;
they thought the Bolsheviki would only last about three hours. We sat there
for a while and suddenly I looked out the window down the Nevsky ProsiDect,
and saw coming up a double file of soldiers on bicycles, and I said to myself,
" Here is the army, the loyal regiments coming in to crush the Bolsheviki," and
I went down. All the town had come out. The soldiers stopped and lined up
for a moment's rest in front of the Duma, and after a while people began to
ask questions, "What are you?" "Oh, we are the Lettish sharp-shooters."
"Where do you come from?" "We come from the front." "What are you
going to do here, capture the Smolny Institute and kick out the Bolsheviki?"
One Lett said, " Hell, no, we are here to support the Soviet ; you go back to the
Duma if you want to."
Mr. Stevenson. An extremely interesting bit of propaganda, and one which
has been used by all of the Bolsheviki newspapers, is a letter addressed to
President Wilson from the Rus.sian Soviet Government, and signed by the
" People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs, Tchictherin," which was delivered
through the Norwegian Embassy to President AYilson October 24, 1918.
Senator Nelson. Is it a long letter?
Mr. Stevenson. It is a very long thing, but it is a matter of great interest.
It is an extremely well-written document, and extremely insidious, and for that
reason it has been used by the Bolsheviki in this country. It was designed,
when sent, to be used as propaganda, and it is interesting that the first English
publication of it was in the Nation, which is owned and edited by Oswald
Garrison Villard. It was not given out by the Government of the United
States. I do not know whether you would like to have that go into the record
or not.
Maj. Humes. It is a matter which I think should go into the record. It gives
their view of our form of government, and outlines what they concede to be
their plan of government.
Senator Oveem.nn. Contrasting theirs with ours?
Maj. Hxtmes. Yes, sir.
Senator Ovekman. Put it in the record.
(The letter referred to is printed in the record as follows :)
To the President of the United States of North America, Mr. Woodrow Wilson.
Mr. Pkesident: In your message nf January 8th to the Congress of the United
States of North America, in the sixth point, you spoke of your profound sym-
pathy for Russia, which was then conducting, single handed, negotiations with
the mighty German imperialism. Your program, you declared demands the
evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions
affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other
nations of the world in obtaining for her unhampered and unembarrassed
opportunity for the independent determination of her political development and
national policy, and assure her a sincere welcome into the society of free
nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome,
assistance of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. And you
added that " the treatment accorded to her by her sister nations in the months
to come will be the acid test of their good-will, of their comprehension of her
needs as distinguished from their own interests, of their intelligent and un-
selfish sympathy."
The desperate struggle which we were waging at Brest-Litovsk against Ger-
man imperialism apparently only intensified your sympathy for Soviet Russia,
for you sent greetings to the Congress of the Soviets, which under the threat of
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 25
a German ofEensive ratified the Brest peace of violence — greetings and assur-
ances that Soviet Russia might count upon American help.
Six months have passed since thep, and the Russian people have had suffi-
cient time to get actual tests of your Government's and your Allies' good-will,
of their comprehension of the needs of the Russian people, of their intelligent
unselfish sympathy. This attitude of your Government and of your Allies was
shown first of all in the conspiracy which was organized on Russian territory
with the financial assistance of your French Allies and with the diplomatic
co-operation of your Government as well — the conspiracy of the Czecho-Slovaks
to whom your Government is furnishing every kind of assistance.
For some time attempts had been made to create a pretext for a war between
Russia and the United States of North America by spreading false stories to
the eifect that German war prisoners had seized the Siberian railway, but your
own officers and after them Colonel Robbins, the head of your Red Cross
Mission, had been convinced that these allegations were absolutely false. The
Czecho-Slovak conspiracj' was organized under the slogan that unless these
misled unfortunate people be protected, they would be surrendered to Germany
and Austria ; but you may find out, among other sources, from the open letter
of Captain Sadoul, of the French Military Mission, how unfounded this charge
is. Tlie Czecho-Slovaks would have left Russia in the beginning of the year,
had the French Government provided ships for them. For several months we
have waited in vain that your Allies should provide the opportunity for the
Czecho-Slovaks to leave. Evidently these Governments have very much pre-
ferred the presence of the Czecho-Slovaks in Russia — the results show for what
object — to their departure for France and their participation in the fighting
on the French frontier. Tlie best proof of the real object of the Czecho-Slovak
rebellion is tlie fact that although in control of the Siberian railway, the
Czecho-Slovaks have not taken advantage of this to le£tve Russia, but by the
order of the Entente Governments, whose directions they follow, have re-
mained in Russia to become the mainstay of the Russian counter-revolution.
Their counter-revolutionary mutiny which made impossible the transportation
of grain and petroleum on the Volga, which cut off the Russian workers and
peasants from the Siberian stores of grain and other materials and condemned
them to starvation — this was the first experience of the workers and peasants
of Russia with your Government and with your Allies after your promises of
the beginning of the year. And then came another experience : an attack on
North Russia by Allied troops, including American troops, their invasion of
Russian territory without any cause and without a declaration of war, the
occupation of Russian cities and villages, executions of Soviet officials and
other acts of violence against the peaceful population of Russia.
You have promised, Mr. President, to co-operate with Russia' in order to
obtain for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the inde-
pendent determination of her political development and her national policy.
Actually this co-operation took the form of an attempt of the Czecho-Slovak
troops and later, in Archangel, Murmansk and the Far East, of your own and
your Allies' troops, t() force the Russia:} people to submit to the rule of the
oppressing and exploiting classes, whose dominion was overthrown by the
workers and peasants of Russia in October, 1917. The revival of the Russian
counter-revolution which has already become a corpse, attempts to restore by
force its bloody domination over the Russian people — ^^such was the experience
of the Russian people, instead of co-operation for the unembarrassed expres-
sion of their will which you promised them, Mr. President, in your declara-
tions.
You have also, air. President, promised to the Russian people to assist them
in their struggle for independence. Actually this is what has occurred : while
the Russian people were fighting on the Southern front against the counter-
revolution, which has betrayed them to German imperialism and was threaten-
ing their independence, while they were using all their energy to organize the
defense of their territory against Germany at their Western frontiers, they
were forced to move their troops to the East to oppose the Czecho Slovaks who
were bringing them slavery and oppression, and to the North — against your
allies and your own troops which had invaded their territory, and against
the counter-revolutions organized by these troops.
Mr. President, the acid test of the relations between the United States and
Russia gave quite different results from those that might have been expected
from your message to the Congress. But we have reason not to be altogether
dissatisfied with even these results, since the outrages of the counter-revolution
26 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
In the East and Xortli have shown the \\orkers and peasants of Russia the
aims of the Russian counter-revolution, and of its foreign supporters, thereby
creating among the Russian people an Iron will to defend their liberty and
the conquests of the revolution to defend the land that it has given to the
peasants and the factories that it has given to the workers. The fall of Kazan,
Symbyrsk, Syzran, and Samara should make it clear to you, Mr. President,
what were the consequence for us of the actions which followed your promises
of January 8th. Our trials helped to create a strongly united and disciplined
Red Army, which is daily growing stronger and more powerful and which Is
learning to defend the revolution. The attitude toward us, which was actually
displayed by your Government and by your Allies could not destroy us ; on the
contrary, we are now strcmger than we were a few months ago, and your
present proposal of international negotiations for a general peace finds us alive
and strong and in a position to give in the name of Russia our consent to join
the negotiations. In your note to Germany you demand the evacuation of
occupied territories as a condition which must precede the armistice during
which peace negotiations shall begin, ^^■e are ready. Mr. President, to conclude
an armistice on these conditions, and we ask you to notify us when you, Mr.
President, and your Allies intend to remove troops from Murmansk, Archangel
and Siberia. You refuse to conclude an armistice, unless Germany will stop
the outrages, pillaging, etc., during the evacuation of occupied territories. We
allow ourselves therefore to draw the conclusion that you and your allies will
order the Czecho-Slovaks to return the part of our gold reserve fund which
they seized in Kazan, that you will forbid them to continue as heretofore their
acts of pillaging and outrage against the workers and peasants during their
forced departure (for we will encourage their speedy departure, without waiting
for your order).
Witli regard to other peace terms, namely, that the Governments which
would conclude peace must express the will of their people, you are aware that
our Government fully satisfies this condition, our Government expresses the
will of the Councils of Workmen's, Peasants' and Red Army Deputies, represent-
ing at least eighty per cent of the Russian people. This cannot, Mr. President,
be said about your Government. But for the sake of humanity and peace we
do not demand as a prerequisite of geiieral peace negotiations that all nations
participating In the negotiations shall be represented by Councils of People's
Commissaries elected at a Congress of Councils of Workmen's, Peasants' and
Soldiers' Deputies. We know that this form of Government will soon be the
general form, and that precisely a general peace, when nations will no more
be threatened with defeat, will leave them free to put an end to the system
and the clique that forced upon mankind this universal slaughter, and which
will, in spite of themselves, surely lead the tortured peoples to create Soviet
Governments, which give exact expression to their will.
Agreeing to participate at present in negotiations with even sucli Govern-
ments as do not yet express the will of the people, we W(5uld like on our part
to find out from you, Mr. President, in detail what is your conception of the
League of Nations, which you propose as the crowning work of peace. You de-
mand the independence of Poland, Serbia, P)elglum and freedom for the peoples
of Austria-Hungary. You probably mean by this that the masses of the people
must everywhere first become the masters of their own fate in order to unite
afterwards in a league of free nations. But strangely enough, we do not find
among your demands the liberation of Ireland, Egypt, or India, nor even the
liberation of the Philippines, and we would be very sorry to learn that these
people should be denied the opportunity to participate together with us, through
their freely elected representatives, in the organization of the League of Nations.
We would also, Mr. President, very much like to know, before the negotia-
tions with regard to the formation of a League of Nations have begun, what
is your conception of the solution of many economic questions which are essen-
tial for the cause of future peace. You do not mention the war expenditures —
this unbearable Imrden, wliich the masses would have to carry, unless the league
of nations should renounce payments on the loans to the capitalists of all coun-
tries. You know as well as we, Mr. President, that this war is the outcome of
the policies of all capitalistic nations, that the governments of all countries
were continually piling up armaments, that the ruling groups of all civilized
nations pursued a policy of annexations, and that it would, therefore, be ex-
tremely unjust if the masses, having paid for these policies with millions of
lives and with economic ruin, should vet pay to those who are really responsible
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 27
for tbe war a tribute for their policies ^vliicli resulted in all these couutles8
miseries.
We propose therefore, Mr. President, the annulment of the war loans as the
basis of the League of Nations. As to the restoration of the countries that
were laid waste by the war, we believe it is only just that all nations, should
aid for this purpose, the unfortunate Belgium, Poland, and Servia, and however
poor and ruined Russia seems to be, she is ready on her part to do evei-ything
she can to help these victims of the war, and she expects that American capital,
which has not at all suffered from this war and has even made many billions in
profits out of it, will do its part to help tliese peoples.
But the League of Nations should not only liquidate the present war, but also
make impossible any wars in the future. You must be aware, Mr. President,
that the capitalists of your country are planning to apply in the future the same
policies of encroachment and of super profits in China and in Siberia, and that,
fearing competition from Japanese capitalists, they are preparing a military
force to overcome the resistance which they may meet from Japan. You are no
doubt aware of similar plans of the capitalists ruling circles of other countries
with regard to other territories and other peoples. Knowing this, you will
have to agree with us that the factories, mines and banks must not be left in
the hands of private persons, who have always made use of the vast means of
production created by the masses pt the people to export products and capital to
foreign countries in order to reap super profits in return for the benefits forced
on them, their struggle for spoils resulting in imperialistic wars. We propose,
therefore, Mr. President, that the League of Nations be based on the expro-
priation of the capitalists of all countries. In your country, Mr. President,
the banks and the Industries are In the hands of such a small group of capi-
talists that, as your personal friend. Colonel Ilobbins, assured us, the arrest of
twenty heads of capitalistic cliques and the transfer of the control, which by
characteristic capitalistic methods they have come to possess, into the hands of
the masses of the people is all that would be required to destroy the principal
source of new wars.
If you will agree to this, Mr. President — if the source of future wars will
thus be destroyed, then there can be no doubt that it would be easy to remove
all economic barriers and that all peoples, controlling their means of produc-
tion, will be vitally Interested in exchanging the things they do not need for
the things they need. It will then be a question of an exchange of products
between nations, each of which produces what It can best produce, and the
League of Nations will be a league- of mutual aid of the toiling masses. It
will then be easy to reduce the armed forces to the limit necessary for the
maintenance of Internal safety.
We know very well that the selfish capitalist class will attempt to create
this internal menace, just as the Russian landlords and capitalists are now
attempting with the aid of American, English, and French armed forces to take
the factories from the workers and the land from the peasants. But, if the
American workers. Inspired by your Idea of a League of Nations, will crush
the I'esistance of the American capitalists as we have crushed the resistance
of the Russian capitalists, then neither the German nor any other capitalists
will be a serious menace to the victorious working class, and it will then suf-
fice, if every member of the commonwealth, working six hours in the factory,
spends two hoiirs daily for several months in learning the use of arms, so that
the whole people will know how to overcome the internal menace.
And so, Mr. President, though we have had experience with your promises,
we nevertheless, accept as a basis your proposals about peace and about a
League of Nations. We have tried to develop them in order to avoid results
which would contradict your promises, as was the case with your promise of
assistance to Russia. We have tried to formulate with precision your pro-
posals on the League of Nations in order that the League of Nations should
not turn out to be a league of capitalists against the nations. Should you not
agree with us, we have no objection to an " open discussion of your peac-e
terms," as your first point of your peace program demands. If you will accept
our proposals as a basis, we will easily agree on the details.
But there is another possibility. We have had dealings with the President
of the Archangel attack and the Siberian invasion and we have also had deal-
ings with the President of the League of Nations Peace Program. Is not the
first of these — the real President actually directing the policies of the American
capitalist government? Is not the American Government rather a Government
28 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
of the American corporations, of the American industrial, commercial and rail'
road trusts, of the American banks — in short, a (Jovernment of the American
capitalists? And Is it not possible that the proposals of this Government about
the creation of a League of Nations will result in new clialns for the peoples.
In the organization of an International trust for the exploitation of the workers
and the suppression of weak nations? In this latter case, Mr. President, you
will not be in a iwsition to reply to our questions, and we will say to the
workers of all countries : Beware ! Millions of your brothers, thrown at each
others throats by the bourgeoisie of all countries are still perishing on the
battlefields and the capitalists leaders are already trying to come to an under-
standing for the purpose of suppressing with united forces those that remain
alive, when they call to account the criminals who caused the war !
However, Mr. President, since we do not at all desire to wage war against the
United States, even though your Government has not yet been replaced by a
Council of People's Commissaries and your post is not yet taken by Eugene
Debs, whom you have imprisoned ; since we do not at all desire to wage war
against England, even though the cabinet of Mr. Lloyd-George has not yet
been replaced by a Council of People's Commissaries with MacLean at its
head ; since we have no desire to wage war against B>ance, even tliough the
capitalist Government of Gleraenceau has not yet been replaced by a workmen's
Government of Merheim, just as we have concluded peace with the imperialist
government of Germany, with Emperor AYilhelm at its head, whom you, Mr.
President, hold in no greater esteem than we, the ^\'ln•kmen's and Peasant's
Revolutionary Government hold you, we finally propose to you, Mr. President,
that you take up with your Allies the following questions and give us- precise
and business-like rejilies: Do the governments of the United States, England
and France intend to cease demanding the blood of tlie Russian people and
lives of Russian citizens, if the Russian people will agree to pay them a ransom,
such as a man who has been suddenly attacked pays to the one who attacked
him? If so, just what tribute do the governments of the United States, Eng-
land and France demand of the Russian people? Do they demand concessions,
that the railways, mines, gold deposits, etc., shall be handed over to them on
certain conditions, or do they demand territorial concessions, stome part of
Siberia or Caucasia, or ])eriiaps the Murmansk coast?
We expect from you, Mr. President, that you will definitely state what you
and your Allies demand, and also whether the allowance between your govern-
ment and the governments of the other entente powers is in the nature of
a combination which could be compared with a corporation for drawing divi-
dends from Russia, or does your government and the other governments of the
entante powers have each separate and special demands, and what are they?
Particularly are we interested to know the demands of your French Allies
with regard to the three billions of rubles which the Paris banlrers loaned to
the Government of the Czar — the oppressor of Russia and the enemy of his
own people? And you, Mr. President, as well as your French Allies surely
know that even if you and your allies should succeed in enslaving and covering
with blood the whole territory of Russia — which will not be allowed by our
heroic revolutionary Red Army — that even in that case the Russian people,
worn out by the war and not having sufficient time to take advantage of the
beneljts of the Soviet rule to elevate their national economy, will be unable to
pay to the French bankers the full tribute for the billions that were used by
the Government of the Czar for puiiaoses Injurious to the people. Do your
French allies demand that a part of this tribute be paid in installments, and
if so. what part, and do they anticipate that their claims will result In similar
claims by other creditors of the infamous Government of the Czar which has
been overthrown by the Russian people? We can hardly think that your Gov-
eernment and your allies are without a ready answer, when your and their
troops are trying to advance on our territory with the evident object of seizing
and enslaving our country.
The Rus.slan people through the People's Red Army, are guarding their
territory and are bravely fighting against your Invasion and against the attack
of your Allies. But your Government and the Governments of the other powers
of the Entente undoubtedly have well prepared plans, for the sake of which you
are shedding the blood of your soldiers. We expect that you will state your
demands very clearly and definitely. Should we, however, be disappointed,
should you fall to reply to our quite definite and precise questions, we wIU
draw the only possible conclusion — that we ari' justified in the assumption
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 29
that your Government and the Governments of your Allies desire to get from
the Russian people a tribute both in money and in natural resources of Russia,
and territorial concessions as well. We vdll tell this to the Russian people as
well as to the tolling masses of other countries, and the absence of a reply
from you will serve for us as a silent reply. The Russian people will then
understand that the demands of your Government and of the Governments
of your Allies are so severe and vast that you do not even want to communi-
cate them to the Russian Government.
People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs,
tchitchebin.
Mr. Stevenson. The principal publications of the Bolshevikl in New York
City are the Novy Mir
Senator Nelson. In what language is that?
Mr. STEVENSON'. Russian. The Workman and Peasant.
Senator Overman. What does "Novy Mir" mean?
Mr. Stevenson. The New Era or New Life. These are the accredited official
organs in this country of the Bolsheviki government.
The Bolsheviki have organized in this country Soviets. Each industrial cen-
ter in the United States now has its soviet.
Senator Nelson. Is that so?
Mr. Stevenson. And, of course, the plan of the propagandists is to extend
their influence until they can take on the functions of government.
Senator Nelson. What is their system of organization in each case?
Mr. Stex^enson. It is merely the election of delegates to a central committee.
That is what the soviet is.
Senator Nelson. Have they not local organizations? Have they not a local
government?
Mr. Stevenson. The central committee is the governing committee; it acts
as the government.
Senator Nelson. Consisting of delegates from these various points?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes.
Senator O^-ekman. The idea, then, is to form a government within this Gtov-
ernment?
Mr. Stevenson. Precisely.
Senator Overman. And to overthrow this Government?
Mr. Stevenson. Precisely. I think that the record should contain a copy
of the constitution of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic.
Senator Overman. Will you give us the names of some of the heads of this
soviet government?
Mr. Stevenson. In this country?
Senator Overman. Yes.
Mr. Stevenson. Those are largely foreign^-s. They are largely Russians
over here now.
Senator Nelson. That constitution ought to go in, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Overman. Let me see that.
Mr. Stevenson (handing paper to the chairman). You will find some extraor-
dinarily interesting matter there. The disfranchisement of all persons who
employ anybody or pay anyone any wages ; anyone who does that can not vote
in the Soviet government. You will find some very interesting political ideas
there.
Senator Nelson. I think that would be a good thing to go into the record.
Senator Overman. Yes; this will go in.
(The constitution referred to is printed in the record, as follows:)
[Outside of front cover.]
constitution of the RUSSIAN SOCIALIST FEDERATED SOVIET REPUBLIC.
Since intelligent judgment on the complex problems of Russia requires some
knowledge of the purpose and methods of the Soviet Government (which is one
of those rare things — a new event in history), we believe that our readers will
be glad to have this opportunity to study critically an English translation
(taken from a recent issue of the New York Tribune) of the constitution of
the Soviets. It has been generally reco^ized in America that so much progress
has been made in Russia in working out this new conception of the state and
30 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
its government. Even if the present Soviet Government should fall, or should
learn by experience to modify some of its methods, the ideas embodied In this
document are from henceforth a mighty force to be reckoned with in the world;
and the document itself may well come to rank with the great declarations of
history. 1918.
[Inside of front cover.]'
Read the following books:
The Soviets at Work, by Nicolai Lenin.
Political Parties in Russia, Nicolai Lenin.
Our Revolution, Leon Trotzky.
On Behalf of Russia, Arthur Ransom.
The Soul of the Russian Revolution, by M. Olgin.
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE RUSSIAN SOCIALIST FEDERATED
SOVIET REPUBLIC
The Soviet Constitution and Declabation or Rights and Duties.
I.
DECLARATION OF EIGHTS AND DUTIES OF LAB0EIN6 HUMANITY.
[Approved by the Commission of the Central Committee for Drafting the Constitution of
the Soviets.]
We, the laboring people of Russia, workmen, peasants, cossacks, soldiers and
sailors, united in the councils of the Workmen's, Soldiers', Peasants' and Cos-
sacks' delegates, declare in the persons of our plenipotentiary representatives,
who have assembled at the Pan-Russian Congress of Soviets, the following rights
and duties of the working and despoiled people:
The economic subjection of the laboring classes by the possessors of the
means and instruments of production, of the soil, machines, factories, railways,
and raw materials — those basic sources of life — appears as the cause of all sorts
of political oppression, economic spoliation, intellectual and moral enslavement
of the laboring masses.
The economic liberation of the working classes from the yoke of capitalism
represents, therefore, the greatest task of our time, and must be accomplished
at all costs.
The liberation of the working classes must and can be the work of those
classes themselves, who must unite for that purpose in the Soviets of the Work-
men's, Soldiers', Peasants', and Cossacks' delegates.
In order to put an end to every ill that oppresses humanity and in order to
secure to labor all the rights belonging to it, we recognize that it is necessary
to destroy the existing social structure, which rests upon private property in
the soil and the means of production, in the spoliation and oppression of the
laboring masses, and to substitute for it a Socialist structure. Then the whole
earth, its surface and its depth, and all the means and instruments of produc-
tion, created by the toll of the laboring classes, will belong by right of common
property to the whole people, who are united in a fraternal association of
laborers.
Only by giving society a Socialist structure can the division of it into hostile
classes be destroyed, only so can we put an end to the spoliation and oppression
of men by men, of class by class ; and all men — ^placed upon an equality as to
rights and duties — will contribute to the welfare of society according to their
strength and capacities, and will receive from society according to their require-
ments.
The complete liberation of the laboring classes from spoliation and oppres-
sion appears as a problem, not locally or nationally limited, but as a world
^NoTE BY Majoe Humes at time of submitting this excerpt for inclusion in
RECORD OF " Bolshevik Propaganda." — " The above form of constitution is apparently a
preliminary draft of that instrument. The final draft was adopted on July 10, 1918,
and appears in the present volume immediately preceding the Appendix at the end.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 31
problem and it can be carried out to Its end only through the united exertions
of workingmen of all lands. Therefore, the sacred duty rests upon the working
class of every country to come to the assistance of the workingmen of other
countries who have risen against the capitalistic structure of society.
A Dictatorship of the Proletariat.
The working class of Russia, true to the legacy of the Internationale, over-
threw their bourgeoisie in October, 1917, and, with the help of the poorest
peasantry, seized the powers of government. In establishing a dictatorship of
the proletariat and the poorest peasantry, the working class resolved to wrest
capital from the hands of the bourgeoisie, to unite all the means of produc-
tion in the hands of the Socialist state and thus to increase as rapidly as
possible the mass of productive forces.
The first steps in that direction were:
Abolition of property in land, declaration of the entire soil to be national
property, and the distribution of it to the workmen without purchase money,
upon the principle of equality in utilizing it.
Declaration as national property of all forests, treasures of the earth and
waters of general public utility, and all the belongings, whether animals or
things, of the model farms and agricultural undertakings.
Introduction of a law for the control of workmen and for the nationalization
of a number of branches of industry. ,
Nationalization of the banks, which heretofore were one of the mightiest in-
struments for the spoliation of society by capital.
Repudiation of the loans which were contracted by the czar's government
upon the account of the Russian people.
Arming of the laborers and peasants and disarming of the propertied classes.
Besides all this, the introduction of a universal obligation to work, for the
purpose of eliminating the parasitic strata of society, is planned.
As soon as production shall have been consolidated in the hands of the work-
ing masses, united in a gigantic association, in which the development of every
single Individual will appear as the condition for the development of all
men ; as soon as the old bourgeois state with its classes and class hatred, is
definitely superseded by a firmly established Socialist society which rests upon
universal labor, upon the application and distribution of all productive forcea
according to plan, and upon the solidarity of all its members, then, along with
the disappearance of class differences, will disappear also the necessity for the
dictatorship of the working classes and for state power as the instrument of
class domination.
These are the immediate internal problems of the Soviet republic.
Tlw Tnternntional Policies of the fioviet Republic.
In its relation to other nations the Soviet republic stands upon the principles
of the first Internationale, which recognized truth, justice and morality as the
foundation of its relations to all humanity, independent of race, religion, or
nationality.
The Socialist Soviet republic recognizes that wherever one member of the
fiimily of humanity is oppressed all humanity is oppressed, and for that reason
it proclaims and defends to the utmost the right of all nations to self-
determination and thereby to the free choice of their destiny.
It accords that right to all nations without exception, even to the hundreds
of millions of laborers in Asia, Africa, in all colonies and the small countries
who, down to the present day, have been oppressed and despoiled without pity
by the ruling classes, by the so-called civilized nations.
The Soviet republic has transformed into deeds the principles proclaimed
before its existence. The right of Poland to self-determination having been
recognized in the first days of the March revolution, after the overturn in
October the Soviet republic proclaimed the full independence, of Finland and
the right of the Ukraine, of Armenia, of all the people populating the territory
of the former Russian empire, to their full self-determination.
In its efforts to create a league — free and voluntary, and for that reason all
the more complete and secure — of the working classes of all the peoples of
Russia, the Soviet republic declared Itself a federal republic and offered to the
laborers and peasants of every nation the opportunity to enter as members with
32 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
equal rights into tlie fraternal family of the Republic of Soviets (through action
taken) independently in the plenipotentiary sessions of their Soviets, to any
extent and in whatever form they might wish.
The Soviet RcpuWc's Basis of Peace.
The Soviet republic has declared war upon war, not only in words, but also
in deeds ; and in doing so it formally, and in the name of the working masses
of Russia, announced its complete renunciation of all efforts at conquest and
annexation, as well as all thought of oppressing small nations. At the same
time, the Soviet republic, to prove the sincerity of the purposes, broke openly
with the policy of secret diplomacy and secret treaties, and it proposed to all
belligerent nations to conclude a general democratic peace without annexations
or indemnities, upon the basis of the free self-determination of peoples. That
standpoint is still firmly adhered to be the Soviet republic.
Compelled by the policy of violence practised by the imperialisms of all the
world, the Soviet republic is marshalling its forces for resistance against the
growing demands of the robber packs of international capital, and it looks to
the inevitable rebellion of the working classes for the solution of the question
of how the nations can live peacefully together. The international Socialist
rebellion alone, in which the laboring people of each state overthrow their own
imperialists, puts an end to war once for all, and creates the conditions for the
full realization of the solidarity of the working people of the entire world.
The Rights and Duties of the Workers.
Taking its stand upon the principles of the Internationale, the Soviet republic
recognizes that there can be no rights without duties, and no duties without
rights, and, therefore, proclaims at the same time, with the rights of the working
classes in a rejuvenated society, the following outline of their duties :
To fight everywhere and without sparing their strength for the complete
power of the working classes, and to stamp out all attempts to restore the
dominion of the despoilers and oppressors.
To assist with all their strength in overcoming the depression caused by the
war and the opposition of the bourgeoisie, and to cooperate in bringing about
as speedy a recovery as possible of production in all branches of economy.
To subordinate their personal and group interests to the Interests of all the
working people of Russia and the whole world.
To defend the republic of the Soviets, the only Socialist bulwark in the
capitalistic world, from the attacks of international imperialism without spar-
ing their own strength and even their own lives.
To keep in mind always and everywhere the sacred duty of liberating labor
from the domination of capital, and to strive for the establishment of a world-
embracing fraternal league of working people.
In proclaiming these rights and duties the Russian Socialist Republic of the
Soviets calls upon the working classes of the entire world to accomplish their
task to the very end, and in the faith that the Socialist ideal will soon be
achieved to write upon their flags the old battle cry of the working people.
Proletarians of all lands unite
I/ong live the Socialist world revolution !
II.
GENEBAL PROVISION OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE RUSSIAN SOCIALIST FEDERAL
EEPTJBLIC.
The fundamental problem of the constitution of the Russian Socialist Federal
republic involves, in view of the present transition period, the establishment
of a dictatorship of the urban and rural proletariat and the poorest peasantry,
the power of the pan-Russian Soviet authority, the crushing of the bourgeoisie,
the abolition of the spoliation of men by men and the introduction of Socialism
in which there will be neither a division into classes nor a state authority.
The Russian republic is the free Socialist society of all the working people
of Russia, united in the urban and rural Soviets.
The Soviets of those regions which diiferentiate themselves by a special form
of existence and national character will be united into autonomous regional
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 33
associations ruled by tlie sessioDS of the Soviets of tliose regions and their own
executive organs.
Tlie Soviet associations of the regions participate in the Russian Socialist
republic upon the basis of federation, at tlie head of whch stands the pan-
Eussian session of the Soviets and, in periods between the sessions, the pan-
Knssian central executive committee.
III.
CONCEENING THE BUSSIAN SOVIETS.
The right to vote and to be elected to the Soviets is enjoyed by the following
•citizens of the Russian Socialists Soviet republic of both sexes who shall have
completed their eighteenth year by the day of election :
All who have acquired the means of living through labor that is productive
and useful to society and are members of the trades associations, namely :
(a) Laborers and employees of classes who are employed in industry, trade
and agriculture.
(b) Peasants and Cossack agricultural laborers who hire no labor.
(c) Employees and laborers In the offices of the Soviet government.
(d) Soldiers of the army and navy of the Soviets.
(e) Citizens of the two previous categories who have to any degree lost
their capacity to work.
The following pei-pons enjoy neithei- the right to vote nor to be voted for,
even though they belong to one of the categories enumerated above, namely :
Persons who employ hired labor in order to obtain from it an increase of
profits ;
Persons who have an income without doing any work, such as interest from
■capital, receipts from property, and so on.
Private merchants, trade and commercial agents ;
Employes of communities for religious worship ;
Employes and agents of the former police, the gendarmerie corps and the
Ochrana ; also members of the dynasty that formerly ruled Russia ;
Persons who have in legal form been declared demented or mentally deficient
and also deaf and dumb persons ;
Persons who have been punished for selfish or dishonorable misdemeanors.
IV-VII.
PEINCIPLES FOB THE ADMINISTEATION OF THE RUSSIAN STATE.
The government is based upon the smallest settlements (villages and ham-
lets), the inhabitants of which may elect one representative to each 100
persons.
The rural Soviets are under the authority of the Soviets of the Wolosts (dis-
tricts), and these latter under the Soviets of the TJjesd (larger regions).
The urban and Ujesd Soviets elect delegates to .sessions of the government
•of Oblast Soviets. Each of these bodies chooses independently its own execu-
tive committee.
VIIL
CONCEENING THE PAN-EUSSIAN CONGEESS OF THE SOVIETS.
The Pan-Russian Congress of Soviets consists of representatives of the urban
Soviets (one delegate for each 25,000 voters) and representatives of the gov-
•ernment congresses (one delegate for each 125,000 voters).
The Pan-Russian Congress of Soviets will be called together by the Pan-
Russian central executive committee at least twice a year.
The extraordinary Pan-Russian Congress will be called together by the Pan-
Russian central executive committee upon its own initiative or upon the demand
of the Soviets of districts embracing at least one-third of the entire population
•of the republic.
The Pan-Russian Congress of Soviets elects the central executive committee
of not more than 200 members.
The Pan-Russian executive committee Is responsible to the Pan-Russian
Congress of Soviets.
85723—19 3
34 BOLSHEVIK Ji-KUl-AUAJNUA.
The Pan-Russian Congress of Soviets is the highest power in the republic.
In the period between its sessions that power is represented by the Pan-Russian
central executive committee.
Eleven Administrative Departments.
It is further provided that the central executive committee shall be divided
Into 11 colleges for administrative functions. There are :
Foreign policies.
Defense of the country (army and nav.y).
Social order and security (militia), census of the people, registration of so-
cieties and associations, fire department, insurance, organization of the Soviets.
Justice.
Public economy (with subsections for agriculture. Industry, and trade,
finances, railways, food supply, state property and construction).
Labor and social welfare.
Education and enlightenment of the people.
Public health.
Post, telegraph and telephone.
Federal and national affairs.
Control and auditing.
Mr. Stevenson. One could continue to give illustrations of the speeches made,
and illustrations of the character of the propaganda ; but I hardly think It
will be necessary to cumber the record with repetition.
Senator Nelson. So far, with the exception of a few cases, they are all
confined to foreigners, are they not?
Mr. Stevenson. Except that the Socialists approve of that form of govern-
ment in a great many instances.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Stevenson. And express sympathy for it in their publications, and are
cooperating with the Bolsheviki. A casual glance at some of the Socialist
papers will satisfy anyone that that is the case.
Senator Nelson. There is a. community of interest?
Mr. Stevenson. Distinctly. I think that the interesting point about the
Bolsheviki, which might be brought out, is that prior to their propaganda we
had these difCerent branches of radical thought, having somewhat conflicting
principles so that they could not cooperate.
Senator Nelson. Do you mean by that that instead of having all these organ-
izations of various kind.s that we have had in this country, the Bolsheviki in
Russia have succeeded in concentrating all the lye, one might say, into one
system?
Mr. Stevenson. Precisely, and for this reason, that all of the radical people
believe that everyone should belong to the proletariat.
Senator Nelsox. Yes.
Jlr. Stevenson. The Bolsheviki say "Everything should belong to the prole-
tariat ; the proletariat should take control now, and we will work out our theory
afterwards." That makes a common platform for all of these radical groups
to stand on, because the anarchist feels that if the proletariat gets control he
can effect his theory, and the same is true of the various other groups of
radical thinkers.
Senator Nelson. Then they have really rendered a service to the various
classes of reformers and progressives that we have here in this country, have
they not?
Mr. Stevenson. Apparently.
Senator Nelson. In concentrating their doctrines into one formula?
Mr. Stevenson. They have.
* * * * * * *
Maj. Humes. You have outlined In a general way the activities of the radical
groups in this country, and from your study of the cause advocated by the
radical groups in this country that you have referred to and what they are
contending for, and your knowledge of the Soviet government In Russia and the
activities in Russia, is It or is It not a fact that the elements that you have
referred to In this country are the same elements that are now at war with and
fighting In the field against American soldiers in Russia?
Mr. Stevenson. They are the same element.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 35
Senator Nelson. They are not exactly the same crowd, but they have the
same gospel?
Mr. Stevenson. They are even the same crowd, Senator, because John Reed
is the accredited representative of that government.
Senator Nht-son. In this country?
Mr. Stevenson. In this country ; and Albert Rhys Williams admits that he
is a propagandist for that government in this country.
Senator Nelson. Is Reed the official representative here?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Has !ie knocked at the door of the State Department?
Mr. Ste\'enson. I believe that he tried to. I am not sure. I know that among
his effects, however, he had the official forms supplied by the Soviet govern-
ment for Soviet marriages and divorces, and all that sort of thing.
Maj. Humes. What are the forms and the requirements for marriages and^
divorces under the Soviet government in Russia?
Mr. Stevenson. Simply a statement before the proper commissary that they^
want to be married or that they want to be divorced.
Senator Overman. Do they have as many wives as they want?
Mr. Stevenson. In rotation.
Maj. Humes. Polygamy is recognized, is it?
Mr. Stevenson. I do not know about polygamy. I have not gone into the
study of their social order quite as fully as that.
Senator Nelson. That is, a man can marry and then get a divorce when he
gets tired, and get another wife?
Mr. Stevenson. Precisely.
Senator Nelson. And keep up the operation?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes.
Senator Overman. Do you know whether they teach free love?
Mr. Stevenson. They do.
Ma.i. Humes. Can a divorce be secured upon the application of one party to
the marriage, or has it to be by agreement?
Mr. Stevenson. I think by one party.
Maj. Humes. By either party?
Mr. Stevenson. By either party.
Maj. Humes. They can renounce the marital bond at will?
Mr. Stevenson. Precisely.
Maj. Humes. Do you know whether or not the element that is active in this
country is advocating the same thing here in their public speeches, or their
literature?
Mr. Stevenson. In considerable of the literature some of the element has
done so. I will not say that all have.
Maj. Humes. The committee asked you yesterday to rearrange the "Who's
Who." Has that work been completed so that it can be submitted to the com-
mittee?
Mr. Stevenson. It has been practically completed, Major.
Maj. Humes. You have not fully completed it?
Mr. Stevenson. We will have it completed very shortly. It is more of a task
than I realized at first.
Maj. Humes. But it will be completed for submission for the -record later in
the day?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes.
Maj. Humes. I think that Is all I have to ask, unless the committee has
something further.
Senator Overman. You think this movement is growing constantly in this
country?
Mr. Stevenson. I think so.
Senator Overman. Rapidly or slowly?
Mr. Stevenson. I think it is growing rather rapidly, if we can gauge it by the
amount of literature that is distributed and the number of meetings held. It is
a very indefinite sort of thing. It Is extremely difficult to state how effective
these sheets are.
Senator Overman. You have not discovered that it is growing among the
American population; it is more among the foreigners, is it not?
Mr. Stevenson. Well, the Rand School of Social Science publishes all of these
works, like the Letters from Lenin, and that sort of thing, and that is made up
very largely of American citizens, such as Charles Andrew Beard, Henry Wads-
worth Dana, Algernon Lee, and Scott Nearing.
36 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
Senator Kklsox. Do you reRarrl this propaganda as a menace to our country?
Mr. Ste\'enson'. Decidedly. I conceive it to be the gravest menace to the
country to-day.
Senator Oveeman. Tour idea is that these people are conducting In tlii.s coun-
try an organization within this country for the overthrow of its Government,
carrying the red flag, and with the cry "Down with capitalists" as the prin-
cipal teaching?
Blr. Stevenson. That is true.
Senator Nelson. You have given us a good diagnosis. Now, can you give us
any remedy or suggest any remedy for It?
Mr. STE^fENsoN. It strikes me, Senator, that there are several things which
might be done.
In the first place, I think that the foreign agitators should be deported. I
think the bars should be put up to exclude seditious literature from the country.
There is practically no way now to stop this material from coming in.
I think that American citizens who advocate revolution should be punished
under a law drawn for that purpose.
Senator Overman. Then you will hear somebody in the Senate talking about
freedom of speech, will you not?
Mr. Stevenson. Yes ; but revolution is somewhat different from freedom of
speech.
I think, however, that that would not be sufficient. I think that one of the
things that must be carried on is a counter-propaganda campaign.
Senator Nelson. An educational campaign?
Mr. Stevenson. A campaign of education. I think that you must employ the
same weapons that they employ.
The thing that has impressed me more than anything else is that you see all
of these papers, all of these documents, and you hear of all of these speeches
and meetings, and you do not see a scratch of the pen that reaches these people,
hardly, to disprove the arguments which are put forth by these papers.
Senator Nelson. But do you find much in our public press, the daily press,
the weekly press, or our monthlies, that calls the attention of the American
people to these things and points out the danger of them?
Mr. Stevenson. Not until very recently. Senator. We have seen this move-
merit grow up for the last year and a half in the foreign-language press, and
now it has extended to all these other papers. It seems to me that our teachers
in the public schools should be trained to combat this thing; and still further,
I think if you go back into history you will find a very Interesting parallel in
the United States to the condition which we find here now. You will remember
that in about 1791 or 1792 or 1793, somewhere along there, we had the great
whisky rebellion in western Pennsylvania. That whisky rebellion was brought
about through the agitation of civil liberties bureaus, which were the reflex of
the Jacobean clubs in France, and In the Life of Washington by John Marshall,
he makes a very interesting observation on the fact that as soon as Eobespiere
was guillotined In France, and the Jacobean clubs lost their power. Immediately
in the United States there came the dissolution of these democratic societies.
And it seemed to be that there was a lesson for us to-day In that : That so long
as the Bolsheviki control and dominate the millions of Europe, so long that is
going to be a constant menace and encouragement to the radical and dissatisfied
elements In this country.
* * K: ^i- * ,( 4:
Thereupon the subcommittee proceeded to take testimony.
TESTIMONY OF ME. WILLIAM CHAPIN HUNTINGTON.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Maj. Humes. Doctor, where do you reside?
Mr. HtTNTiNGTON. With my parents in Elizabeth, A". J.
Maj. Humes. Are you connected with any department of the Gov-
ernment ?
Mr. Huntington. With the Department of Commerce.
Senator WoLCOTT. May I interrupt ? Doctor, what is your degree?
Mr. Huntington. Doctor of engineering.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. v3X
Maj. Humes. From what institution?
Mr. Huntington. From the Royal Technical College, Aix la
Chappelle, in Ehenish Prussia.
Ma]. Humes. Have you a degree from any institution in this
country ?
Mr. Huntington. From the Columbia University; mechanical
engineer.
Senator Wolcott. Your degree from the foreign institution was a
postgraduate degree?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir; a postgraduate degree.
Senator Wolcott. What is your degree from Columbia ?
Mr. Huntington. Mechanical engineer.
Senator Wolcott. And your foreign degree is doctor of engineer-
ing?
Mr. Huntington. Engineering.
Maj. HuJiEs. Were you attached to the American Embassy in Pet-
rograd at any time?
Mr. Huntington. I was designated to the embassy as the commer-
cial attache of the Department of Commerce.
Maj. Humes. During what period of time were you serving in
that capacity?
Mr. Huntington. From June, 1916, until September, 1918.
Maj. Humes. Were you in Russia during all that time?
Mr. Huntington. During the entire period.
Maj. Humes. In what parts of Russia were you during that period?
Mr. Huntington. I began my work in Petrograd. Subsequently,
following instructions of my department, I traveled over, in the
summer of 1916, very nearly the whole of European Russia, that is
from Archangel as far south as Tiflis in the Caucasus, and as far
west as Finland, and down the Volga.
Senator Nelson. Were you in the Ukraine?
Mr. Huntington. At that period, yes, sir ; in 1916.
Senator Nelson. And in Little Russia ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, that is practically the same thing.
Senator Nelson. And in Great Russia ?
Mr. Huntington. In Great Russia, yes. That is the part which
contains Petrograd and Moscow.
Senator Overman. Go ahead.
Mr. Huntington. Following that trip about Russia, which con-
sumed something over two months at that* time, I remained in Petro-
grad, only visiting Moscow for a period of time ; and then in February
of 1918, when the allied embassies all left Petrograd, I was sent out
by Mr. Francis, the American ambassador, to Siberia. So that in the
months of March and April, 1918, 1 lived in Siberia.
I returned again, on instructions of the ambassador, from Siberia
to Moscow, arriving there about the 1st of May, 1918, and remained
in Moscow until the 26th of August, when the American consulate
general, the Italian consulate general, the military mission, with
certain exceptions, one man in each case, and the IBelgians, repre-
sented, as it finally happened, by one man, their consul general, were
permitted to leave, with the American civilians, the confines of Rus-
sia.
Senator Nelson. Wliere did you go in Siberia?
38 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. HuNTixGTOx. Primarily to Irkutsk, which is the capital of
Eastern Siberia.
Senator Nelson. That is in the eastern part of Siberia, on the west
side of Lake Baikal ?
Mr. Huntington. Irkutsk, yes. I have also been around the lake
once, and I also went to Verkhne Udinsk.
Senator Nelson. Were you at Kiakhata ?
Mr. Huntington. I have never been there.
Senator Nelson. Were you down the river at all ?
Mr. Huntington. Although I have been on the river on a boat, I
ha\-e never been on it to go for any distance.
Senator Nelson. Were you down as far as the station at the mouth
of the Usuri River?
Mr. Huntington. No, sir.
Maj. Humes. Will you state what the conditions were as you ob-
served and found them during your stay in Russia, and especially
outline and give the committee any facts that you have in reference
to the actual application of the Soviet government after the revolu-
tion. Outline the conditions just as you found them from time to
time at the various points you are familiar with.
Senator Wolcott. Before you proceed to answer that question:
You say that jou left Moscow along with members of the Italian
consulate and others?
Mr. Huntington. There was a special train made up on that occa-
sion, composed of the staff of the American consulate general, of
American citizens who comprised chiefly, but not all, the employees
of the Y. M. C. A. and of the employees of the National City Bank,
which had a considerable staff, and a few others; the Italian repre-
sentatives, chiefly the Italian military mission, with their wives, and
the Belgians. *
As a matter of fact, only one Belgian, the consul general, came.
They had not a very large representation in the country at that time.
They were the three nationalities to go on that train.
Senator Wolcott. You used the expression that you were permit-
ted to leave. Were these various officials required to leave, in any
wise ? Were they requested to leave, or was the desire on their part
to leave, and was it that they got the permission to get this train
and thus get out?
Mr. Huntington. Yes; the last is the case. They had arrived at
a sort of impasse where they were no longer able to perform their
functions; so they requested, through the neutral powers — that is,
each one of the allied Governments was at that time under the pro-
tection of a neutral power, and they requested — permission to leave
the country. I say " finally allowed to leave," because there were
some negotiations on the subject, and the leaving was made con-
tingent upon certain counter concessions to the representatives of
the Bolsheviki government in other countries. This is a chapter of
the political history which, unless you care to have me, I will not go
into.
Senator King. The fact is that they murdered — the Bolsheviki
murdered — the British representative, and they made the lives of
the representatives of the other nations, including our own ambassa-
dor, so intolerable, and there was such a constant menace over them,
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 39
that they were compelled to leave? Is not that a fact, that they mur-
dered the British officer? I will ask you that first. I had several
questions in one.
Mr. Htjntington. Rather than to answer that directly, I should
say that a party of the Bolsheviki Eed Guard, under a commissar,
came to the British Embassy and eame into the embassy, which of
course is always recognized as the ground, in every part of the civil-
ized world, of the power at home — that is, the British Embassy or
the American Embassy is a piece of British soil or of America, as
the case may be, in the foreign country — they came in with arms,
intent on making a raid on the embassy, whereupon the British naval
officer in question, who was there, warned them to leave. They came
on and he opened fire on them, defending his own embassy.
Senator Nelson. Were you there, and did you see that?
Mr. Huntington. No, sir. At that time I was some miles from
Petrograd, a very short distance away, in a border town at the Fin-
nish border, the name of which in English is White Island. It is
about a half an hour distant from Petrograd. The news was brought
to us at that point.
Senator King. The officer was killed?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
. Senator King. You did not state that fact.
Mr. Huntington. Yes; of course he was killed.
Senator King. Our ambassador is not there, in Petrograd or in
Moscow ?
Mr. Huntington. At this moment?
Senator King. Yes.
Mr. Huntington. Oh, no sir.
Senator King. He and others were driven out, or conditions were
so intolerable that they left, many, many months ago ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes; the conditions were made such that they
could not remain.
Senator King. And one of our representatives now is in jail, or
imprisoned by the Soviet, or by the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Huntington. I understand that the former United States
consul in Petrograd is in prison in Turkestan.
Senator Nelson. Did you meet Mr. Leonard, of Minnesota, who was
attached to the service over there?
Mr. Huntington. Yes ; on a number of occasions.
Senator Steeling. Is Ambassador Francis in Russia still?
Mr. Huntington. No, sir ; he has been in London, and was called,
so the newspapers stated, to Paris for a conference with our repre-
sentatives there. Whether he has returned to London I am not cer-
tain. I know no more of his movements there than what the news-
papers have told us.
Senator Steeling. He remained there some time after the other
legations had left ?
Mr. Huntington. In Russia ?
Senator Steeling. In Russia; not at Petrograd, but in Russia?
Mr. Huntington. I should explain that, sir, by saying that the
allied ambassadors and ministers in council had agreed at one time
to leave Petrograd, and had about agreed to leave the country ; that
some of them took steps to do so; that Ambassador Francis finally
4,0 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAilDA.
decided not to leave Kussian soil, but transferred his embassy to a
town about 360 or 360 miles east of Petrograd, called Vologda.
Senator Nelson. That is at the railroad junction on the route from
Archangel to East Siberia?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, it is at the junction between the north and
south route to Archangel and the east and west route to Siberia.
There he was joined by the other allied representatives.
Senator Nelson. How far east of Petrograd is that point?
Mr. Huntington. My memory tells me it is 360 mUes. I think
I am nearly right.
Senator Nelson. Yes; and it is about due south from Archangel?
Mr. Huntington. Very nearly due south.
Senator Nelson. What is the distance from Archangel ?
Mr. Huntington. It is very nearly the same ; perhaps a little more.
The total distance to Archangel is 760 miles, so that I should say it
was about 400 miles from Archangel to Vologda.
Senator Sterling. Do you know whether any of the other repre-
sentatives were intercepted in their attempts to get out of the country,
or delaj'ed by the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Huntington. In February, do you mean, or do you mean later
on in the last time ; in the last of August, when I described the de-
parture of the Americans, Italians, and Belgians ?
Senator Steeling. On either occasion were they delayed or pre-
vented?
Mr. Huntington. About the time in February I can not state in
detail, or from direct personal knowledge, since I left on the train
which took most of the American representatives out east, and was
sent subsequently with that train by the ambassador to Siberia.
Senator Overman. Why did the American representatives leave?
Mr. Huntington. At that time, sir?
Senator Overman. Yes ; at any time. Why did they leave Kussia ?
Mr. Huntington. There were two situations existing, if I may be-
allowed to say, at those times.
Senator Overman. Yes; that is what I want to know. Why did
they leave there ? We were at peace with them.
Mr. Huntington. So far as February was concerned, the immedi-
ate cause of leaving Petrograd was the feared German advance on
the town. The Germans were very near by in the Baltic Provinces,,
and the advices were such as to cause very great fear that they
would come to Petrograd. That was shared more or less by all, and
it was the cause also of the removal of the Bolshevik government
from Moscow at the same period.
Senator King. Senator Overman wants to know why our repre-
sentatives and the representatives of other nations finally left Eussia.
Mr. Huntington. Why they left Petrograd at that time?
Senator King. No ; why did the representatives leave Russia at all ?
Why are not the representatives of foreign Governments there now ?
Mr. Huntington. Simply because their treatment of the foreign
Governments is such as to make functioning as a Government repre-
sentative there at this moment impossible.
Senator Nelson. Were they not actually ordered out of the coun-
try, finally? Now, is not this the situation, that when they were
threatened with the German advance to Petrograd, the Bolshevik
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. , 41
government and the foreign representatives all retired to Moscow
and remained there for a while, and finally the foreign representatives
were compelled to leave Moscow ?
Mr. Huntington. Not quite so, Senator. In February, when the
German advance was expected, the American Embassy divided into
two parts, a larger part and a smaller part, the smaller part con-
taining the ambassador and one or two officers who stayed with him,
and the larger part, containing some of the citizens — the conditions
in Eussia having become very anarchical at that time, so that it was
thought very dangerous for the average person who had not official
business there to remain — we sent east in trains thatv passed out finally
through Siberia. The remaining, smaller section of the embassy
staff, composed of the ambassador and two or three of his secretaries,
proceeded after a day or two — those dates could be supplied — to the
town of "Vologda and remained there until, I should say — I should
wish to check this date absolutely ; it will be on file here in the appro-
priate department — I think until July, when the ambassador and the
allied embassies and legations left Vologda for Archangel.
Senator Nelson. Vologda is northeast of Moscow, is it not?
Mr. HtTNTiNGTON. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. About how far?
Mr. Huntington. About 250 miles.
Senator Nelson. So that our people retired from Moscow up to
that railroad junction?
Mr. Huntington. No, sir; our embassy at that time did not go to
Moscow. Our embassy, what was left of it,- was directed to Vologda.
The representatives that we had in Moscow were those of the Ameri-
can consulate general always stationed at that place and who did not
change their station.
Senator Nelson. Among them was Mr. Leonard?
Mr. Huntington. Mr. Leonard was a vice consul on the staff of
the American consul general.
Senator Overman. Were you there when Mr. Summers died?
Mr. Huntington. Mr. Summers died while I was en route to join
him. I learned of his death while passing through Vologda, on the
way to Moscow.
Senator King. Would you prefer, Doctor, to proceed in your own
way, giving a narrative and your testimony chronologically, or to
submit to these rather irregular interruptions, which must disturb
the chronological sequence of it?
Mr. Huntington. I had thought, if it was agreeable to you, to
make a brief chronological record and then submit to any cross-
examination.
Senator King. I suggest, Mr. Chairman, that he go on in that way.
Senator Overman. Proceed in that way, Mr. Huntington.
Mr. Huntington. As I understand it, what I am asked to appear
here and do is to tell as honestly and truthfully as I may what I know
of the theory aiid practice of the so-called Bolsheviki government in
Eussia.
I was sent to Eussia in 1916 as a commercial attache of the Depart-
ment of Commerce, accredited to the American Embassy. That
means that I was sent there as a Government employee. I had been
previously for two years in the Government employ in similar work.
42 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
I was sent to Russia to do my part in developing Russian- American
trade relations.
I took, up my quarters in the American Embassy, where my office
was situated, and was in constant touch with the ambassador and the
embassy's staff, so that I had rather unusual opportunities to observe
and study.
I spent eight months under the so-called regime — that is, under
the regime of the Czar Nicolas, from June, 1916, to March, 1917. On
the Russian New Year's Day, 1917, I was presented, with the other
members of the staff, to the Emperor.
In March the same Emperor had abdicated, and a very nearly
bloodless revolution took place, after which, first, the provisional gov-
ernment of Russia was formed. I then lived under this government
and its successors from March until November of 1917.
In November of 1917 came, after long preparation, the coup d'etat
of the so-called Bolshevik party, and this coup d'etat was successful ;
and I then lived under the Bolshevik regime from November of 1917
until September 1, to be accurate, of 1918.
Senator Nelson. Was it not the Kerensky government that suc-
ceeded the Czar's government in March, until November ?
Mr. Huntington. It is most often called the Kerensky government
because of the fact that Kerensky's name was the outstanding name.
Kerensky was npt the premier of the first provisional government,
but sat in it as the minister of justice, and his star was a rising one.
His influence grew, or the influence which was attributed to him, so
that in the succeeding combinations
Senator Nelson. I do not want to interrupt you, only my under-
standing is, and I want to bring that before you, that the real
Bolshevik government did not succeed until in the fall of 1917.
Mr. Huntington. That is very clear, sir. They did not come in —
were not able to gain the power — until eight months after the Rus-
sian revolution in March, 1917.
Beginning with June of 1916, and from that time onward, I had,
first, upwards of two months in Petrograd, and then over two months
traveling. The country was at war. At that period we were not, so
that the contrast was especially sharp to me who had come from a
peace country.
The transportation system was hopelessly overloaded. Russia is
weakly economically developed for her size, anyhow, being chiefly a
peasant country, a farming country, although some phases of indus-
try are strongly developed. But in general the economic and busi-
ness apparatus is a weak one.
The transportation was overloaded, which caused food difficulty.
In manufacturing, munition manufacturing was going on as best
they could, but still not enough. There was profiteering ; there was
corruption ; there were reports widely circulated of German intrigue
in high circles. The country at large was hard at work at war. Or-
dinary society as we know it was very much disturbed, mothers and
daughters of families being in the hospitals, and the fathers and
sons being at the front.
The losses were very great, and there were all the attendant conse-
quences of war.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 43
Senator Wolcott. May I interject a question here? From your
observation do you think you are prepared to express an opinion as
to the wholeheartedness oi the Russian people who came under your
observation, in support of the war at that time ?
. Mr. Huntington. Those with whom I came in contact in the
towns, yes. The Russian peasant with whom I had contact as time
went on was, as the Russian peasant is, as a man, a local man, a man
with a very narrow vision, a man who has never had any oppor-
tunity, and as far as that permitted he was interested in the war. It
was always pointed out, universally, that the war as compared to
the very disastrous Japanese war, was a popular war, a people's war.
Senator Wolcott. So that you think the statement that before the
Czar abdicated the Russian people were as enthusiastic in favor of
the war as could be, to be a just statement, do you ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator Overman. Proceed with your story.
Mr. Huntington. At that time I traveled throughout Russia, and
in going through the provincial towns was able to go into many shops
and stores as a commercial traveler, so to speak, and to see the absence
of goods; was able to see the building operations held up, large
buildings in various parts of Russia, in the large towns, with scaffold-
ing about them, that could not go on for lack of material and labor;
was able to see how overloaded the railroads were ; was able to see the
graft which was used to get shipments made ; was able to see the work
which the Zemstvo organizations were doing, and without which the
war would not have gone on — they and the war industry committees
were in helping the Government ; was able to see how hard hit, under
the surface, Russia was, as a weakly organized economic and manu-
facturing country, having to put into the field the millions of soldiers
which she did.
Senator Nelson. You speak and understand the Russian language?
Mr. Huntington. For ordinary conversational purposes, and for
reading the newspapers, yes. For reading economic books, yes. To
gain a perfect knowledge of the language several years would be
required, and I do not claim to have a perfect knowledge of the lan-
guage.
Senator Steeling. I would like to have you at some time — you may
have it in mind to do so later — describe the Zemstvo and the authority
of the Zemstvo, and how it is constituted.
Mr. Huntington. I think that could be brought out later. I
should prefer, myself, to have documents to explain that.
Senator Steeling. Very well.
Senator Oveeman. Go on with your story.
Mr- Huntington. This situation which I have described, the bad
transportation, and the heavy load of the war, failure on the front
due to the lack of materiel, the soldiers not being provided with arms
and elementary things which they needed, went on. As the winter
drew on, the effect of this grew every day. I lived in an apartment,
and was able, through my servants, who taught me my first Russian,
to find out what difficulties they had in getting food in the shops.
Finally, in February and March the situation got to a head. A
general strike broke out of the workmen.
Senator Wolcott. This was in 1917?
44 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. HiTNTiNGTON. 1917. They could not quell it. The food ques-
tion was too acute. There was a universal feeling amongst the masses
that there was corruption; that nothing was being done. I had that
at that time from the servants, from the common people of the em-
bassy and my house, with whom I had come in contact. It was
talked about in stores and shops, and on the streets, that there was
corruption, and that the Germans were keeping food from the
people, and that sort of thing. There were parades in these strikes,
and Cossack soldiers were ordered out to stop those parades. For-
merly, in years gone by, they would have drawn their weapons and
would have fired, if necessary. At this time they did neither. They
rode up onto the sidewalks very gently and pushed people off without
hurting anybody. If they gathered too much they grinned. They
did not hurt anyone. It was freely stated to me by the people, by my
servants, that they would not fire, and it was known that they would
not fire; and before any of us who had not been through similar
things before, knew it, there was mutiny in the regiments at Petro-
grad followed by some street fighting. Then came the fighting with
the police, the old police, which was the hardest fighting of all, with
machine guns. They fought from the housetops.
In a few days it was all over, and ,the first provisional government
was formed from a committee of the Duma, which was the only i-ep-
resentative organization that they had.
Alongside of this provisional government there was immediately
formed the organization of the Soviets, so-called — " soviet " being the
Russian word for " council " — of workmen and soldiers, on the model
and pattern of the Soviets of 1905. These were primarily a move-
ment of the so-called social democrats, primarily socialistic and not
Bolshevistic, at that time. They aspirecl to put through policies and
exercise an influence on the government. They did not aspire, at that
period, to have members in the government, so far as I know, except-
ing their member, Kerensky, who served as a link between them and
the provisional government, sitting in both organizations.
Senator Nelson. Tell us what the Soviets were. You have not
done that yet.
Mr. Huntington. The word soviet is merely the Eussian word for
council. The Soviets were a form of group organizations which came
about first in the revolution of 1905, at the time of the Russo-Japa-
nese War, and which was not successful.
In the revolution of 1917 the Soviets were by men who were inter-
ested in this movement, formed, and immediately put one of their
number, Kerensky, into the provisional government which was
formed at the same time. They were not themselves the govern-
ment, nor did they at that time aspire to be, but they aspired, as a
political outer organization, to influence the government.
Senator Nelson. It seems to me that your description, right here,
is a little wrong. The situation is this, that the Russian peasants
settled in villages and communities, called mirs, and those Soviets are
organizations of those local communities. They constitute the Soviets.
Those organizations of these local communities constitute the soviet,
and these local communities send the representatives to the general
soviet at the headquarters. Now, is not that the case ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 45
Mr. Huntington. Yes; that grew to be somewhat the case except
that, if only because of the very hugeness of the country and the
ignorance of the peasants, it was never possible to organize them
well, in fact.
Senator Nelson. But your explanation did not cover that.
Mr. Huntington. I did not intend, primarily, Senator, to go into
this, because I did not care to specialize on this point, because I
wanted to speak more on the economic side.
Senator Nelson. Well
Mr. Huntington. The soviet organizations began in the great
cities ; began chiefly in Petrograd, which is the political center. They
subsequently extended throughout the country. The trained leaders
of the movement were in the towns, not in the country.
The movement at first did not even include the peasants ; not even
in its title. It was called " The Soviet of the Workmen and Soldiers.''
Of course, very many soldiers were peasants. Subsequently the titles
of many local Soviets were changed to include the word " peasants."
Presently the word " Cossack " was also used, but at that time in
Petrograd the organization was not as developed as it subsequently
became. There had not been time to extend it.
Now, the new provisional government which came into power at
that time found itself faced by the conditions which I have recited
to you as having been seen by me from the time of my arrival in 1916,
conditions of economic breakdown, breakdown of transportation and
business and manufacturing, in a country weakly economically devel-
oped, and at that time carrying on the greatest war in its history,
with millions of men in the field, and unable to back those men up
with arms, railway cars, and equipment. There was also the further
difficulty of the so-called dual authority, that is of a government, but
at the same time, along beside that government, the organization of
the Soviets which aspired to control it and had their central executive
committee in Petrograd, their local Soviets, as you say, in the prov-
inces ; that was a political conflict which went on and which resulted
in the changes from one government to the next which I would pre-
fer not to discuss, since there are political students who can do that
better than I, and resulted in the changing of the composition of the
first government, resulted in their resignation and their replacement
by other men. and resulted in the prominence, for a time, of Keren-
sky, and finally resulted in the Bolshevik coup d'etat of November.
in July of 1917 the situation had already, with the economic con-
ditions growing constantly worse, become so tense that the Bolshe-
viks, as the slang phras'e goes, tried their movement on, and there
was for several days, in Petrograd, anarchy. That is, the government
went into hiding, could not be found during that period, and troops,
the local garrison, marched in the streets, groups of irresponsible
men went around in motor trucks with machine guns, men were
up in the top floors of houses, shooting out of the windows, etc.
The only result of that was 16 dead horses, which I counted in the
so-called Liteiny Prospect, one of the principal streets, and a Cos-
sack funeral, the Cossacks having been sent out to bring kbout order.
The Bolshevik group was active always in the soviet organization.
The soviet, as I explained to you, was a movement primarily of
workmen of the cities, later expanded to the peasants, and it was
46 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
predominantly Menshevik — that is, the opposite of Bolshevik. The
Bolsheviki were represented in' the soviet, took part in the debates,
stood for certain principles, were outvoted and were a minority party
in the soviet.
Senator King. There were some bourgeois in the original soviet?
Mr. Huntington. In the original Soviets there were verj' few. I
do not know of any so-called bourgeois except for some intellectuals
like Kerensky, if you like, and men of that type.
I should qualify that, and say if you mean by bourgeois, the edu-
cated men who have had greater opportunities in life, yes; there
were several of those.
Senator Nelson. Can you tell us how the Bolshevik revolution
broke out in November, 1917? Can you tell us anything about that?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir; I think so. I was present the entire
time.
After the " try-on " in July, which failed because the spirit was not
worked up sufficienth', yet, to make it win, thej' were quiet for a
time, and we went through further changes in the structure of the
nominal government.
Senator Nelson. By that, you mean the provisional government?
Mr. Huntington. I mean the provisional government headed by
Kerensky.
Senator Nelson. Now, you have skipped an interregnum there,
my friend. Under the Kerensky government they continued to make
further war on German}' and to keep on, until finally the army of
soldiers refused to fight and became demoralized. That was before
the revolution of November, 1917. Now, is not that a fact?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir; that is a fact. The changes in Petro-
grad, the changes in the central government, had not been without
influence on the army, very naturally, since war was the chief prob-
lem before the government at that time, aside from being fed, and
the change from the old regime, the change of discipline, the taking
away of the former command, and the introduction into the army, by
idealists like Kerensky, of untried principles of discipline, all con-
spired to bring about disintegration and lack of interest. That was
backed up constantly by the Bolshevik propaganda. The Bolshe-
viki were working in the city of Petrograd principally, which was,
of course, also the political head of Russia, and at the front, to
break down the spirit of war, the spirit of carrying on the war, with
Germany.
Senator King. Pardon me, right there. Kerensky, Rodzianko,
and Prince Lvoff, those who were controlling the provisional gov-
ernment, were strong allies of France and England, and the op-
ponents of the central powers, and anxious for Russia to do her part
in the great struggle for the defeat of the central powers ?
Mr. Huntington. There is no question about that.
Senator King. And Germany had spies and agents in Russia, and
they conspired with traitors in Russia for the purpose of disorganiz-
ing the army, undermining the morale of the Russian people and
finally compelling the withdrawal of Russia from participation in
the war ?
Mr. Huntington. That is correct, sir.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 47
Senator King. And the Bolsheviks were there leading the treason
against their own government and against the allies ?
Mr. Huntington. The Bolsheviks are internationalists, and they
were not interested in the particular national ideals of Russia.
Senator Overman. What was the nature of the propaganda?
Can you tell us what that was?
Mr. Huntington. Sending agitators, so called, and pamphlets,
to the troops in the army throughout the campaign, telling them if
they were to keep on fighting, they were fighting for imperialistic
and selfish aims of world power by the allies, who were practically
just as selfish in their aims as Germany was in hers. Also advising
peasant soldiers to go home so as not to lose their share of the land
which, they said, was being divided up.
Senator King. Including the United States?
Mr. Huntington. Including the United States.
Senator King. They made as bitter an attack upon our Government
as they did upon England and France ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator King. And their object was to destroy us as it was to de-
stroy the other allied Governments?
Mr. HuNTiNGTON; Yes.
Senator Oveeman. Can you tell us anything about their pamphlets
and speeches?
Senator King. Just one question.
Senator Overman. Ygs.
Senator Nelson. Their aim was to commit treason against the
cause of the allied Governments, and in favor of Germany and
Austria ; that is, to help Germany and Austria win the fight.
Mr. Huntington. That would have to be stated differently, Sena-
tor. Their aim was an aim of a group of fanatics who have their
own game to play. They are perfectly willing to accept aid from
Germany in playing that game. Germany had at all times had Russia
honeycornbed with spies. Germany knew Russia better than any
otlier country. Germany had more people within her borders and
out who spoke Russian, and had studied Russia and had been in
business in Russia, than any other country.
The Bolsheviks were a party who believed in so-called interna-
tionalism, who believed in the abolishment of war, who believed in
the immediate establishment, in the bringing about, of the socialistic
state, and were against this war because, as they say, they believed it
to be a war of capitalists. They expected German money to win
their cause, which was to stop the war. Germany used them as a
military instrument to break down the military power in the east,
and when she had broken it down, promptly threw her soldiers over
to the west against us.
Senator King. The Bolsheviks, then, were really allies of Germany
and Austria?
Mr. Huntington. They were, for practical purposes; from a
military point of view, practically our point of view.
Senator King. The Bolsheviks got the Russians to commit treason
against their own Government and against the cause of the allies?
Mr. Huntington. Yes; because they did not believe in the cause.
Senator King. Yes.
■i8 BOLSHEVIK i-KOPAGANDA.
Mr. Huntington. Xeither did tlu'y wish the German cause to win,
as such, because Germany to tliem is an imperialistic government, or
was, and they were quite as anxious to destroy that government as to
destroy' ours. They are a third party in the triangle of opinion, if
you like, but as they themselves admit, they are quite unscrupulous
in the means they take to gain their end ; so they were willing to take
the German money and to use it for their own principles.
Germany is a crook, who, as we have proven, is perfectly unscrupu-
lous in the use of any means that offer, to gain her end ; and they, as
equally good croolcs, or I think a little bit better, were using Ger-
many to gain their end; so that we have the spectacle of these two
using each other to gain their ends.
Senator Overman. What was their statement about our country?
What is their objection to our Government?
Mr. Huntington. What is their objection to the Government?
Senator Overman. Yes; to our Government.
Mr. Huntington. Their objection is twofold. In the first place,
we had joined in the war, and they were against the war.
In the second place, we are not a socialistic Government, and they
do not approve of us for that reason.
Senator King. Is it not a fact that Trotsky and a number of other
men who were in this country, undesirables, bad in every way, went
back to Russia and did all they could to prejudice the Russian people
against our country; that they denounced our country — Trotsky
and others — as an imperialistic Government?
Mr. Huntington. Yes; they did.
Senator King. And they are just as bitterly opposed to the United
States, to our representative form of government, and would destroy
it just as quickly as tliej' would destroy that of any other country
in the world?
Mr. Huntington. Exactly.
Senator King. And their purpose now is our destruction, as it is
the destruction of all orderly governments through the world?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Is not this a fact — I want to bring it to your
attention — that after the Kerensky government — I call it that for
short — came into power temporarily they issued a general pardon for
all offenders, especially those that had been sent to Siberia, and that
Lenine was one of the men that was pardoned, and that he came
back by way of Switzerland and was given a passport by the German
authorities to come back to Russia? Do you know anything about
that, or have you heard anything about it ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir; I have heard, and I remember per-
fectly well when Mr. Lenine first began to come into Petrograd
and speak on the streets.
Senator Nelson. Did you not know that he was one of the men
pardoned who Avns in Siberia, and that he came back by way of
Switzerland ?
Mr. Huntington. I do not believe Lenine was at this period in
Siberia. He returned to Russia from Switzerland.
Senator Nelson. And got a passport from the German authorities?
Mr. Huntington. Yes ; he came into Petrograd. I can not remem
ber the time when he began to come. He met, of course, at that time
with gi-eat resistance.
BOLSHEVTK PROPAGANDA. 49
Senator Nelson. Did you ever see him?
Mr. HrrNTiNGTON. Yes; for once, in the constituent assembly
-which tried to meet and was dismissed.
Senator Nelson. By him and Trotsky ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes ; by Lenine and Trotsky. I sat at that time
in the press gallery and looked down on him, not farther from him
than you are this moment from me.
Senator Nelson. Those two are the ringleaders of the Bolshevik
movement, are they not?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, they are the brains of the movement.
Maj. Humes. Is it not a fact that Lenine in going from Switzer-
land to Russia went through Germany?
Mr. Huntington. Yes. ,
Maj. Humes. He was permitted td tf aver through Germany for
the purpose of reaching Russia ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator Overman. Did you hear him speak on the street?
Ml-. Huntington. No ; t have never heard Lenine speak. I have
heard Trotsky speak, on the street and in meetings of th6 Soviet.
Senator Wolcott. Doctor, would this be a correct statement or
way of summing up the purposes of this Bolshevik group as they
existed at the time you have just been speaking of, namely,'that they
were the enemies of all governments organized along lines other than
those that met with their own fantastic notions ; and therefore they
were the enemies of the United States or of the allied Govern-
ments, and of Germany — enemies, I mean, to those forms of govern-
ment ; that they found in their own country a people who were sym-
pathetic with the allies, and in order to break that sympathy they
accepted money from Germany, whose form of government they
did not like, for the purpose of getting the Russian people in line
with their socialistic notions; that they hoped to break down the
allied sympathies in Russia, and then weld the Russians together into
a Bolshevik government, expressing' the Bolshevik idea, in the hope
that then they would have such strength as to carry their principles
throughout the world and overthrow all established governments?
Mr. Huntington. Yes ; that is true. I would like, if I could here,
to read some statements of the Bolshevik government from this [in-
dicating paper].
Senator Nelson. No, but, Mr. Chairman, if you will allow me;
instead of getting this by piecemeal, if you can tell us — we can not
stay here always — what the doctrines, and creed, and principles of
government of the Bolshevik government are, that is what we would
like to know, not these mere scattering quotations.
Mr. Huntington. I can do that, sir. I would like, however, to
read to you exactly what they say their own doctrines are.
Senator Wolcott. It seems to me that is better than the doctor's
interpretation of them.
Mr. Huntington. In the first place, I have a circular here which
I read at the time it came, which is an open circular. There is noth-
ing secret about it. It is not diplomatic correspondence. It was
sent to every embassy and legation in Petrograd.
Senator Wolcott. Sent by whom?
85723—19 i
50 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Huntington. The Bolshevik government then located in
Petrograd. The matter at issue was the matter of diplomatic
couriers.
Senator Wolcott. What is the date of that ?
Mr. Huntington. December 15, 1917. [Eeading:]
From the people's commissariat of foreign afCairs. For the information of
the allied and neutral embassies and legations. * * * The fact that the
Soviet Government considers necessary diplomatic relations not only with the
governments hut also with the revolutionary Socialist parties, which are stiiv-
ing -for the overthrow of the existing governments, is not suflBcient ground for
statements to the effect that " an unrecognized government " can not have
diplomatic couriers. * * *
This is their own statement in a circular letter.
Senator Sterling. Who issued that letter?
Mr. Huntington. The commissar for foreign affaits.
Senator Steeling. Lenine and Trotsky were then at the head of
the Bolshevik rule or government?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator Steeling. That was during their regime?
Mr. Huntington. Oh, yes ; that was within a month of their com-
ing into power.
Senator Steeling. At that time Trotsky was the commissar for
foreign affairs?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator Nelson. The meat of that circular is simply this, that even
if they had not been technically recognized as a de jure government,,
they were in fact the government, and as such their couriers ought
to have recognition. Is not that the substance of it ?
Mr. Huntington. No, sir ; I beg your pardon. I think the meat
of it is that they considered it necessary to have relations., and claimed
the right to have relations, not only with established governments in
our country and in other countries, but with the revolutionary so-
cialist parties seeking to overthrow these governments.
Senator Nelson. And did they not put it on the ground that they
are a de facto government ?
Mr. Huntington. I do not understand you, sir.
Senator Nelson. Do you not understand a little law Latin ?
Mr. Huntington. I have forgotten, mostly, what I knew.
Senator Nelson. Do you know the difference between a de facto
government and a de jure government?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir; but the important thing for us is, in
that statement, sir
Senator Nelson. Go ahead ; go ahead.
Senator Oveeman. Their purpose, then, was to overthrow all gov-
ernments?
Mr. Huntington. They say so.
Senator Wolcott. That circular shows plainly their intention to
overthrow all governments, and they wanted to establish relations with
all revolutionary^ parties under these governments from which they
were seeking vises for their couriers. That is the purpose of that,
very clearly, to my mind. They did not pay any attention to the
established governments.
Mr. HuifTiNGTON. Again, from a statement from "their own lips:
Sometime ago there was published in a paper called One Year of the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 51
Eevolutlon, published in this country, some diplomatic correspond-
ence. I have tested this diplomatic correspondence to see whether
it took place, and it did, and it is correctly given here. In the course
of the reply of Mr. Tchitcherin, of which I have the date here in
my notes, he said this [reading] :
To the neutral legations who protested against the cruelties of the Bolshevik
regime Mr. Tchitcherin, the commissar for foreign affairs, says :
" We are convinced that the masses in all countries who are writhing under
the oppression of a small group of exploiters will understand that in Russia,
force is being used only in the holy cause of the liberation of the people, that
they will not only understand us, but will follow our example."
Senator Overman. What is that document you read from?
Mr. Huntington. That is a letter written by Mr. George Tchit-
cherin, commissar- of foreign affairs of the Bolshevik govermnent,
to the neutral legations in Russia who protested against the cruel-
ties of the Bolshevik regime. It is addressed in care of the Swiss
minister, dated September 5. That is only one sentence in it.
Senator Overman. But the document itself, was that printed in
this country?
Mr. Huntington. Yes ; it has been printed in this country. How
it got through here I do not know, but it has escaped the censor-
ship and been printed in this country, although a diplomatic docu-
ment.
Senator Overman. What is the red flag on the back of that
pamphlet?
Mr. Huntington. That is the illustration on the cover.
Senator Sterling. Have you that passage marked there, which you
read?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir.
Maj. Humes. It was just after or about the time of the writing
of that letter that all the representatives of the neutral Governments
were compelled to leave Russia,
Mr. Huntington. That was September 5 when that letter was
written. We had just gone. The others followed us within a short
time.
Senator Overman. Were you compelled to leave, or did you leave
from fear, or were you ordered to leave?
Mr. Huntington. We left, sir, because we were unable to perform
our functions. I mean by that that the diplomatic and consular
officers could not longer treat with the de facto government; that
they found it impossible to protect American citizens, which was a
part of their function ; that they could not correspond with our Gov-
ernment because it was forbidden. We were the only consulate gen-
eral in Moscow allowed to send even a wireless, and we have found
out since that most of the wireless messages we sent were not al-
lowed to pass through. We have also found out that most of the
wireless messages which were sent to us, which are serially numbered,
never reached us. Being unable to communicate with our Govern-
ments ; being treated with discourtesy ; being unable to protect the
lives and property of our citizens resident there, we were scarcely in
a position to render any service any more. The danger, as such,
played no" part in the transaction at all, except for those who had
52 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
no work to do. For us who had work to do, had we been able to con-
tinue that work, the danger would have had nothing to do with it.
Senator Overman. You were not threatened?
Mr. Huntington. As a matter of fact, it was dangerous, of coui'se.
The British Embassy representatives were put under ai'rest. The
Americans were never, until the time we left, arrested, with the ex-
ception of one man who was arrested in the town of Vologda and
kept under arrest some 10 days before we knew of it. They never
informed us. We found it out by accident.
The British and French, however, including the consular officers,
were arrested, both civilians and officials. It was in the manifest
impossibility of doing any work, of accomplishing anything, of being
allowed to communicate with our Government at home, being
isolated
Senator Overman. Can you state to us the character of those cruel-
ties and what was going on while j'ou were there — ^the extent of it ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes ; I can to a considerable extent ; and in order
to make you understand it, perhaps I could read again from the
official proclamations of the Bolshevik government. Reading from
the official newspapers of the Bolshevik government under date of
September 2, there is the following — this was the day after we passed
the border.
Senator Nelson. September 2 of what year?
Mr. Huntington. 1918. [Reading:]
Murder of Volodarski and Urkitski —
Urkitski was one of the terrorist commissars who, while our train
was lying on the side track in the Finland Station, was shot by a
young student who came into his office. [Continuing reading :]
Murder of Volodarski and Urkitski, attempt on Lenin and shooting of masses
of our comrades in Finland, Ukrania, the Don and Tshecko-Slovia, continual
discovery of conspiracies in our rear, open acknowledgement of right social
revolutionists party and other counter-revolutionary rascals of their part in
these conspiracies, together with insignificant extent of serious repressions and
shooting of masses of White Guard and bourgeoisie on the part of the Soviets,
all these things show that notwithstanding frequent pronouncements urging
mass terror against the social revolutionists. White Guards and bourgeoisie, no
real terror exists.
Such a situation should decidedly be stopped. End should be put to weakness
arid softness. All right social revolutionists known to local Soviets should be
arrested immediately. Numerous hostages should be taken from the bourgeois
and officer classes. At the slightest attempt to resist or the slightest movement
among the White Guards, shootings of masses of hostages should be begun
without fail. Initiative in this matter rests especially with the local executive
committees.
Through the militia and extraordinary commissions, all branches of govern-
ment must take measures to seek out' and arrest persons hiding under false
names and shoot without fail anybody conected with the work of the White
Guards.
All above measure should be put immediately into execution. Indecisive
action on the part of local Soviets must be immediately reported to peoples
commissar for home afiairs. Not the slightest hesitation or the slightest
indecisiveness in using mass terror.
That is an order from the commissar for home affairs to the
Soviets.
Senator Overman. Explain who the White Guard are.
Mr. Huntington. The White Guard are everybody except the
lied Guard. The Eed Guard are nominally the loyal army, gathered
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 53
around the Bolshevik government to fight the so-called class struggle
for the social revolution.
Senator Wolcott. The Eed Guard are the Bolsheviks and the
White Guard are everybody else?
Mr. Huntington. Practically speaking, that is it. " If you are not
with us, you are against us."
Senator Overman. Then that order was to shoot down everybody
who was not with them ?
Mr. Huntington. And to shoot hostages if anything happened to
any of their people.
On the 11th of September, about 10 days after our departure from
Eussia, the following letter was received by Maj. Allen Wardwell,
commanding the American Red Cross in Eussia. Because of the
shooting of a large number of people in Petrograd, Maj. Wardwell
had written a letter as a Eed Cross officer to the Bolshevik govern-
ment, namely to the commissar for home affairs, Mr. Tchitcherin,
protesting in the name of humanity against the killings, which did
not take place in field fighting, but were shootings of people against
brick walls.
Senator Wolcott. Massacres ; murders ?
Mr. Huntington: Yes. This letter is as follows:
[Republique Russe Federative (Jps Soviets Commissariat du Peupie pour Les Affaires
etrangeres Le 11 Septeml>re, 1918, Moscow.]
Mr. Allen Waedwell,
Major Commanding the American Red Cross.
Deae Sib : It is only because the body which you represent is not a political
organization that I can find it compatible with my position not to repudiate
ofE hand your intervention as a displaced immixtion in the affairs of a for-
eign state, but to enter in the friendly spirit corresponding to the character
of your organization into a discussion of the matter involved. Tou affirm
that your organization did not hesitate to condemn acts of barbarity on the
part of our adversaries. Where are these utterances of condemnation? When
and in vehat form did the American Red Cross protest \yhen the streets
of Samars were filled with corpses of young workers shot in batches by
America's allies or when the prisons' of Omsk were filled with tens of
thousands of the flower of the working class and the best of them executed
without trial or when just now in Novorossiisk the troops of England's
mercenary AlexejefE murdered in cold blood seven thousand wounded who were
left behind by our retreating army, or when the oossacks of the same Alexejeff
murdered without distinction the young men of their own race in whom they
see a revolutionary vanguard? I would be very glad to learn what the
American Red Cross has done in order to publicly brand these untold atrocities,
the everyflay work of our enemies, everywliere iiracticed liy them upon our
friends when they have the power to do it. But are these the only atrocities
around us?
In a wider field, at the present period when the oligarchies who are the
rulers of the world drench the earth with streams of blood, cover it with
heaps of corpses and whole armies of maimed and fill the whole world with
unspeakable sufferings, why do you turn your indignation against those who,
rising against this whole system of violence, oppression, and murdei' that
bears as If for the sake of mockery the name of civilization, those I repeat
who in their desperate struggle against the ruling system of the present
world are compelled by their very position in the furnace of a civil war to
strike the class foes with whom the life and struggle is raging? And in a
still wider field are not the sacrifices still greater, still more innumerable,
which are exacted every day on the battlefield of labor by the ruling system
of exploitation which grinds youth and life force and happiness of the multi-
tude for the sake of the profits of the few? How can I characterize the
humanity of the American Red Cross which is dumb to the system of every-
day murder and turns against those who have dared to rise against It and
54 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
surrounded by mortal enemies from all sides are compelled to strike?
Against these fighters who have thrust themselves Into the flre of battle for
a whole new system of human society you are not even able to be otherwise
than unjust. Our adversaries are not executed as you affirm for holding
other political views than ourselves, but for taking part in the most terrible
of battles, in which no weapon is left untouched against us, no crime is left
aside and no atrocities are considered too great when the power belongs to
them. Is it not known to you that by the decree of September 3rd the death
sentences are applied only for distinct crimes, and besides Randitism and
ordinary crimes they are to be applied for participation in the white guard
movement, that is the movement which helps to surround us everywhere
with death snares, which unceasingly attacks us with fire and sword and
every possible misfortune and wishes to prepare for us, if only it had the
power to do so, complete extermination?
You speak of execution of 500 persons in Petrograd as of one particularly
striking instance of acts of like character. As for the number it is the only one.
Among these 500, 200 were executed on the ground of the decision of the local
organization to whom they were very well known as most active and danger-
ous counter-revolutionaries nnd 300 had been selected already sometime ago as
belonging to the vanguard of the counter-revolutionary movement. In the pas-
sion of the struggle tearing our whole people, do you not see the sufferings,
untold during generations, of all the unknown millions who were dumb during
centuries, and whose concentrated despair and rage have at last burst into the
open, passionately longing for a new life, for the sake of which they have the
whole existing fabric to remove? In the great battles of mankind hatred and
fury are even so unavoidable as in every battle and in every struggle. Do you
not see the beauties of the heroism of the working class, trampled under the feet
of everybody who were above them until now, and now rising in fury and pas-
sionate devotion and enthusiasm to re-create the whole world and the whole life
of mankind? Why are you blind to all this in the same way as you are dumb
to the system of atrocities against which this working class has risen? It is
only natural, then, if you are unjust against those whom you light-heartedly con-
demn, if you distort even the facts of the case, if you see wanton vengeance
against persons of other views there, where in reality there is the most terrible,
the most passionate, the most furious battle of one world against the other,
in which our enemies with deadly weapons are lurking behind every street
corner, and in which the executions of which you speak, executions of real and
deadly enemies, are insignificant in comparison with the horrors which these
enemies try to prepare for us, and in comparison with the immeasurable horrors
of the whole system with which we are at present at grips in a life and death
struggle.
I remain.
Yours, truly,
(Signed) G. Tchitchkbin.
I think that is probably as good a statement as you could have of
the point of view and the aims of the Bolshevik government.
Senator Overman. Did you observe any of their cruelties? Did
you see any of it yourself?
Mr. Huntington. I have seen many arrests. I have been in
prisons. I was never personally arrested. I have not been present at
shootings. I have known of people being led out to be shot. Very
few people are present at shootings. Satisfactory evidence had it
that most of them were performed at night and in cellars, and, it was
said, with Maxim silencers on the muzzles of the rifles, to muffle the
sound. Friends of mine have been in prisons and have seen people
daily led out for shooting, who have never come back. I have seen
deportations of whole trainloads of people, herded in freight cars,
taken away from their homes.
Senator Overman. Women and children also?
Mr. HtTNTiNGTON. Men, women, and children.
Senator Overman. Was there a reign of terror there ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 55
Mr. Huntington. Very decidedly, sir; and there is no denial of
it, but a justification of it, in that letter and in the other letters. If
you will recall the words which I read from the same Mr. Tchitcherin
to the neutral legations, you will recall that he says that the masses
of the world will understand what they are doing as violence neces-
sary to attain a certain end, and will not only understand it but adopt
it themselves in their respective countries.
If yOu have nothing more, sir, I would like to take up the economic
side.
Senator Nelson. I would like to hear, if you will tell us, what their
plan and scheme of government is— this Bolshevik government — and
what they expect to accomplish. That is more important. I would
like to know what sort of a government they are seeking to establish
there, and upon what principles?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir ; I will tell you the best I know. I have
been present there throughout the whole time, and I am able to read
the papers, and I read them daily. There are no other papers in
Russia now, and have not been for many months, but the Bolshevik
papers. Long ago they suspended the papers of all parties opposed
to them, saying that freedom of the press must unfortunately be
sacrificed to the good of their movement.
Maj. Humes. Then there is no freedom of the press in Russia under
the Bolshevist government?
Mr. Huntington. There is no pretense of freedom of the press, sir.
Maj. Humes. Is it not a fact that the constitution of the soviet
republic provides expressly for depriving people of the rights of
free press and free speech, and any other rights that may be exer-
cised to the detriment of the revolutionary party ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir; that is a part of the principle. In an-
swer to your question. Senator, do I make myself plain?
Senator Nelson. Well, you have not got at it yet. [Applause.]
Senator Overman. What does that mean, that cheering back there?
Bring an officer in here, Mr. Clerk.
Senator Nelson. I want to know, in short, what their scheme and
plan of government is that they are inaugurating, and propose to
inaugurate.
Mr. Huntington. Yes,. sir; I will tell you that, the best I can.
Senator Nelson. And the methods they intend to pursue in in-
augurating that government. , That is what we are anxious to know.
Mr. Huntington. Briefly, this: The present state of the world is
unsatisfactory. We have war. We have injustice to the gi'eat masses
of the people, so they say. These are great evils. The present state
of the constitution of society, which is known as the capitalist state,
has outlived its usefulness ; has shown itself unable to cope with these
great injustices, war, and unequal distribution of wealth. The capi-
talist state of society must, therefore, go. To get rid of the capitalist
state of society, which is a long habit with human nature, is a very
difficult task. It is faced primarily by the difficulty that those who
have property part with it unwillingly. Now, in order to get rid of
this capitalist state of society we are going to have the socialist state
of society, loosely, because the definitions of various people differ,
but in general, a state of society whereby the government, the state,
owns all the means of production, factories, farms, railroads, in-
56 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
dustries, steamship lines, etc., ^Yhereby there is no property ex-
cept— I do not know about personal property; that depends on the
views of the individual persons — but there is no great property, no
industrial property, no fartiing property, in private ownership, but
only that of the state ; that by removing from the capitalist class the
temptation of money g'etting, by the fact that they can no longer ac-
cumulate wealth but become govex-nment servants, like those of us
who are to-day in the employ of the government, by removing those
temptations, war and injustice are obviated.
Senator Nelson. One part of their creed, then, is to divest private
ownership of all property and property rights, and confer it upon
the state or the government?
Mr. Huntington. Very definitely; yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. That is one of the primary articles of faith.
Then, after they have done that, after they have taken, for instance,
the land from the private owners, what do they provide as to the
utilization of the land after that ?
Mr. Huntington. That is to come later. If 1 may go on, I would
like to answer that in a moment.
Senator Nelson. Go on; yes.
Mr. Huntington. To realize this is very difficult. They have
found, naturally, there is great opposition on the part of those who
own the property. Their aims, they say, are the aims of the socialist
movement throughout the world for many years, but the socialist
movement throughout the world, which is opposed to them to-day, ,
has been unsuccessful because it has tried to work in the parliamen-
tary manner, by convincing people, sending representatives to par-
liament and voting their measures through. They therefore have to
resort to compulsion. To compel, they divest those who have prop-
erty of that property by force. Should they resist, they may even
kill them, as you have seen, and justify that.
Senator Nelson. In short, they propose to divest the ownei-s of
their property, by violence, if need be ?
Mr. Huntington. If need be.
Senator NEL'iON. And without any compensation?
Mr. Huntington. Without any compensation. In the interim
when their new state is being prepared — an interim of indefinite
length — they provide for the so-called dictatorate of the proletariat;
that is, to take and arbitrarily divide all mankind into so-called
bourgeois, that is the capitalists — and in that they include everj^one
from those who own the smallest houses, right through to a million-
aire. They arbitrarily divide all mankind into that class — and, on the
other hand, the proletariat, who ha^-e no property holdings. They
want to push out of the way the upper class. They do not con-
template the participation of this class in the government. They
contemplate the participation only of the proletariat in the govern-
ment, and that is why, on this question of a dictature of the prole-
tariat—that is, when they have finished their revolution in Eussiaj
not the original revolution but their revolution— they intend to keep
the formerly propertied classes from voting in the new government
whichi they will have established.
The dictature of the proletariat is fraught with difficulty because,
especially in a countiy like Eussia, where due to the tyranny and
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 57
laziness of the olcl regime, the proletariat had very few chances, the
proletariat are not educated. So they need leaders, a,nd Mr. Lenine
and Mr. Trotsky and their associates put themselves forward as the
leaders. ' The" result is that whereas there is on paper a complete
system of voting, of representation, the central executive committee
of all. the Soviets — which, as you have rightly stated, are placed
throughout the country wherever their power extends — is dominated
by a few brainy men, fanatics like Lenine and Trotskj\ The for-
merly propertied classes — and of course in their division they make
it arbitrarj', as they like — could not participate in this council, nor
is it expected that they will. At some distant date, when this prelimi-
nary ground work is carried out, it is contemplated to permit these
people who, by that time, perhaps have had a change of heart, or to
permit their children, to participate in the new social state which has
then been reached.- ■ This is an interregnum in which the proletariat
conducts the didtature.
Senator Nelson. In that term " proletariat " you include not
only workmen but others — peasants?
Mr. HtJNTiNGTON.' Yes; that term originally included workmen
only, but was exfehded to peasants; but they came from the party of
worlarien in the ''eifies in former times, and not the peasants.
Senator Nelson. What has become of the old nihilist element?
Are they mixed into this new scheme ?
Mr. Huntington. I am not competent to pass on that.
Maj. Hx;mes.>' Is there nOt a distinction, in their ■ application of
their laws and -their administration, between peasants and what they
term the " poor " peasants ?
Mr. HtJNTiiiGTON. Gn that comes again the question. I told you
that they divided; mankind arbitrarily into two classes; the bour-
geois, as they sayj-thatis those who have Capital, and the proletariat.
Of course, they make the division, they make the distinction, and they
put in "their divi^si'dns whom they like, because it is an arbitrary
matter. In Russia there are',' in most peasant communities, peasants
who have, under the systems which have been provided, bought
lands of their ovifri'."- There are certain ones, who, as it happens in
every community, are better provided with the good things of life,
the harder workers of more energetic, and they are systematically
excluded by the Bolsheviks and placed opposite, in the community,
to the so-called poor peiasants; those who have little property, who
in the old vodka days had been addicted to drunkenness, or who
econoiriically. have inade poor progress in life. In the villages those
two groups of men are set against each other.
Senator Nelson. Is hot this true, when you come back to the
peasantry and all, farmers, that the ownership of land is in what
they- call the mir^ the village community; that they are settled in
villages, in communities, and the title of the land is in the mir or
in the community— in the municipality, as we call it here^-and
that they from year to year apportion parts of the land to be used
by cerfein peasant^*? In other words, the peasants are not cdm-
plete'.-owners, iri:the- sense in which our farmers are owners, but
the ownership of theiand is in the community, the mir, and the mir
distributes the • usfe of the land among the peasants ? Is not that
the condition? ' -
58 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Huntington. That is true, Senator, for about 80 per cent of
the country.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Huntington. The remaining one-fifth, we will say, of the
lands are in private ownership.
Senator Nelson. In large estates?
Mr. Huntington. No; I do not speak of those now. I leave
those quite out of account. I am speaking of the peasants, the
20 per cent ; and that varies according to the portion of the country.
Private peasant ownership is more in the south and west than in the
north. They are not only sometimes the holders of the mir, in
which they have a part, but they own land of their own, which it
was permitted them to buy or arranged for them to buj' under cer-
tain reforms introduced by the old imperial government.
Senator Nelson. That is mostly in southern Russia ?
Mr. Huntington. The majority of it is southern Russia and
western Russia.
Senator Nelson. In what we call the Ukraine ?
Mr. Huntington. The Ukraine is the heart of South Russia.
Senator Overman. Now, having got this property, taken from
the people who owned it, into the State, what do they propose to do
with it?
Mr. Huntington. Just the same as the ideal socialists. I sup-
pose you are speaking of the fact
Senator Overman. What do they propose to accomplish? What
is the end? When they get all this property in the State, what
do they propose to do with it ?
Mr. Huntington. It is proposed that life should go on very
much as it does now, except very much better ; that we should have
food, and clothing, and transportation, and all those things under
the State instead of in private ownership; that all of us will be
employees of the State and not employees of private concerns.
Senator Overman. All government officers?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator Overman. Everybody will be a government officer?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. How do they propose to handle the manufactur-
ing industries under the new regime ? How do they propose to oper-
ate them ? Now, we will say that the workmen take possession of a
big industrial plant under this system, what do they propose to do
after they have taken possession, and how do they propose to operate?
Mr. Huntington. What happened, sir, was this : In the beginning
of their administration they immediately provided for the so-called
control of production of the factories by the workmen, and this went
into effect; and workmen's committees did actually take over most
factories.
Senator Nelson. In other words, they were to be run by the work-
men themselves?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir. In the original legislation, as I remem-
ber it, the proprietor would be in a manner engaged as an expert
assistant. Indeed, it was first provided, I believe, that he should
receive a rental for his work, and he would participate in the man-
agement. They would get the benefit of his experience.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 59
Senator Nelson. They went so far, however, in their program as
to recognize the fact that they needed experts who belonged to the
capitalist class, who were termed intellectuals, and to say that they
would employ some of them in the first instance to assist them in
running the factories ; was not that true ?
Mr. Huntington. They took over the factories with a great deal of
enthusiasm, but very shortly, in most cases, came to grie£ That is, a
variety of things happened; either the grief remamed or in some
cases tactful employers made an arrangement with their men whereby
really their brains were used in the production, and there was a
modus operandi worked out between them and the factory and the
factory was enabled to go on.
Where that did not take place the factory came to grief, as most
of them did.
Even where that did take place, under the very unusual circum-
stances the operation of the factory was hardly an operation of nor-
mal times, where an income has to be earned on the investment.
Senator Nelson. Of course they expected to operate all the rail-
roads— this government ?
Mr. Huntington. Seventy per cent of the total mileage has
always been operated by the govermnent in Russia.
Senator Nelson. They have been operated by the government, so
that the transition was not so great ?
Mr. Huntington. No, sir.
. Senator Nelson. But what did they propose to do after they had
seized the lands and taken possession of them? How did they pro-
pose to utilize those lands, and what show did they propose to give
the peasants ?
' Mr. Huntington. In the first place, they nationalized the land.
It became the property of the state ; and whereas there has not been
time in such an enormous place as Russia to work all these things
out, in general they gave immediate order to the peasants to take the
land of the contiguous estates of the landholders. There was not
much order about that, and that has resulted in difficulty; but they
were going on this simple plan, to take the land and then divide it
up amongst themselves.
Senator Nelson. When the peasants divided the land up, were they
to get title to their little patches of land ?
Mr. Huntington. Oh, no, sir; because the land is nationalized.
It belongs to the state.
Senator Nelson. They were simply to cultivate it as a species of
tenants ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir.
Maj. Humes. In that connection, a paragraph from the Soviet Re-
public constitution might be of interest as to its provisions on that
subject. [Reading:]
For the purpose of realizing the principle of the socialization of land, private
ownership in land is abolished and the entire land fund is declared the property
of the people and Is turned over to the toilers without any indemnity upon the
I>rinciple of equalization of Innd-allotments.
And again:
All forests, mineral wealth, water power and waterways of public importance,
as well as all live stock and agricultural implements, all model landed estates
and agricultural enterprises are declared national property.
60 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
As a first step to the complete transfer of factories, mills, miues, railroads
and other means of production and transportation into property of the Workers'
and Pensants' Soviet Republic, the law ((iiicoTiiini; the workers' control and
concerning the Supreme Council for National Economy, which aims at securing
the power of the tollers over the exploiters, is hereby confirmed.
Senator Xelsox. That is ^erv good. That ought to go into the
record, if it is not in already.
Maj. HyjiEs. There are just two or three more sentences covering
that subject. [Continuing reading:]
The 3rd Convention of the Soviets considers tlie Soviet law concerning the
annulling (repudiation) of loans contracted by the governments of the Tzar,
the landlords and the capitalists, as the first blow at international banking
and financial capital and expresses the conviction that the Soviet government
will advance steadfastly along this path until complete vieti>ry of the interna-
tional workers against the yoke of capitalism is secured.
The principle of the transfer of all banks to the property of the workers' and
peasants' state, as one of the conditions of emancipation of the toiling masses
from the yoke of capital, is hereby reaffirmed.
For the purpose of doing away with parasitical elements in society and of
organizing the economic affairs of the country, universal obligatory labor
service is established.
In order to secure full power for the toiling masses and to. remove every
opportunity for reestablishin'g the government of the exploiters, the principle
of arming the toilers, of forming a Socialist Red Army of the workers and
peasants, and of completely dLsarming the ijroperty-holdiug classes is hereby
decreed.
Senator Oveemax. Proceed, Doctor.
Mr. HuxTiNGTON. Eeturning to the Senator's question about the
factories, I would like to complete that by saying that whereas the
first phase was the workmen's control, wliereby a committee was
formed in each factory to take charge of that factory, the second
phase was later introduced by nationalizing of the factories, just in
the same manner as the land has been nationalized. In other words,
whereas in the first place theoretically the factory was not imme-
diately taken out of the hands of the owner, but was to be turned
over to the control of his workmen, by the decree of nationalization
the factory passed from the ownership of the former owner into th«
ownership of the State.
Senator Nelson. To be operated by the workmen?
Mr. Huntington. To be operated under what was called the Su-
preme Council of National Economy. That introduced practical
difficulties again, since that factory was then to be operated theoreti-
cally as one of a chain, one of a system, and that produced friction
and quarrels between separate factories, practically, for the reason,
of course, that some factories were better provided with the raw ma-
terials than others, and in a system of distribution whereby each was
to receive a fair part would have to give up, if they were better
provided, perhaps, some of the materials which they had, which
would stop their production earlier. The great fact in all the in-
dustry there is, of course, that it is not running at the present time,
unless you want to say that a few machines, or one isolated factory,
or something of that kind, is running; but it is, on the whole,, not
running, for the very good reason that there are no raw materials
present to work on, neither iron, coal, petroleum, nor cotton; and
cotton spinning and cotton weaving is the chief industry in Russia,
the biggest one in Russia aside frm farming.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. &1
Senator Nelson. Here is a matter that occurs to me. After the^
have succeeded in nationalizing all the land and all the industries,
in other words, taking it over by the Government and operating it
by the Government, what is their scheme of taxation for securing
revenue to run the Government, and who is to pay the tayxes?
Mr. Huntington. That is not clear to me in theory, and in practice
there was no system of taxation put through. The only taxation that
I have seen was in the matter of contributions levied on the capi-
talist class. Take this instance. In the newspapers of Omsk, in
Siberia, which I have seen, and of which I have copies, there ap-
peared a list of the men or firms in the town who were to pay 25,000
or 50,000 or 100,000 roubles, or whatever it may be. The agency of
the International Harvester Co., when our train passed through
Novo-Nikolaevsk (in Siberia) in March had just been called upon to
pay a fine, I think, of 35,000 rubles, and I Avas asked, as an em-
bassy representative, at that time to send a telegram to the local
soviet pointing out that this was an American concern and should
not be asked to pay this fine.
Apart from the contributions, their revenue system is chiefly the
printing press.
Senator Nelson. You mean printing bills and bonds?
Mr. Huntington. Printing paper money, yes; and when the ob-
jection is raised to that that they have long since passed any gold
reserve, the answer is simply that since the land is now nationalized,
all of Russia belongs to the Russian Government, and all of Russia is
certainly worth all the paper that has been issued up to this time.
Senator Nelson. Yes; but you spoke about collecting the taxes.
After they have been divested of all their property, and it has all
been condemned and taken over by the State, there are no more
capitalists. There can not be any more taxes, can there?
Mr. Huntington. There will not be now; but there were at that
time. At that time they did not take a man's bank account from him.
They forbade him access to his bank account, but his account re-
mained on the books, supposedly, of the bank. They could force
him to sign a check against that account. They could also force
people who had no bank account to dig up cash. I personally lived
in Siberia, in Irkutsk, with a former merchant who had such a con-
tribution levied on him, and who borrowed the money from his
friends to pay it. He did so against the advice of many Russians,
and against our advice, because we thought that he would be asked
for a second contribution — that he would be askecl a second time ; but
he actually went out and borrowed the money from his friends who
had it put away in chimneypieces and stockings, or under mattresses —
who had been able to save it, in other words — in order to avoid
being sent to prison, which was the alternative.
Senator Wolcott. You say that in defense of their printing-press
money they say that the State owns the land and that Russia is worth
as miich money as has been issued. That is their answer ?
Mr. Huntington. That is one of their answers.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know whether anjj^body eVer suggested
to them that that is rather insecure, because if the paper money is
issued and is in sight to be collected, the fellow that gets the land
will have it taken away from him again? Is there any answer to
that, that you have heard ?
6^ BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Huntington. Oh, they have an answer for almost anything.
Senator WoLCOTT. It would be a curious one, to that.
Mr. Huntington. Most of the answers are curious, from a normal
man's view. The thought, processes of those people are not in the
usual grooves.
About conditions, may I speak as to conditions as they exist there
now, as I saw them before I left
Senator Overman. That is what we want to hear.
Mr. Huntington (continuing). And what they have become since.
I beg permission to read here, because I have been so often asked
whether there has been starvation in the cities of Russia, three letters
written by a woman who was formerly a clerk, a translator in the
American Embassy, and written to a friend of her's in this country.
The letters are dated September 16, 20, and 23.
Senator Wolcott. Of what year ?
Mr. Huntington. Nineteen eighteen. That is, they are only a
few months old. The first letter I will quote from is as follows. The
original is in the hands of the young man to whom it was written.
It is dated September 16, 1918. "^[Reading:]
I am glad you are not here just now; living conditions are awfully hard.
Have you ever seen people dying on the street? I did, three times, twice it was
men, workmen apparently, once an old woman. One man fell down in the
Furshtadtskaya, the other on the Liteinye, when I walked home from the office
last Sunday. Maybe it was from cholera, maybe from starvation. The woman
died on the Ussacheff Pereoulck. She was sitting quite a while on the pave-
ment, then quietly laid down. Nobody paid any attention to her. Later on a
Red Cross car carried her away. But horses are not removed, when they die
on the streets they just lie there for weeks, and hungry dogs tear their bodies
to pieces.
I don't think the people died from cholera, they were not sick, just horribly
thin and pale. It's awfully hard ; I wouldn't have believed it if I hadn't seen
it myself. These three cases Illustrate to you the conditions of Petrograd better
than descriptions. People are dying quietly, horribly quietly, without any groan
or curse, poor helpless creatures, slaves of the terrible rgglme of to-day. I
think that's really the only thing the Russian people can do well.
Altogether Petrograd is a dead town now. People are very, very few, nearly
no " eats." Trams are half empty, half of the shops are closed. Heaps of
offices opened, " Commission offices " as they call themselves, buying and selling
furniture, tableware, linen, articles of luxury, etc., of people who leave the
country or who just sell everything they possess so as not to starve. Most
precious, vulgar, or intimate things of housekeeping are sold publicly. It's
sometimes comical, most times most sad and shocking. There seems to be
nothing precious any more in families, everything is to be bought.
You cannot imagine what is going on in this country. Everything what is
cultured, wealthy, accomplished or educated is being prosecuted and systemati-
cally destroyed. But you know it all through papers, don't you? We all here
live under a perpetual strain under fear of arrest and execution. Yesterday
bulletins appeared on corners of all streets announcing that the allies and the
bourgeoisie have spread cholera and hunger all over Russia and calling to open
slaughter of the latter.
Do you remember the little market on the Basseinaja where they used to sell
food stufE? It is now transferred into a place where people of society sell all
their belongings, overcoats, furs, shoes, kitchenware, table and bed linen, etc. ;
they sell everything right on the streets. The food question is terribly acute.
Petrograd lives on herrings and apples. Yes, also on " vobla." That is fish,
dried in the sun. The size of it is about the same as of a small herring's, and
it smells horribly. But it can be eaten when properly soaked and boiled. We
always used to know " vobla " as a swearword. But now I know that it is a
flsh, and eatable.
You know, Stranger, people here are starving in accordance with four cater
gories. The first category (workmen) get i pound of bread every two -days.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 63
i. e., J of a pound a day, and two herrings ; 2 category workmen who do easy
work, get i pound of bread every two days, and two herrings. The tliird cate-
gory, people who " drink other people's blood and exploit other people's work,"
i. e., people who live on mental work, (sic!) get two herrings every two days,
and no bread, and the fourth category (not mentioned on the inclosed slip)
also people who " drink, etc." get nothing at all, sometimes two herrings. I in-
Close a slip from our official paper, which mentions these four categories. The
paper is called " Severanaja Communa " (The Northern Commune). People
may, of course buy food besides the food they get from cooperative stores,
mentioned above, and which is at a reasonable price (if a herring a day and
iw lb. of bread can be. called food) but the prices are enormous. One lb. of
black bread costs Rs. 15.
I should say we get more rubles for a dollar in Kussia than you
can get in New York. We paid 10 cents for a ruble up to the time
of leaving, which was therefore 10 rubles to the dollar, and I shall
divide the ruble prices and give you the prices immediately in gold.
[Continuing reading:]
One lb. of black bread costs $1.50, 1 lb. of white flour Rs. 17 to 20, black
flour $1.10 to $1.20. Potatoes cost 32 to 38 cents a lb., butter $2, and so on
Do you remember the big store on the corner of Snamenskaja and Kirochnaja,
where soldiers used to live and where there were once on the windows heaps ot
rotten potatoes? The shop is now occupied by a commissioner's office, who
sells everything in the world, and on the corner there is quite a little market,
consisting of ladies and children of society, who sell lumps of sugar at Rs. 1.20
apiece and thin slices of black bread, I don't know at what price.
I, myself, have seen this, on August 28, 1918. [Continuing read-
ing:]
And this year Russia has unusually good crops ! People who have a little
bit of money left, run away from Russia. They sell everything they possess
and just run. They go mainly to the Baltic provinces and to Ukrainia. And
you know, its the German consulate there who helps them to get permits and
"tickets. I don't know how the Germans manage to do it, but I know for sure
that they do. They do it also very willingly if people get them good money
in exchange of their Kerenki, which they have heaps.
That is, the money of the old regime, of the Czar, in exchange for
the kerenki. Kerenki is the little money that was brought out at
the time of the Kerensky government, in denominations of 20 and 40
rubles, and which is about the size of my finger, and which is not
pretty, and which is often looked down upon by the people ; and they
prefer the fine looking bills of the former day.
Here is another letter. [Reading:]
We have four new decrees now. The first concerns the loding question ; the
second, forced hard labor for the bourgeoisie; the third, requisition of warm
clothes for the Bed Army, and the fourth concerns distribution of food.
First about lodgings. Comrade ZinoviefE, little Jew Apfelbaum, on a meet-
ing of the Soldiers' and Workmen's deputies said, that "the bourgeoisie has
not been enough ' reduced to beggary ' yet ; that they still have to give back
what they have acquired by way of exploiting of oppressions, by way of blood
and sweat of the workman. They have now to give their comfortable lodgings
and furniture. The war has temporarily diverted the attention of the Soviet
power from this point, which can as well be pressed on the bourgeoisie. They
still have much. The best houses, the best apartments and shops belong to
them. It is time to put an end to it. The workmen, in spite of the decree, still
show fear, indecisiveness. Socialism is not carried through in this way.
Further, the speaker refers to Engles and other Socialists and Paris com-
muneers who discussed the lodging question. "The workmen must come up
from their caves into the upper floors. Half measures must not be tolerated.
The workmen must take the initiative themselves, they must abandon their
psychology of slaves, that in rich houses, not filled up by workmen they will
feel uncomfortable. We do not want Nevsky, this street of prostitutes, we want
64 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Kamenoostrovsky, Vassily, Ostroff, etc. Workmen had enough courage, to go on
the barricades, to stand against imperialistic bayonets, to .break down the im-
perialistic power, but to put their own lives and the lives" of tlieir J;amilies in
better conditions they are iifraid. If they will need money or means of
transportation they will get them. If a milliard will }}e needed — the Soviet
will give it. The lack of courage still proves that a little of a counterrevolu-
tioneer still sticks in our souls and shows resistance. Wdrljmen still .consider
themselves the fourth class, while they are the first now since a long time. And
soon the time will come now, that they will be the first in the whole world."
Referring to reasons why workmen themselves hesitate to'' socialize the
lodgings. Comrade Zinovieff gives one of them as fear of, workmen families
to be sent back to their old lodgings by the " White Guard," i. e., allies, bour-
geoisie, etc. " But the proletariat should be quiet in this" respect," he says,
" if the White Guard comes. They will send away hundreds of thousands, a
whole million, maybe, but not to their former lodgings, but to the other world.
But this will never be. Their hands are too short. It is nearly a wjiole year
now since the proletariat holds the power in its hands, and this power grows ;
gets more and more strong. The women of the working class- must kno>>?' that
during the French revolution laundry women understood that they had the
right to travel in royal carriages. They took them and travelled. The diffi-
culties are now behind us. We are the ruling class. We will" show the bour-
geoisie that the revolution has been carried through for the sake of realistic
advantages, and everything that formerly belonged to the class of the oppressors
will now be taken by the people."
He further refers to the example given by the Red Giiard. They showed
that they knew how to treat the belongings of the tyrants and oppressors.
"After Nikolai Romanoff has been executed," he continues, " about 600 suits of
linen have been taken by the Red Guard. And they proved that they could
wear them not any worse than their former owner."
Maj. HuJiES. Doctor, you have had attention called in that letter
to people dying in the streets of Petrograd. What, of your own
knowledge, do you know about the actual conditions, the living condi-
tions and the terrorism in Russia, and the means that are used by
the Government to maintain itself?
Mr. HuNTixGTON. Of my own knowledge I know the conditions
in Moscow during the last few months, where I lived in the consulate
general, and I not only had my own observation, but was at the
center, where all the representatives of the consulates placed in dif-
ferent parts of the country sent their reports.
I have been on two visits to Petrograd, one in June and another
when we passed out in August. I have been over the entire trans-
Siberian line from Petrograd to Irkutsk, east. I have lived in
Irkutsk for two months, and participated in the life of the town as
much as anyone would who came into the town. I have dealt with and
seen people in the town, school-teachers, merchants.; dealt with the
Soviets in business matters, on cases of American goods; have been
at the railway stations and have seen the Austro-BLxingarian armed
guards, who were armed to fight also for the social revolution, and
had been made citizens of this soviet republic ; I have talked to rail-
road men, to station masters, to self-made men, to farmers, to peas-
ants; I have been in the
Maj. HujiES. '\'\Tiat have you seen in all this experience with
reference to terrorism and the conduct and practical application of
the policies of the Bolshevist regime?
Mr. Huntington. I have seen the complete overturn of all we
know in our present life, and absolute chaos in all htiman relations.
Maj. Httmes. How is the control maintained? Is it maintained
because the people are with the Bolshevist government, or is it main-
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 65
tained through terrorizing the people, or in what mani. ^^^|o they
maintain themselves?
Mr. Huntington. It is maintained absolutely by terror. They
gained that power by a sudden coup d'etat in Petrograd and Moscow,
by promises to a people who had been duly prepared by eight months
of propaganda, for which Germany had contributed large sums.
They were able to produce the coup d'etat bj'^ the use of soldiers in
the capital, and by promising to the crowds peace, land, and bread.
They maintain their power by owning the machine guns and the
arms, and getting control of those which they did not have in the
beginning; by the use of terror; by the use of taking hostages; by
the use of any unsci-upulous methods which, as you have seen by what
I have read, they do not denj^, but justify, and by the help of mer-
cenaries like the Letts from the Baltic Provinces, and Chinese
soldiers, such as they embrace out in Siberia, and out in Siberia in
one case where they interested Austro-Hungarian soldiers, as in the
case of the trainload armed, which I saw, and which were being sent
out to fight.
Their present armj^ to-day consists of a corps of Lettish merce-
naries and Chinese mercenaries, to which they have added, by i
threats — threats perS'onally as to themselves and as to their wives and
children — citizens who no doubt serve only because of fear of what
will be done by the Bolshevik government to their families, and also
because by serving they secure food and clothing.
Their present armies are formed in this way. They are not formed
of enthusiastic people fighting for a great cause, but they are formed
of desperate people who hope by service in the army to be clothed
and fed.
Maj. Humes. You have referred to this government as a social-
istic state. Are we to understand from that that the Government, as
now constituted, represents the socialist movement of the socialist
elements of Russia, or does it simply represent one party or one ele-
ment of the socialist movement in Russia?
Mr. Huntington. It represents only one group of the socialists
of Russia ; and to show that, I need only say that in the constituent
assembly which was finally held in Petrograd and sat — 'at least pre-
pared one day and sat for a second day — and where I was present,
by having been allowed in there by sailor guards who were posted at
the street corners, in that assembly they had a large majority against
them, and they disbanded the assembly because of that fact, and the
large majority of that whole gathering were socialists, socialists
by conviction, chiefly of the so-called social revolutionary party, the
party of the peasant socialists. I think that that constituent _as-
semblv, which so far as I know is the last really democratic meeting
that has been held in Russia, is a sufficient answer to that question.
I can also cite, however, the treatment of such great groups of
socialists — although these are not political groups — as the coopera-
tive societies who are formed chiefly of socialists. These societies
find themselves in strong oppostion to the Bolshevik power, but are
forced to o-o on with it. For a long time the Bolshevik power feared
to touch their organization, because it was democratic, and reaches
the hearts and pocketbooks of the people pretty closely ; but lately
they have gained courage in that regard, and they have put a com-
85723—19 5
66 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
missarf?t^°Jie organization of the largest cooperative in central Rus-
sia and they have also taken over the bank of the cooperative socie-
ties— the stockholders of which are peasants — and have their mem-
bers among the directors of that bank.
Maj. Humes. Have you any idea what portion of the socialist
movement in Russia is represented in the present government 'i
Mr. Huntington. When the Bolshevik movement began, because
of the economic disintegration, because of the anarchy of mind of
a people held in political oppression, and with no education, because
of the sins of the old regime, they had a considerable vogue, without
question, in Petrograd and Moscow, and extended a sort of power —
not perfect power, but a sort of power — even out into Siberia. I have
seen that. But as time went on and they did not fulfill their prom-
ises, they did not get peace and did not get bread, and the distribu-
tion of land only caused trouble and friction among the peasants. I
have seen late advices from the land, not from the state owners, that
peasants in many parts of the country are now wishing to pay for
the land, and hesitating to plow the land which they took, because
they feel they would like to pay for it, because they have lots of
paper money and would like to pay for it and clear the title.
When they promised peace, land and bread, and did not get
any of them, they began to lose adherents; and they lost, first, the
peasants, because the peasants in Russia, who form 85 per cent of
that great population, who are not nationally minded, whose education
and form of environment have been very local, and who did not
take a lively interest as a mass in any movement whose chief motive
was to get land — when those peasants had got the land, as they
thought, they were out of the game.
They were further driven out of the game by the requisitions of
food by the Bolsheviks. When our train was lying at one point in
eastern Russia in February, 1918, where we lay for several days, the
Red Guards arrived with machine guns and sent telegrams through
the telegraph office in the station, and I was able to read these tele-
grams. Through these telegrams the leader of these Red Guards
reported that he had sent his command out into the country among
the peasants and that he had been defeated, and he asked in one of
his telegrams for reinforcements. Further, while certain of our party
were drinking tea in the house of a prosperous peasant, the house was
surrounded by Red Guards composed of the riffraff of the village. It
is this " peasant poor " that Lenine incited to civil war against their
better-off brother peasants.
I cite that merely as a case in point, showing how they have sent
squads into the country demanding food, and the peasants ask them to
give in exchange for the food manufactured articles instead of money,
of which they have plenty, and which is useless to them; they ask
for shoes and cloth and other articles, and the Bolsheviks refuse to
give these articles to the peasants, and when the peasants refuse to
sell them food they take it by force, and that only causes the peasants
to hide what they have, and in certain cases, where they have arms,
to fight. They have lost, therefore, the confidence of the peasants,
and the peasants form 85 per cent of the Russian people. Therefore,
I can not see how they can claim to-day politically to control the
peasants.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 67
Now, as to the workmen, we have the best of advice now that they
have lost most of them. The workmen of Eussia are about 7 per
cent, or perhaps it is 8 — about 7 or 8 per cent, I think — in the great
cities, chiefly. These men have neither food nor peace. They
are having almost continuous warfare ever since the peace with
Germany, and they are not satisfied, either; and they are not to
be reckoned to-day as adherents of the Bolshevik regime, although
that regime claims them most vociferously, and in order to secure
their support has taken from the factories certain of the elite or
pick of the workmen and made them commisars. That has not,
however, been enough under the conditions, under their economic
failure, to realize the paradise which they promised, and hold the
workmen. Therefore, I feel that if the peasants are 85 per cent and
the workmen are 7 per cent, that makes 92 per cent, and if they
can not be said to have those two — not to speak of the higher classes,
which I do not mention in this connection at all— I can not feel that
they have to-day a very large following in Russia.
(At 1.10 o'clock p. m. the subcommittee took a recess until 2.30
o'clock p. m.)
AFTERNOON SESSION.
.The subcommittee reconvened, pursua,nt to .thfe^4;aking of the recess,
at 2.30 o'clock p. m. *- "
TESTIMONY OF MR. WILLIAM CHAPIN HUNTINGTON— Resumed.
Maj. Humes. Doctor, this morning you gave us some idea of the
comparative strength and following of the various parties in Eussia,
which indicated that the present Government represented less than
10 per cent of the people. Now, if that is true, how do they main-
tain their power or maintain the de facto government?
Mr. Huntington. In the first place, they have the machine guns.
They have got the arms.
Maj. Humes. How do they use the machine guns? Where have
they got them and how do they use them, and what do they use
them for?
Mr. Huntington. The machine gun is the weapon, par excellence,
for use in towns, on the roads, and for use in the country villages
if there is a peasant uprising; and also for obtaining grain; and
they have not only the machine guns, but the transport. It was due
also to the presence of German officers that they have more than once
won.
They also have the press, because for several months now there
has been no liberty for the press in Eussia. They do not permit any
of the so-called bourgeois papers, which were formerly published, to
come out.
Maj. Humes. Do they permit any socialist papers of other groups
than their own groups to publish papers?
Mr. Huntington. No; there are none except the official organs
of the so-called Soviet Government published at this time in bol-
shevik Eussia. Having the press, having the arms, and then having
the railway lines, although the railway men themselves, particularly
68 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the higher classes, the locomotive engineers, the conductors, and fire-
men and station masters, are not for them, they are able to control
the country pretty well. They have, of course, the telegraph.
Maj. Humes. Do hostages figure at all in their control?
Mr. Huntington. The hostage system which they use is the same
as the German system. They take hostages for the actions of some
one whom they vvish to control. The father of a young girl who was
my secretary, an Englishman who had lived in Russia for many
years, was walking one night, smoldng a cigar, in the garden of the
Church of the Saviour. He was arrested, with every one else in the
garden, and taken off. They found out about it by chance; other-
wise thej^ would not have known. The girls went to the Kremlin;
where they found out that he had been taken, and asked for what
he had been arrested, and were jeered at, and told that he had
already been executed. They proceeded and saw the second highest
man, and he told them that there was not anything to be done about
it; that he did not know anything about their father, and his case
would come up when the time came. The other men in the office
told them that their father had been killed.
They were then told that one of the Red Cross representatives was
the only one that would be allowed to find out anything about him,
and see him, so that one of the Red Cross representatives went, at
my request, to find out about this unfortunate man, against whom
there is no accusation whatever, or any charge brought, and he
spoke to the assistant to Peters, who received him kindly and said.
" Yes; I will do the best I can, and I will make a note of it, but I
do not know just what I can do. I have to put so many people to
death every day that I am tired at night." That is one of the meth-
ods which is used.
Another method is the brandishing of force before one. In
Irkutsk, in Siberia, where T lived, there was daily machine-gun
practice, so called, in a little vard on one of the main streets, so
that as the passers-by passed down the street they might hear the
noise and rattle of the machine guns; which for people who had
just been through the social revolution as they had, was, of course,
a little bit annoying, and tended to keep people on edge. The
Peter and Paul Prison in Petrograd was filled with hostages of
this kind. The system was quite universal. That was another part
of the terror. They never have denied the terror. You heard this
morning the official proclamation read, in which they are instructed
to do this very thing, and they do not deny these methods. They
justify them.
Maj. Humes. "^'^Tiat is the attitude of the Government, as it is con-
stituted, toward the church ?
Mr. Huntington. The attitude in practice is very hostile. In
theory it is neutral. In theory, the church is a cult, recognized as a
cult of people who have the right of congregation like any sect or
cult, and this sect or cult occupies a church building nationalized by
the Government — because of course the church properties are na-
tionalized, as is other property — and they can meet in this church, and
I believe, are supposed to pay rent. I do not know whether the rent
has been paid or not. That is the theoretical status. Theoreticallv, I
think, any religion, any cult, is tolerated. In practice the attitude is
BOI^HEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 69
one of extreme hostility, if only for the reason that the leaders of the
movement are, of course, very much opposed to orthodox Chris-
tianity.
Senator Wolcott. Are they in favor of any particular religion?
Mr. Huntington. Not the leaders of this movement themselves;
no, sir. The leaders of the movement, I should say, are about two-
thirds Russian Jews and perhaps one-sixth or more of some of the
othemationalities, like the Letts or the Armenians. The assistant in
the foreign office was an Armenian. Then there are the Georgians;
that is, the so-called Gruzinians of the Caucasus, and the remaining
number Slavs. The superiority of the Jews is due to their intel-
lectual superiority, because the average Jew is so much better edu-
cated than the average Russian; and also, I think, to the fact that
the Hebrew people have suffered so in the past in Russia that it has
inevitably resulted in their cherishing a grudge which has been
worked out by the movement.
It is only fair, however, to say that the best of the Hebrew people
in Russia, among whom are some of the finest in the world, and
the greatest strugglers for human liberty in the world, have dis-
approved of this thing and have always disapproved it, and fear
its consequences for their own people.
Senator Overman. What was the established religion there?
Mr. Huntington. The so-called Eastern Orthodox Church, which
came from the church of Constantinople in the ninth century. Mis-
sionaries were sent out from Constantinople who converted Russia,
and it has gone on ever since.
Senator Wolcott. Commonly called the Greek Church?
Mr. Huntington. Commonly called the Greek Church, which
separated from the Roman Church at the time of the schism, and
it has gone on its own way ever since.
Maj. Humes. I want to read this from paragraph 13, page 32, of
the Soviet constitution :
For the purpose of securing for the toilers real freedom of conscience, the
church is separated from the state, and the school from the church, and the
freedom of religious and antlreligious propaganda is secured for all citizens.
What became of the church property in Russia ?
Mr. Huntington. Theoretically, the status of the property is that
of nationalization. Practically, where it was needed as they thought
for any purpose that they might have, it was taken over, which in
the eyes of the pious was, of course, desecration.
In Irkutsk the theological seminary was taken over, and they
could not rest with taking the ordinarj' rooms, but they desecrated
the chapel.
In the Kremlin there was an old monastery very much revered
amono- Russians, an ancient citadel, and from that the monks were
expelled.
Priests have often been arrested. Sometimes they have been put
to death.
The persecution is constant. It is, however, I think, having a
salutary effect on the church, which from being a spoiled creature
of the state in former times is now, under suffering, reforming and
being cleansed; but the sufferings of the people and the church-
o'oers are very great. In the end the church will be strengthened.
70 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Maj. Htjmes. What was done with the personal pi'operty of the
church, gold and silver ornaments, or anything of value, of a per-
sonal nature ?
Mr. Huntington. You probably i*efer to the altar, the sanctuary
ornaments, I imagine. There there were cases of looting, but how
general I do not know. I know of specific cases which have come up
before us, but I do not know how general that looting has been.
Maj. HuJiES. There has been, you say, in particular instances that
you know of?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir.
Maj. Humes. You stated this morning that you had 'attended
meetings of the Soviets in the constituent assembly. How was the
constituent assembly conducted? Was it a representative body that
controlled its own deliberations or was it controlled by some one else ?
Mr. Huntington. The constituent assembly was a bone of conten-
tion in Russia for a long time. Sometimes the Bolsheviks claimed to
want it very much, and other times they did not. The constituent
assembly, of course, as you all know, is supposed to be representative
of the entire nation, and was to decide the constitution of the future
Eussia. It was elected in a time of stress. It was elected even at a
time when there was great Bolshevik influence. But in spite of that
it turned a large majority against the Bolsheviks. When it was
finally allowed to meet, about which there was considerable discus-
sion, it had the majority against the Bolsheviks, and it lasted two
days. On the second day the sailors appeared in the gallery with
machine guns and told the deputies to go home, and they went home.
I speak from knowledge, having been in the assembly.
Maj. Humes. The sailors side with the Bolsheviks, do they?
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir; the sailors were Bolsheviks, and they
were very often used by the Bolsheviks because they were better
educated than the ordinary soldiers, and they were very fierce at that
time. They were amongst some of the hardest of such people that I
have ever known.
Senator Overman. How are the Cossacks? How are their feel-
ings?
Mr. Huntington. The Cossacks were the former frontiersmen of
Eussia, and they had special charters under old Eussia, and lands
would be granted to them, and that has affected somewhat their atti-
tude toward Bolshevism, because they did not want to have their
lands taken away from them. The Bolsheviks have sometimes made
concessions or made it appear that they did not want to take the Cos-
sacks' lands ; that is, they were making a special case of them. They
did at the time win some of the Cossacks, but the main body of them,
so far as we could see, they have never won. There are people in
Cossack Eussia, however, who have been in the Bolshevik movement.
The sailors have been complained of so much that it may not be
amiss to say, in speaking of their ferocity, which is not sentimental
or joking but a fact, that I stood one day on the quay, the bank
of the river Neva, in the building occupied by the National City
Bank, and looked out of the office and had pointed out to me by the
manager of the bank a spot on the street in front, which was red —
a dried-up pool — and he told me that it was blood, and that he and
his assistant had stood in the window of the bank that morning and
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 71
a squad of sailors had marched along the street, which ifuns along
the river front, and walking along on the walk had been,' a man in
an officer's coat, who was walking along by himself, empty handed,
and that before they came opposite to this man one of them raised
his musket and shot the officer on the spot, and he was left there,
and the march of the men was not even stopped to see whether the
job had been done or not. Afterwards he was picked up.
Senator Wolcott. He was an officer in the Navy ?
Mr. Huntington. No, sir; an army officer.
Senator Wolcott. An army officer?
Mr. Huntington. Of what grade I do not know. They were not
wearing epaulettes then, and you could not tell from the coat; only
from the cap you could tell that he was an officer.
Maj. Humes. You have cited one instance of the father of a clerk
of yours who was arrested and executed. Are you familiar with any
other instances of similar conduct on the part of the government
authorities ?
Mr. Huntington. I am sorry if I have given the impression that
I said he was executed. I do not know whether he has yet been
executed or not. He was in prison up to the latest advices which we
had, up to a month or so ago.
Senator Wolcott. I understood you to say that this man told the
daughters that he had been killed.
Mr. Huntington. They told them that, presumably to terrorize
and scare those girls.
Senator Wolcott. And the daughters learned afterwards that he
had not been killed?
Mr. Huntington. So far as we could find out. No one ever got
inside to see. They admitted no one. In this case they did not even
admit the Ked Cross to see this man, although they said they would.
They did admit the Ked Cross to some prisons. People were con-
fined in there whom nobody knew about, who people thought had fled
to other parts of the country, in Moscow, as was the case with our
own associate Mr. Simmons, who was in prison for 8 or 10 days,
although he wrote letters and sent telegrams, which went to the com-
mission, who refused to forward those letters of a supposedly friendly
consulate.
Maj. Humes. What tribunal imposes the death penalty and causes
the execution? *
Mr. Huntington. The so-called extraordinary committee for
combatting the counter-revolution. That is headed in Moscow by
a man who has become famous as Peters, a Lett from the Baltic
Provinces, who speaks English and is an educated man, and is one
of the most cruel and fanatic men connected with the entire move-
ment.
Maj. Humes. What does this committee consist of ? Does it consist
of one man or more than one man ? How is it organized ?
Mr. Huntington. I can not tell what the system is of selecting
the people who sit on it.
Maj. "Humes. Do they pretend to try persons who are accused, or
is it a summary proceeding?
Mr. Huntington. I think there is a pretense of trial, but nobody
knows anything about it, and they do not have to show any record
or any reason to the -outside world.
72 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Maj. Humes. The trials are not public, then, if there are trials?
Mr. Hui^TTNGTON. I do not know of any o'f those trials being pub-
lic. Ther^ have been trials before a revolutionary tribunal which
have been public, but that was in an earlier day, such as the trial of
the woman who was the minister of public welfare under the Keren-
sky government. But since the establishment of the extraordinary
commission, I do not Imow of any such trial. There are replicas of
this extraordinarj' commission in other places. There is one in Petro-
grad. They are made up, usually, from amongst the most fanatical
and fiercest of, the local terrorists.
Maj. Humes. Do you know how many serve on this commission?
Mr. Huntington. No, sir ; I can not tell you.
Maj. Humes. I think this morning you were just getting ready to
take up the economic situation in Russia.. Will you go ahead and
state to the committee the economic conditions there ?
Mr. Huntington. The situation has two aspects, as it seems to me.
It has the moral aspect and the economic aspect. I mean moral in
the broad sense, of all morality; not sex morality, of course, which
is the frequent narrow use of the word here.
The moral aspect has rather been touched upon by the description
of the terror — of the actual cases, many of which can be cited. I never
have personally had any great interest in telling thrilling stories to
make people's nerves tingle. There are .plenty of stories, and you
may hear others, and I think the case is sufficiently put by the state-
ment of the Bolshevik Government, in which they do not deny the
use of terror, but justify it. The moral side is one side.
The other side is the economic side. In other words, has the move-
ment succeeded in bringing about any kind of an economic prosper-
ity ? I do not mean a paradise, or anything like it. To that I can only
answer most decidedly no ; that there is a complete chaos in Russia ;
that there is as near to anarchy as there could be and anything go on
at all ; that the center of the whole thing is really the railroad system,
which is conducted out of previous habits of good order, and because
there is the need of living by the railroad men themselves, who, I
might say, deserve great credit for this, in my opinion. That serves
to connect the various parts and keeps, to a certain degree, things
going. The railroad transportation is slowly declining, day by day.
When we passed out through Siberia and passed back again the side-
tracks at the stations were filled with locomo'tives, some of them
American, all rusty, with parts missing, with perhaps a connecting
rod off, or a throttle taken off, or a cab boarded up, every one of them
lacking this or that or the other part. Engines had broken down, and
they had taken this or that or the other part off of one of these en-
gines to make repairs. The rolling stock wears out day by day, and
there is no repair shop, and the repairs can not be executed for lack
of material and because the labor conditions are so unfortunate.
The production in any factories that have material has dropped off^
very greatly, in enormous percentages, anywhere from 500 to 1,000
per cent. There is lack of discipline in the factories and there is lack
of food.
Senator Wolcott. What do you mean by 1,000 per cent?
Mr. Huntington. I mean 10 times, sir; 10 times 100 per cent.
There is lack of food.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 73
Senator Wolcott. Just what do you mean?
Mr. Huntington. I mean that a factory, for instance, that might
make formerly 10 locomotives a month now makes 1; such as the
Kolomensky works. The cotton factories are closed down. There
was next to no cotton raised in Turkestan this last year on account of
the disturbances.
Senator Overman. Heretofore they have been spinning all their
own yarn and not importing it. The cotton they use comes from
where ?
Mr. Huntington. Oh, about one-half of it from outside, from
Egypt and from us — it did come — and about one-half from them-
selves, as I remember it. They produced a great part, the principal
part, of their own needs in cotton goods, and they have some very,
very large factories for this purpose, founded by Englishmen. A
German began the movement, but brought over English foremen and
superintendents, and their successors remain there still, to this day — ■
or did.
There is in the factories not only the lack of discipline and chaos
in the administration, except where there has been effected a sort of
agreement between the men and the foreman-proprietor, who gives
his brains to the running of the factory, which has sometimes oc-
curred, but there is hunger. A factory inspector of the Young
Women's Christian Association, who visited practically every fac-
tory in Moscow, and whose report I have read, says that in many
cases there was lack of work because there was lack of food, in addi-
tion to the other causes.
There is no banking, in the accepted sense. It is impossible to
transfer money from one town to another to^^n. If there is any pay-
ment to be made, it is paid in cash. If you want to make a payment,
you send a man, preferably, with a suitcase with the money in it. The
banks, formerly private banks, are now called departments 1, 2, 3,
and 4. of the People's Bank of the Federated Socialist Republic of
the Soviet. So that you have perhaps the Siberian bank of Petrograd
being called department No. 1, and the international bank, depart-
ment No. 2, etc. They carry on no banking business, ordinarily so-
called, except the passing out of paper money which is paid out to
factory organizations, those who are still running at all, for the pay-
ment of workmen.
Senator Overman. Did they abolish liquor while you were there —
vodka ?
Mr. HuN'i-iNGTON. That was done before I arrived.
Senator Overbian. Did they really abolish it?
Mr. Huntington. It vvas very efficacious, and for the masses there
was no liquor when I arrived in Russia. Tliei'e was liquor for people
who could get it by corrupt methods whicli have always prevailed in
Russia, ancl have never prevailed there to the extent to which they
prevail to-day. When we left Russia, passing out, although we had
the vise of the authorities of Moscow, as soon as we got to Petrograd
we were held by a commissar, who was unfortunately killed while we
were there, and he finally let us go. He said he would not recognize
the authority of the men of the foreign office in Moscow. I mention
this at this' point to show you that whereas they have a sort of
authority, the authority of their so-called government is not very
74 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
firm, and when it comes to issuing a constructive or definite restrain-
ing order they can not do it. An order to loot or to take they can get
obeyed, but many times they can not get obeyed the other orders
they issue.
We were held up, although we had our passports in order. When
we got to the border we had to pay tribute to get out of the country,
and did pay tribute to the Red Guard, who were at the border and
who hustled the baggage, and also to the official at the border who
conducted it.
Senator Overmax. Is the Eussian naturally a cruel man ?
Mr. Huntington. Xo, sir; I should say not. He is naturally a
kind man, a very easy-going man.
Senator Overman. Are they hospitable people?
Mr. Huntington. Very, under normal circumstances.
Senator Overman. Under present conditions, under this Bolshevik
movement, the very contrary is the case ?
Mr. Huntington. A peasant, for instance, who has been taught
that his landlord is his enemy — although that may not have been the
case, because many landowners were kind to the peasants — a work-
man who has been taught the creed of Lenine and Trotsky, which is
the class warfare; and which says distinctly that your employer is
your natural enemy, naturally, when he has been so taught, and he is
hungry, will strike the employer, and he may regret it a week after-
wards. On the walls of the stairway in the Metropole Hotel in
Moscow when I went in there the last time in August with two others,
in perfectly good English, undoubtedly written by Mr. Tchitcherin,
there was a copy of a poster which they were planning to launch up
on the Murman coast, for the Bri^is^i and American soldiers. This
piece was well written, and ^ ery logical, and the only trouble was
with the first statement. I can not quote it exactly, but it started in
this way :" Comrades, workmen of Great Britain and America, wliy
do you come to our shores of this workmen's republic? You liavc
nothing in common with your employer. He is your enemy. Turn
around and go home and fight him, and you will achieve hajppiness."
That is the creed, and when it is taught to simple people who are
hungry, it produces that effect. The people are, apart from that,
very kind, and easily led, easily to be had for any idea.
Senator Overman. What proportion of the people are educated?
Mr. Huntington. The estimates vary about that. The best esti-
mate I have ever seen for the army which I thought was trustworthy
was 50 per cent for the army. I have seen others higher, but I caia
not, from personal experience and contact with these men, believe
them. If we accepted 50 per cent for the army, then you would have
to figure that the army is only a portion of the population and does
not include the women, and the women have had much less oppor-
tunity than the men, and our percentage of literacy in the country
would seem to me, even with a very broad definition, certainly to be
low; would certainly not be much more than a quarter, on a very
broad definition of literacy — I mean, not asking that a man know too
much, but that he be able
Senator Overman. Do women take part in these mobs, these lynch-
ings and murders ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 75
Mr. Huntington. In mobs there have been women present. In
many murders, no, sir. I have seen the victims of murders after
they were killed, but I have' not been present. As, for instance, one
morning in the embassy news was brought of the killing of the liberal
minister of finance in the Kerensky government, Mr. Shingaryov,
who had been a little doctor in south Russia and had come up to the
Duma had learned state finances and had been one of those who
fought officials of the old regime in putting their schemes through of
getting money for the Czar's favorites. This man was arrested and
was lying in the prison of Peter and Paul with another of the Keren-
sky ministers, Kokoshkin, who was ill, and they allowed him and
another man to go to the hospital of the Liteiny Prospect. Into
that hospital one night at 11 o'clock armed men got by the guards and
got up to the room of these men and shot them in their beds as they
lay there.
That story came to the embassy on Sunday morning and was jiot
believed, and so I went, at the special request of the ambassador, to
the hospital on the Liteiny and personally passed through the crowd
and into the morgue and passed along by the marble slabs in the
morgue and stopped before the slab on which lay the body of Mr.
Shingaryov, and next to him this other man, and, knowing him per-
sonally, I readily identified his body and went back and reported.
Such things I have no desire, as I say, to tell. I have no desire to
tell thrilling stories, but of such incidents I can call to mind a good
many.
Maj. Humes. Are you familiar with any atrocities of the kind com-
mitted against women? Did you come in contact with anything of
that kind?
Mr. Huntington. No. Personally, the only atrocities that I know
of, the only mistreatment that I know of on the violent scale, I know
from the town of Irkutsk, from the actions of the guards on entering
certain houses there to loot, and who pretty roughly handled the
women, but did not kill them. I believe there are undoubtedly such
cases, but I, personally, have not seen them.
Maj. Humes. Proceed with the economic matters.
Mr. Huntington. The keynote is entire absence of production.
That is why I am mystified, sometimes, when I read accounts that
production is going on well. There must be entire lack of produc-
tion, because there is not only lack of discipline but lack of material.
The government is founded on demagogy, and therefore has not been
able to work constructively. We have tried to work with them con-
structively on a number of occasions. We tried, for instance, to feed
the city of Moscow from the Volga, and had practically a plan for
doing that under the International Red Cross when Trotsky blocked
that, because, for some reasons of his own, he feared it would react
unfavorably upon his regime. Besides the lack of real administra-
tive ability amongst these men, there is also the constant additional
difficulty that they are not interested in building, but they are inter-
ested primarily in propagating.
Propagation of their doctrines is the prime idea. The prime idea
is to get these doctrines propagated, to get the social revolution, as
they see it, throughout the world, and then do your constructing. Such
constructing as they have conducted to-day at home has been only
76 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
such as was forced on them or such as they wanted to do for the
effect on the outside world. Now they are constantly trying to evince
that their construction is a success. They are not, from a normal
man's standpoint, capable of constructive work. What constructive
work is done, is done by neutral people whom they employ on occa-
sion ; as, for instance, an engineer friend of mine in the ministry
of railways, v^'hom they appointed director of transportation. He
found it impossible to keep on with them, because when he issued
any orders that were not satisfactory to the workmen they were not
obeyed. And when he went to the soviet, which guaranteed him aid
and protection — even going so far as to say they would shoot people
who did not obey, because they were bound to put the country in
shape and Mr. Lenine said that production was what was needed —
when he went to them they were afraid of the people in his offices,
and these people appealed to demagogy and said that they would
not stand to have this or that measure put through, and the so\'iets,
of course, gave in. Having founded their power on demagogy, they
could not do otherwise. They would gladly have made use of us
and of other foreigners.
The foreigner, as a rule, has had a better chance than a Russian.
Among the foreigners theie were clever men and trained. Some of
them in Russia are some of the cleverest men in the world. The
Bolsheviks made offers of '' cooperation " to the American Embassy,
and wanted men for constructive work. This was in December, a
month after thej- had been in power, and they would promise any-
thing. They wanted to get experts from America. They knew
that the people were very badly disciplined, and they thought if we
would send special men to help them build up their new socialistic
state, they would punish workmen or peasants who would not obey
them. They were bound to have discipline and were bound to have
the work done. Unfortunately, like all the rest of it, it does not get
beyond words and the paper that it is printed on.
Senator Wolcott. According to their program, if people do not
do like they want, shoot them; if they will not work, shoot them;
if they will not work to suit them, shoot them ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes; but that is all, of course, because a great
good is coming out of all this ; and the fact that a few hundred people
are killed, in their minds does not mean anything.
Senator Wolcott. Yes; of course, 'the worst tyrants that ever
lived always appealed to the ultimate good in their behalf.
Maj. Humes. What about the production of raw materials?
Mr. Huntington. As to the basic raw materials like coal, for in-
stance, European Russia is not well provided with coal, to begin
with. Coal has been in the Ukraine, and they have juggled with the
transportation and juggled the situation with the Ukraine so that
there is none coming from there.
The petroleum came from the Caucasus, but they brought about
a political situation and an industrial situation in Baku by which no
more petroleum is produced, and petroleum no longer comes up the
Volga.
As for cotton, on account of the conditions in Turkestan, where the
social war has been going on, and especially on account of the local
religions and tribes there, cotton production has been very low, so
that they have not cotton.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 77
Food there is considerable of, in various points. There was food
in the south of Russia. There is food in the north of Caucasus.
There is food in Siberia. But the political situation which they have
brought about and the breakdown of transportation have made it
impossible to tap that food ; and more than that, there is food in the
hands of peasants, and would be more — that is the chief difficulty —
but their treatment of the peasants has made it impossible for them
to get any food into the towns. The peasants will not give up the
food, in the first place, because no goods are exchanged, nothing but
money, and money is valueless. In the second place, they will not
give it up at the fixed prices, which bear no relation to the other
things which they have to buy.
In Siberia, where there was much food, but under the Bolshevik
regime I have been in towns where it was very difficult to obtain, and
yet close outside of those towns there was plenty of food, but the
peasants did not bring it in. We had meat brought to our house in
Irkutsk by a peasant girl who had raised the calf and killed it and
brought it in to sell. She was stopped by a Eed Guard, who took the
calf away from her. She said that she was a peasant girl, and she
said, " I am going to take this calf in and sell this meat." She said,
" I am a poor girl, and I am going to sell this meat." The Red Guard
said, " You will have to sell it to me and you will have to sell it at the
normal, set price for meat." She refused to do this, and the result
was a battle of words between her brother, who happened to be fairly
good sized, and herself, and this man ; so that finally the calf, in that
instance, was given up, and we ate it.
Maj. Humes. Go on with any other phase of the economic situa-
tion that you have in mind and are familiar with.
Mr. HuNTiKGTON. Evidently here it is very difficult for people
living under normal circumstances, as we do, to make any picture of
life there. In the towns like Petrograd and Moscow, as soon as you
come into them you immediately mark a strangeness. In Petrograd,
in September, the town in the first place was very empty. As many
people had gone away as could. The streets, which are very wide
and fine, were almost empty. A sorrowful aspect over the whole
place was very terrible. When I arrived there I fortunately had
food with me, as every one else had. Everyone brought his food.
An old servant of the house where I lived offered to share her one-
eighth of a pound of black bread with me, so that I had a chance to
see how big that portion was.
As far as the theaters are concerned, it is often urged that the
theater is an amusement place, and as the theaters are running, life
there must be normal. I can only say that some of my principal
lessons in the Russian language were taken from one of the best actors
there — one of the second-rate actors, I mean, who never played the
first role — of the Alexander Theater of Petrograd, and that he was
heart-broken over the whole matter, and recounted to me the reaction
of all his actor friends to it, and I was able in the theater afterwards
to see the reaction on the performance of these people. These theaters,
like the Art Theater of Moscow, which is perhaps the cleverest in the
■World, seen in 1918 and seen in 1917 were two different pictures ; and
doubtless the people act in order to get bread, but there is no heart
in it.
78 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overman. What is the normal size of Petrograd?
Mr. Huntington. Petrograd and Moscow are nearly the same
size — ^2,000,000 apiece. Population in war time swelled by the influx
of refugees.
Senator Overman. ^^Tien you left there, how many people were
left in Petrograd?
Mr. Huntington. I do not know. I have seen and heard esti-
mates, but I have no waA' to tell except by the general aspect of the
lown and the lack of people on the streets; no more movement, no
life, no " go " about it ; the shops, many of them, boarded up.
Senator Overman. Did the people leave the city on account of the
terror ?
Mr. Huntington. Terror and lack of food.
Senator Overman. It is so in Moscow also?
Mr. Huntington. Moscow was a little better placed, because Mos-
cow is nearer the center of the country and it has more railroad
lines running into it, and is nearer the food-producing area. When I
speak of the better class of people I do not refer to the old court,
necessarily, at all. The favorite comparison is made now as if Russia
was only in two parts, the old court and the new Bolsheviks, and as if
the Bolsheviks had made the Russian revolution, which they did not;
but it was made by those people, liberal people of all kinds, people
who have been fighters against the old regime in bygone days.
Senator Overman. Where did those better people go; where did
the merchants and bankers and men of substance go when they left
the city ?
Mr. Huntington. Most of them ran to Scandinavia. Some of
them went to the Ukraine, some of them into the Baltic Provinces,
which at that time were better places. Some ran to Finland, but that
got difficult because the Finns did not want more people over there.
They had too little food themselves.
The better class, the richer class, including some of the wealthiest
class, whom Lenine thought he had brolien, are to-day to be found
in Copenhagen, London, Paris, living along quite all right, while
some of the finest of the old Liberals and strugglers are living in
Moscow in apartments, like some friends of mine there, not knowing
when they will have to get out of the apartment; having people
thrust on them ; being peremptorily told that this and that man will
come and live with them to-morrow ; and on their sayin'g, " We have
not any room ; every room is occupied," being told, " Well, you will
have to double up." They may never have seen this man, but that
makes no difference. One has no personal liberty. And then, as
they have grown more desperate the terror has increased, and there
comes the constant risk that one's life may be taken.
Maj. Humes. Have you any idea how many of those people came
to this country ?
Mr. Huntington. I think comparatively few came to this coun-
try, because it was very difficult to get passports, very difficult to
get out — to get out through the west gate. To get out through the
gate running from Petrograd to Stockholm you had to get a passport
from the Swedes before you could leave Russia, because Sweden had
a rationing of food and did not want to take refugees, and if you
could get your passport frotn America, then you took it to the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 79
Swedish and Norwegian authorities, and then with those and a
Bolshevik passport you could presumably leave and get away if you
could pass the German blockade on the Baltic Sea on the way across.
It is rather interesting, since the international point of view of
these people does not seem to be comprehended here, and the fact
that they worked for an international movement, to recount the story
of how Mr. Eansome went to Stockholm. He is an English writer
of very considerable brilliance and he was in very close relation with
the Bolshevik government. I hav€ not seen him doing so, but some<
of our Americans reported to me seeing him in the Bolshevik foreign
office chatting and shaking hands with the German representatives.
That, of course, was perfectly in line with his creed, which he never
denied, so far as I know, of being an internationalist and not recog-
nizing the German as his enemy.
He came to the Swedish consul general one day in Moscow and
asked the consul general for a passport — to vise his Bolshevik pass-
port; not his usual passport, but his Bolshevik courier's passport;
that is, the passport of a courier carrying documents, which covers
the courier and the documents in a sealed bag, which he carries. He
did not show his British passport. He had a Bolshevik passport.
He asked for a vise on this. The Swedish consul general looked at
him and said, " Why, you are an Englishman." He said, " Yes."
He said, "There is no use my viseing your passport. You will get
on that boat and they (the Germans) will put you off at Helsingfors,"
which was the prominent point where their boats stopped. " They
will take you off the boat there." He said, " No ; they will not."
The consul general said, " I am not going to make a fool of myself
and vise your passport." Kansome came again and was refused in
the same way. The consul general said there was no use to talk
about it. He said, " You will be arrested. I do not care to be foolish
about it."
Finally he came a third time, and he had with him Mr. Karl Radek,
who was the representative of the Bolshevik foreign commissariat
in charge of western European affairs, whose name has prominently
figured in the Bolshevik group in Germany recently as directing
their operations or advising with them. Mr. Radek told the Swedish
consul general that they wanted Mr. Eansome's passport vised. He
was told by the consul general, " It is useless for me to do that. The
Germans will take him off, with a passport vised. They know he
is an Englishman." Mr. Radek said, "You leave that to us. Mr.
Ransome is going out to the outside, to tell the truth about our
work." This is rather interesting, at a time, of course, when no
messages for any of the allied countries could pass out, nor could
the newspaper correspondents pass out except at great risk, through
underground channels; yet to tell the truth about their movement
Mr. Ransome was being sent by the Bolsheviki, and on his voyage
to Sweden guaranteed against capture by the Germans, to do this
work.
Senator Wolcott. As a sequel to that, did Mr. Ransome — I do
not know anything about the man, but did he get out with the
rest of the world ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes; he got out into Stockholm. I do not
know where he is now. In Stockholm, I suppose he is.
80 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Wolcott. Do you kno\\- whether he is writing any arti-
cles for the papers for publication?
Mr. Huntington. Yes ; I think so.
Senator Wolcott. Any that are being published in this country?
Mr. Huntington. Yes; he is a very interesting writer.
Senator Wolcott. From what you say, we are entitled to say that
anything Mr. Ransonie puts out in this country ovqv his name is
the expression of an agent of this Bolshevik bunch of people in
-Russia?
Mr. Huntington. It is certainly- the expression of a man whom
they regard as a good propagandist, or interpreter of their spirit
and work; yes.
Senator Wolcott. Have you seen any of his articles in this
country ?
Mr. Huntington. No, sir ; I have not.
Senator Overman. Have you observed in this country, since your
return, any Bolshevik jDropaganda going on — any appearance of it
in this country?
Mr. Huntington. I have been here a short time, and I have made
very little study of the matter up to this time, since I have been
mostly engaged with the organization of my own work, v.-hich is
Russian-American trade relations, preparing for the future. It
seems to me, though, that this is hot a case for fine-drawn distinc-
tions. If it be urged that the Bolshevik Government is honest
and fair and true, if it be urged by speakers here that it be
recognized and dealt with, when you had read to you this morn-
ing that its object is to upset every government in the world — to
urge people to have such friendly relations with it is tantamount to
urging them to have relations with an agency which contemplates
their ultimate destruction. Unless it "has repealed and taken back
these principles which it has, all along, been enunciating (of which
I do not know), by actual design or favorable consideration and the
condoning of the terror it seems to me one makes it easier for these
same people to then spread the doctrines which they preach, and
which there is no hypocrisy about, it being a matter of public record
in our country and other countries.
Senator Overman. Did you notice, when you were over there, any
effort to make propaganda of these and other doctrines in other
countries ?
Mr. Huntington. Constantly. That is the chief thing they have
tried to do — the chief thing they have done up to this time.
Senator Wolcott. Are you going to some other subject now,
Major?
Maj. Humes. I was going to take that right up.
Are you familiar with any particular instances where the agencies
of the Bolsheviki regime went into neutral countries for the purpose
of carrying their propaganda, financed from Russia ?
Mr. Huntington. Wlien I was in Sweden in September, it was
brought to my attention by a Socialist friend, who arrived on a boat
from Petrograd, that the former commissar of finance, Mr. Gukovsky,
had come on that boat with a young lady, and Mr. Gukovsky had
18 trunks and the young lady was reported to have had three,
fl.nd the chief contents of the trunks, or one of the chief articles
BOLSPIEVIK PROPAGANDA. 81
contained in the trunks, was said to be upward of 60,000,000 rubles of
old currency, or at least currency printed on the dies of the old
regime — the fine old bills. Those bills were worth in Stockholm at
that time, where there was a considerable market, about 52/100 of a
Swedish crown, depending upon the market, whereas the new so-
called Kerensky money, printed from the new designs, was only
41/100 of a crown. The small shin plaster " kerenki," in denomina-
tions of 20 and 40 rubles, brought about 30/100 of a Swedish crown.
Maj. Humes. What is the money of the Bolsheviki regime worth,
then?
Mr. Huntington. At that rate, that quantity of money would rep-
resent something like 30,000,000 Swedish crowns, or by the exchange
of that day, about 10,000,000 American dollars, for propaganda pur-
poses.
Senator Overman. For Bolshevik propaganda^
Mr. Huntington. For propaganda purposes. For propaganda
purposes in Sweden they had a legation. I did not go into it, but
of course many people have been in it. They had there a score of
people.
In Copenhagen they had another such legation. In Bergen they
had their agent ; but chiefly in Copenhagen and Stockholm they had
large legations that were steadily at work all' the time putting out
propaganda into the Swedish and Danish nations, with the idea of
catching the workmen in those countries.
Senator Overman. Do you know of any effort in this country?
Mr. Huntington. I have made very little study of it, sir; but there
ure appearing lately, apparently in the last few days, journals which
I have seen, which certainly advocate a very friendly attitude toward
the Bolshevik, in which certiiiu articles, written by them, appeared.
As, for instance, a journal called " The Liberator," in which an ar-
ticle by Mr. Lenine appeared ; and others like that, advocating their
system, have appeared.
Senator Overman. It seems from what you say that they have a
large fund outside of Russia for this propaganda work in order to
overturn all the governments of the world.
Mr. Huntington. That is my understanding.
Senator Overman. Do you think they go into England and Ger
many also, with their propaganda?
Mr. Huntington. I know that they have been in Germany, work
ing as hard as they can. In England they are working, yes, too.
Senator Overman. And in France?
Mr. Huntington. Yes ; oh, yes.
Senator Wolcott. Coming back to this man Ransome — what is his
full name?
Mr. Huntington. I think his first name is Arthur. I do not know
any other name.
Senator Wolcott. It runs in my mind, in a rather hazy way, that
I have seen some articles in newspapers in this country by that man.
Mr. Huntington. He wrote for the New York Times, for a serv-
ice in which they were partakers, and for a long time, I was told by
one of their editors, they printed his articles because they thought
they were interesting and because it gave the other side of the story.
They said they used to print them and put a headline over them
85723—19 6
82 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
explaining who he was. I have never seen that. I was not here at
that period.
Senator Wolcott. He came out of Russia when ?
Mr. Huntington. I could get the exact date, perhaps, out of a
diary or a notebook. I should think it was in July.
Senator Wolcott. In 1918?
Mr. Huntington. Yes; maybe in August.
Senator Wolcott. Apparently the Russian Bolshevik official who
induced the Swedish consul to vise his passport had some connection
with the German authorities which wag of such nature that this
man Ransome would be allowed to go on to his destination, showing
that there was some connection between the Bolsheviks and some-
l30dy in Germany. Were the Spartacans at that particular time in
the ascendancy in Germany?
Mr. Huntington. No; the change in Germany had not taken
place. Their relations were founded upon a treaty of peace and
comity.
Senator Wolcott. Oh, yes; that was in July, 1918. Of course,
that was before the armistice?
Mr. Huntington. Yes. That treaty was with the Imperial Ger-
man Government.
Senator Wolcott. The Kaiser was still on the throne ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator Overman. They carried the red flag. That is what it
means, " the Reds "? Is that what these Bolsheviks carry?
Mr. Huntington. The flag is, of course, simply of the socialist
revolution.
Senator Overman. It is simply revolutionary ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator 0^^;EMAN. Do the socialists carry it. also?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator Overman. And do the I. W. W. carry it, also?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator Overman. The I. W. W. have a red flag, the Bolsheviks
have a red flag, and the socialists have a red flag. What does that
all mean — the red flag? Is it just an emblem of revolution?
Mr. Huntington. It means not always the same thing.
Senator Overman. On the railroads something like that means
danger ahead. On automobiles, in the rear, it means danger.
Mr. Huntington. In the case of the Bolsheviks it means interna-
tionalism without regarding nationalit}'^, and the spirit of the social
revolution throughout the world.
Senator Overman. What does it mean with the socialists?
Mr. Huntington. In the case of the socialists, in the case of the
honest socialists, as far as I understand it — of course I am defining
it as an outsider — it means a symbol of the emancipation of society
which they hope to achieve by honest methods.
Senator Overman. What does it mean in the I. W. W. ?
Mr. Huntington. I do not know about the I. W. W. I have not
been in contact with that organization.
Senator Overman. Is it not very significant that all these asso-
ciations have the same flag, the red flag?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 83''
Mr. Htjntington. That has occurred to me, but I have not fol-
lowed it.
Senator Overman. That thej' all should adopt one flag, is not that
significant ?
Maj. Humes. At the time of the Ransome incident, is it not true'
that the Bolshevik government had an ambassador in Germany?
Mr. Huntington. Oh, yes; they had
Maj. Humes. That was after the treaty of peace, and they were
officially represented in Germany ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes; they were in friendly relations with Ger-
many. There was no reason in the world why they should not have
relations with Germany after the signing of the treaty of peace with
them.
Maj. Humes. So that they were at that time on friendly terms
with the German Government and in touch with the German Gov-
ernment through their diplomatic service?
Mr. Huntington. Oh, yes.
Senator Overman. Do you know what sort of flag the nihilists
have ? Is that a red flag also ?
Mr. Huntington. I do not know.
Senator Overman. And how about the anarchists?
Mr. Huntington. The anarchists have a black flag.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know whether or not there are any
speakers or writers in this country who are acting in the interests of
• this world-wide Bolshevik movement ?
Mr. Huntington. I do not know. I only can tell anything at all
by reading the speeches and contributions of people in the press, and
where they appear to be not only friendly to the Bolshevik govern-
ment, but to desire that it be aided and helped ; and either they do
this in ignorance or they do it hoping that the ideals of the so-called
soviet government will be realized in this country or other coun-
tries where they may be working.
Senator Wolcott. At all events, you do see in the public prints in
this country, at one time and another, things that are entirely in
harmony with these Bolshevik expressions?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator Overman. Did you go to this meeting at Poll's Theater
that people have been talking about ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes.
Senator Overman. Was that speaking there in line with that?
Mr. Huntington. What was done there was very definite. There
were two speakers, a gentleman and a lady, who each one in his
own way handled this question, and who spoke from experience in
Russia, and who praised the movement there, and who justified its
activities there.
Senator Overman. Were they American citizens?
Mr. Huntington. I think so.
Senator Wolcott. They had just come from Russia?
Mr. Huntington.- I do not know how lately. I do not know the
exact date of their arrival here ; within a few months, I think.
Senator Wolcott. My recollection is that that meeting was a
n)e«i-.iin« that was called for the nurnose of telling the people herp>
84 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
in the Capital the truth about Russia. Was not that the express
purpose of the meeting?
Mr. Huntington. That was the caption in the newspaper adver-
tisement.
Senator Wolcott. They used the same phrases exactly as were
employed by the Bolshevik man over in Russia when he was inducing
the Swedish consul to vise the passport oi Mr. Ransome, who, ac-
cording to the Bolsheviki, was going out into the world to tell the
truth about Russia?
Mr. Htjntington. Yes.
Maj. Humes. Were you present at that meeting?
Mr. Huntington. In Washington, here?
Maj. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Huntington. Yes, sir.
Maj. Humes. What do you say as to the statements made by those
persons being the truth about Russia ?
Mr. Huntington. Well, I took careful note of many of them, and
it seemed to me that, in the light of my own knowledge, they were
not true, at all. What this was founded on, whether on poor obser-
vation or ignorance of the subject or willful misrepresentation, I do
not know; but I do not believe that the audience heard the truth
about Russia.
Maj. Humes. Do you or do you not know, as a fact, that the man
who spoke on that occasion came to this country purporting to offi-
cially represent the Bolshevist government?
Mr. Huntington. I do not know. I have heard that, but I do not
kno^v of my own knowledge.
Maj. PIuMES. Do you know from your own knowledge of an at-
tempt made, while you were in Russia, by an emissary of the Bol-
shevist government to present credentials of the Bolshevist gov-
ernment in this country?
Mr. Huntington. I know of it simply because of having been em-
ployed in the American Embassy, that there was a request made by
the Bolshevik commisar of foreign affairs, the date of which I do not
recall, since it was not my business — it was told to me as a matter of
interest only by another whose business it was — to accredit Mr. John
Reed as consul general of the people's soviet government in New
York.
Senator Overman. Is he the man that is interned now?
Maj. Humes. No; he has been indicted.
Senator Wolcott. Was it his wife that was at this meeting, speak-
ing?
Mr. Huntington. I understand so.
Senator Wolcott. Did she call herself Mrs. Reed ?
Maj. Humes. No; Louise Bryant was the name she went by here.
Senator Wolcott. She is the wife, then, of an aspirant to the
office of consul of the Bolsheviki?
Senator Overman. Did she speak here ?
Maj. Humes. Yes, sir; under the name of Louise Bryant.
Senator Overman. I noticed a communication in that document
you had, from John Reed ?
Maj. HmsiEs. Yes.
Senator Overman. And there is one from Lenine.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 85
Maj. Humes. Can you point out some of the erroneous statements
that were made by these two speakers at the meeting in question ? I
do not want to go over their addresses in detail, but just as you think
of them, just the high spots.
Mr. Huntington. If that would be of value, I have notes, but not
with me, on that. I could take those up if it should be thought de-
sirable to do so.
Maj. Humes. I do not know whether the committee would care to
take that up in detail or not.
Mr. Huntington. I think it is rather long.
Senator Overman. I think he has told generally about it — that
it is the Bolshevik doctrine that they are preaching there, and it is
not true.
Maj. Humes. You stated a few moments ago that the Bolslieviki
were represented in Germany by an ambassador. What other coun-
try received ambassadors or ministers?
Mr. Huntington. They had relations with the neutral Scandi-
navian countries, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, and they also had
relations with Holland and Switzerland. Holland's minister has
left, and the Swedish minister and all the consular officers have been
recalled, and I understand the Norwegian also, and it has since ap-
peared in the papers that the Danish minister appeared in Paris at
the peace confei-ence. The papers also stated that the Swiss minister
had some -difficulty in getting away. I can not say whether he has
finally left or not.
Senator Oveeman. Do you know whether this Bolshe^-ik move-
ment is in Switzerland, Norway, and Denmark?
Mr. Huntington. They are all free countries, all democratic
countries, and from time immemorial Switzerland has been a country
in Europe where people might say what they liked, and take refuge,
and these people have enjoyed Switzerland's hospitality like many
others.
Senator Oveeman. Is there an eifort to infuse that doctrine among
the Swiss?
Mr. Huntington. Most decidedly.
Maj. Humes. You said something with reference to graft in
Russia. What do you know about the question of graft in the pres-
ent regime?
Mr. Huntington. Well, I can only repeat the words of a business
man who was trying to do business there. When I asked him that
question, he stated he had never found it so expensive to do business
as now. As a matter of fact, the places in the ministi'y, or so-called
commissariats, are filled by chance men, and these men are changed
often, and lots of times these men are simply men who have never had
much opportunity in, life, and therefore perhaps have not built up
strong characters or principles, and also because they think they may
need the money. As a matter due to the lack of morality, and an
anarchical condition, the use of money for such purposes is very fre-
quent and usual.
Senator Oveeman. Was not that so under the old regime, that there
was bribery and corruption?
Mr. Huntington. There always has been in Eussia, which par-
takes of the Orient in that way, but never to such an extent as now.
86 BOLSHEVIK PE0PAGA2!TDA.
Senator Over Ji an. If you wanted things done you would have to
grease them I
Jlr. HuNTiNGTox. Yes: but strangely enough under the monarchy
the bargain was observed, and if the grease had been given, as a rule
it was thorouglily standardized — if you will overlook my apparent
cynicism — and the promise that was given was kept, while at present
people have no hesitancy in accepting money and turning on the
giver, which seems to be a little worse than the other, although
neither is defensible. The difficulty under the old regime was the
oriental character of the people, and was in numy places also due
to the low pay of the government officials, who came to regard these
fees which they received as a part of their income. An official in the
ministry of commerce, we will say, through wlwse hands certain
applications and papers p)assed, and who by signing a paper quickly
could forward it and get a matter through, instead of the slow prog-
ress it usually made, would accept a fee for it, salving his con-
science by saying that he ought to receive it from the government,
and since they did not pay it he Avould take it from these men.
Senator Wolcott. Coming back to this Washington meeting for a
moment. You say 3'ou were down there and took notes. While
there was praise of the soviet government of Russia, was there or
not any criticism or denunciation of our form of government in this
country ?
Mr. HrXTiN(!TOX. I was at the meeting from -1 o'clock until about
half past 4. That was the period of the two speeches and of the
introductions. There was no more criticism of our form of govern-
ment in that time, as far as the introducer or the speakers were
concerned, than would be usual in a political discussion on their
part. During the period I was there the criticism was only by
implication; that is, thev defended and advocated and urged aid for
and consideration for, and justified, a government whose avowed
purpose is to' overthrow ours. They did not, during the time
I was there, say anything directly about the overthrow of the Gov-
ernment.
Senator Wolcoit. Doctor, do you know anything of an incident or
a rather gruesome thing that occurred in Eussia that had to do
with throwing some dukes or grand dukes down into a well and
firiiio- band grenades in on them?
]^.Ir. Hux-JiNGTOx. There was a thing of that kind reported in the
Ural JMountains, in the cit^' of Ekaterinburg, which is a sort of
capital in the I^rals, a city of some size, and a mining center. It was
in this city that the Czar and his family were confined. Also grand
dukes had been confined there, and .some others at times. The letter,
Avritten in November by an American business man, who was there,
states it as a fact that this was done, and that the bodies were re-
<jovered. That is all I know.
Senator Wolcutt. How many of them were thrown in there?
^Ir. Huntin(;tox. I do not know.
Senator Wolcott. Was it into a well that the letter stated they
were thrown?
iir. HrxTixcTox. Yes, sir.
Senator Wolcott. And hand grenades thrown on them?
]Mr. HrxTixGTOx. Thrown on them; ves.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 87
Senator Wolcott. And all of them killed in there ?
Mr. Huntington. Yes; that was the account.
Senator Overman. Plow is the treatment of women and children?
Mr. Huntington. Why, nothing special. The Bolshevik theory of
government, which has got all the liberal innovations — the good with
the bad, all kinds, of course — is the equal rights of women.
The practice is all right toward them as far as any attention is
paid at all to the women and children, except the women and
children of the former so-called upper classes, who are consid-
ered as class enemies and who may be let alone or who may be
arrested. The Official Gazette of September 5, which I did not read
this morning but of which you have a copy, said that they arrested
Kerensky's wife and children as hostages. There are reports that
the children have been killed. I could not state.
Senator Overman. They regarded men and women as equals, and
if they imposed cruelties on men they treated the women the same
way, taking the property away from them ?
Mr. Huntington. Certainly, as far as that is concerned.
Senator Overman. They made no difference with women, either
for or against?
Mr. HuNiTNGTON. No ; except that the women come less in con-
tact with them from the fact of having more to do at home. They
come under the tyranny; as friends of mine did who were called
before a commissar and were told that they must take men into
their quarters to live there; and they may be embarrassed by them
living in small places, and not being able to be shut off from people
whom they have never seen. I do not loiow of anything besides that,
out of my personal knowledge. I know — not personally, but by
an account given by another — that in Moscow many women were im-
prisoned, and in a particular instance a Russian lady in whose
house a British diplomatic representative lived, was in the same
prison and described the conditions. That is all I know of any par-
ticular case.
Senator Overman. Is there any considerable number of women in
the army over there ?
Mr. HuxTiNGTON. No, sir. There was the so-called women's bat-
talion under the government of Kerensky, which doubtless repre-
sented on their part, or at least of part of them, a noble striving, and
on the part of others a spirit of adventure; but it had no material
weight in the scale at all.
Senator Overman. There was not any considerable number?
Mr. Huntington. No, sir.
Senator Overman. Any questions. Major?
Maj. Humes. I have no other questions at this time.
Senator Overman. We are very much obliged to you.
Mr. Huntington. If there is anything else that I can tell you, I
am at your disposal.
Senator Overman. Thank you. If we need any other testimony,
we shall call on you.
Now, is there any other witness that you can put on this after-
noon?
Maj. Humes. Yes, sir; Mr. Harper.
88 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
TESTIMONY OF MR. SAMUEL N. HARPER.
(The witness was sworn by the chah-man.)
Maj. Humes. Mr. Harper, where do you live?
Mr. Harper. Chicago.
3Iaj. Humes. In what business or profession are you engaged?
Mr. Harper. I am a teacher in the University of Chicago.
Maj. Humes. Have you during a number of years past given
special attention to Eussia and to Russian conditions and Eussian
history '.
Mr. Harper. ]My special topic of study has been Eussia. My
official title in the' university is assistant professor of Eussian lan-
guage and institutions. I have devoted the major portion of my
time during the last 15 years to the study of Eussian institutions,
Eussian historj'. and Eussian political movements.
Maj. Humes. How much time have you spent in Eussia during
that period?
Mr. Harper. An aggregate, I should say, of about four years, but
it has been spread out. I have been able to go to Eussia frequently
by arrangements with the university or other institutions with which
I have been connected. I have made to Eussia 12 visits, varying in
length from two to six months.
Maj. Humes. When were you last in Eussia?
Mr. Harper. In 1917. I arrived in Eussia the end of June, 1917,
and left the end of September of that same year, 1917.
Maj. Humes. That was during the so-called Kerensky regime?
Mr. Harper. Yes. I arrived when Prince Lvoff was still prime
minister of the first provisional government.
Maj. Humes. Have you during the last few years been in the
service of the Government in connection with anj^ Eussian work?
Mr. Harper. I have not been in the service of the Government in
the sense of being officially appointed as a Government official or at-
tached officially to an embass;\' , but in my last two visits to Eussia. in
1916 and 19l7, I offered my services to the ambassador, and my
services were used occasionallj' as an interpreter. But I have had no
official connection with the Government in the sense of being ap-
pointed to a definite task or being paid for a definite piece of work.
Maj. HuJiEs. Now, Professor, Avill you outline the changes in the
Government of Eussia, commencing with the overthrow of the mon-
archical government, the different forms of government, and the the-
ories of government of the different regimes ?
Mr. Harper. The form of government before the revolution was
somewhat difficult to define in our terms.
Maj. Humes. What do you mean by revolution?
^Mr. Harper. Before the revolution of March, 1917. The head of
the state was an emperor so that we call it a monarchical form of gov-
ernment. The fundamental laws, what would be our Constitution,
spoke of him as an autocrat. There had been instituted since 1905 a
representative elective assembly, the Duma, elected not by direct suf-
frage, but elected on a system of elections bj' which all groups of the
population were represented, though not in proportion to their
number. It was in that sense a representative body. It had legisla-
tive functions, but it did not have much control over the adminis-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 89
tration. In view of the fact that they had a legislature elected, it
was technically called a constitutional form of government, though
in actual practice the parliament had very little independent voice
in the affairs of the country. It had no control over the administra-
tion. It did control legislation to a certain extent.
This institution was introduced in 1905. From the very start there
was conflict between what Avas called the government, that is the
executive, and this legislative body. The first Duma sat only two
months and was dissolved. The second Dmna sat only two months
and was dissolved. A change in the election law was introduced by
which a larger share in the voting and dominant conti-ol of the elec-
tions Avas secured to the landlord and manufacturing classes in the
third Duma.
Senator Wolcott. That change in election law was made by
whom ?
Mr. Harper. It was made by the sovereign, by the Emperor, and
this was quite distinctly a coup d'etat. It was an infringement of the
constitution — the fundamental laws.
Senator Wolcott. It was not made by the legislative body of the
nation ?
Mr. Harper. No. It was made by the sovereign.
Senator Wolcott. Had this Duma any real legislative power ?
Mr. Harper. In the fundamental law one clause read that no meas-
ure could become a law without the sanction of the imperial council —
which was an upper house, half appointed and half elected — and the
Imperial Duma. Various devices were used to get around that pro-
vision. I will cite just one. In the fundamental law there was also
a provision that in the event of emergency the administration or
executive could introduce a measure, and could apply that measure
immediately, the provision being made, however, that within 60
days after the reconvening of the legislature the measure must be^
submitted to the legislature.
Senator Wolcott. Was it under the emergency provision that the
Czar proclaimed the change in this election law that you spoke of ?
Mr. Harper. No; he did not. In the manifesto dissolving the
second Duma and introducing the new electoral law, though I do not
recall the words exactly, he pointed out that this second Duma had
not proven worthy ; that the system of election was faulty ; and he
appealed to his historic right to change the law. It was frankly a
coup d'etat.
This third Duma was elected, if I remember correctly, in 1907. It
went through its full period of five years, but toward the end of
its session, despite the fact that it had been elected under this new
law which gave to the propertied classes the majority of the seats in
the electoral colleges that elected the Duma — it was' an indirect
election — ^the Duma developed an oppositionary spirit.
During the elections for the fourth Duma in 1912 — I happened to
be in Kussia at thei time — the administration was able, through
its local officials, to exercise a very definite control over the elections,
and the fourth Duma had even a larger majority of the landlord and
manufacturing classes. They were politically the more conservative
element of the community, and this election law was a very interesting
law in that it definitely provided for representation of all groups of
90 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the population. I avoid the word " class," and call them groups —
economic groups. The Eussian community had been divided into
economic groups verj- rigidly for a great many generations. The
system of taxation was perhaps the most important factor behind this
distribution of the population into economic groups. Roughly, a man
who was a landlord owning a large estate would be in the landlord
group; the manufacturer would be in tlie manufacturers' group.
There would also be the worlonen group and the peasant group.
Those were the largest groups. The clei'gy were also a group by
themselves, the basis not being economic entirely, although to a cer-
tain extent, because the clergy under the old regime received not
only a salary but were assigned a certain amount of land, which the
village priest either cultivated himself or had cultivated, and that
■was iDart of his means of subsistence.
This electoral laAv provided for the repi'esentation of each of those
groups, and it provided that the peasants must elect a peasant
representative from their own number to this assembly. Without
going into the detail of that law, the result was that one found in
the fourth Duma, on the eve of the war, landlords, one found manu-
facturers, one found peasants — that is to say, men who came from the
villages — and one found workmen who were elected under this elec-
toral system from the factories. In one sense it was a very repre-
sentative bod}', in that all groups had tlieir spokesman, the basis of
the law being that workmen's interests could be represented only by
workmen, and peasants' interests by peasants.
Theoretically, then, all groups were represented, and it was a ques-
tion of the weight that the electoral law ga\e to each grouj). If I
am not mistaken, of the 450 members of the Duma, only 13 or 14
were workmen, and the peasants were about 80, one from each of
the provinces, and some had slipped in in addition to the peasant
deputies that had been elected under the provisions of the law from
each province. Then the rest were professional men, men of the
liberal professions, landlords or manufacturers, the landlord and
manufacturing classes being given by the law a majority in the
assembly.
The fourth Duma worked with the government for the first
period of its existence, but very early, before the war, there developed
the conflict between the Duma, representing the beginning of con-
stitutionalism in Eussia, and the government. This conflict was
very bitter on the eve of the war. The first reports from Eussia
after the declaration or outbreak of war in August, 1914, spoke of
a session of the Duma that was called. The Duma was called, was
convened in extraordinary session, and the reports of the speeches
there showed that all the leaders of the various parties in the Duma —
and there were social democrats and reactionaries — were going to
drop their political strife in support of the government, and the
Duma voted the war appropriations asked for by the government.
When the war began to go against Eussia, and members of the
Duma saw the inefficienc}- with which the war was being conducted,
they demanded a reconvening of the Duma, which took place in the
early months of 1915, and at that meeting it was clear that conflict
was again developing between the Duma and the government,
not on the basis of any internal political questions, but on the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 91
basis of the acts and methods of the government in organizing
the machinery for the prosecution of tlie war. This conflict took
a sharper turn in the beginning of the second year of tlie Avar
after the defeats and military disasters on the southwestern front,
and in Poland particularly, and the Duma was convened but not
allowed to sit for a very long period.
I left Eussia, on my second visit since the outbreak of the war, in
September, 1916, and by that date the conflict between the Duma and
the government had Ijecome very definite, and those of us who
Avere following that phase of the situation saw very many evidences
pointing to an open conflict between the public, which was repre-
sented with the limitations that I have indicated in this Duma, and
the government, or administration, the ruling group.
The history of the revolution, as given by Dr. Huntington, points
out that during the period of the revolution itself, that first week,
the Duma played a very important role, and it was from the com-
mittee of the Duma that the first provisional government was ap-
pointed, in collaboration — that is, after consultation — with the lead-
ers in these other institutions, the so^-iets, that emerged from the first
•days of the revolution.
The first government after the revolution was the provisional gov-
ernment. It was called the provisional government, the word '' pro-
visional '" indicating that it was not a permanent government, but
provisional until the convening of a constituent assembly that would
determine the form of government for Eussia. This first provisional
government Avas not in a technical and political sense responsible
to anybody. It did not consider itself responsible to the Duma.
This Duma connnittee had met during those first da3's of the
revolution and selected this government, and continued to meet
but really as a private gathering. The Duma was not abolished. It
was a very moot question as to what the status of the parliament of
the old I'egime was after the revolution. The government was not
responsible to these new institutions, the Soviets, that had grown iip,
that had emei-ged with the revolution, institutions organized defi-
nitely on the class Itasis, councils of workmen and soldiers and coun-
cils of peasants.
In the first proA'isional government there Avas one member who
Avas at the same time the vice president of the central committee of
the Petrograd council of workmen and soldiers' deputies, which Avas
the first of the councils to emerge, and that Avas Kerensky, but he
was not in there as the representative of the council, and he Avas not
technically responsible to the Soviets. This first proA-isional govern-
ment Avas, therefore, as its name indicated, a provisional government
exercising a kind of supreme authority. One could hardly call it a
dictatorship, but it Avas not responsible to any legislatiA-e body. It
recognized the influence of the Soviets as shown by the facts that
in the second month of the reA'olution tAvo members of the goA--
emment resigned largely because of the attitude and the criticisms
of their policies and of their acts in the Soviets. The Soviets in-
stituted themselves as the organization of what was knoAvn as the
reA'olutionary democracy of the Avorkmen, of the peasants, and of
the soldiers. They did not pretend during those first two months
of the revolution to exercise political power in the technical sense.
92 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The resolution of the soviet executive council said definitely that
they would support the provisional government so long as it clearly
by its policies showed it was following a democratic line. The
soviet constituted^itself as a land of watchdog over the provisional
government.
After the resignation of the two ministers of the first provisional
government, because of the attitude toward them of the Soviets, the
question of a frank coalition government in which should be repre-
sented members of all parties, was taken up, and the nonsocialists in-
sisted on the formation of what is generally Iniown as and what was
specifically called in Eussia a coalition government, in which there,
should be representatives of all parties, socialists, nonsocialists. and
the socialist members who were in this coalition government were
also members of the soviet.
Again, it was not a question of their being selected by the Soviets,
elected from the soviet to represent the Soviets in the government.
They merely recognized their personal responsibility to the soviet.
and were constantly reporting to the soviet on their policies, appear-
ing before the Soviets, justifying their measures before the Soviets.
That was the coalition form of government that was introduced in
June. It still called itself a provisional government, waiting for the
constituent assembly to determine the final form of government in
Eussia. There were later changes in the composition of the pro-
visional government at moments of crisis. At such moments of crisis
many persons would resign, and thei'e were a whole series of crises
from July on. Other membeis would be brought in. The coalition
idea was maintained, however, up to the time of the Bolsheviki coup
d'etat, there being in the provisional go\'ernment always representa-
tives of the two main political groups or tendencies, the nonsocialists
and the socialists.
We could hardly speak of that as a definite form of government.
It was a provisional form of government to carry the country through
the first months until the constituent assembly could be convened.
The revolution was in March, 1917. The date for the convening of
the constituent assembly was fixed for September, 1917. That date
was later postponed to Decembei'. 1917, the postponement being made
when Kerensky, who was prime minister, saw that it would be impos-
sible to conduct the election, not because no preparations had been
made, but because the economic organization of the country had col-
lapsed, and the war burdens and general disorganization of the coun-
try, not produced by the revolution entirely, but inherited from the
old regime, made it impossible to carry out the reelections of local
goveniment bodies which were to take place before the general elec-
tions for the constituent assemlily.
In July and August they started to reelect, under a new law, the
local government bodies, the municipal councils, and what the Eus-
sians call their provincial councils, somewhat similar to our county
councils, local government in rural as opposed to urban com-
munities. These elections took place in July and August. The sys-
tem of election was universal suffrage, direct vote, proportional repre-
sentation. These new bodies were to be elected on the basis of elec-
tion lists that were prepared during the registration of those first
months. Then, one of their first tasks was to be the verification of
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 93
the registration or election lists, so that on the basis of these verified
.election lists the election for the constituent assembly could take place.
We often hear the statement that the provisional government delib-
erately postponed the convening of the constituent assembl}'. I have
personally felt that that statement was not a correct statement ; that
the reasons given for postponing were perfectly valid. The Kerensky
government stated definitely, as I recall it, that it would be a mistake
to sacrifice regularity of election in order to have the constituent
assembly meet a little earlier. Those of us who were there at the
time saw the confusion of the coimtrv, and knew that \'\'hen there
had been elections in Russia before they had been on a class basis,
the community having been divided into groups; that there never has
been held a general election; this was to have been the first general
election in a country covering an enormous area and a large popula-
tion. Taking those facts into consideration, I think that those of us
who were there saw that it was a physical impossibility to have an
election earlier, always having in mind the need for taking every
precaution for the regularity of the elections.
It was just on the eve of the elections for the constituent assemblj'
that the Bolsheviki accomplished their coup d'etat. They had pre-,
viously advocated frankly in their papers the overthrow of the pro-
visional government and the jiassing of all power to the Soviets.
They were opposed to the idea of coalition, of cooperation between
the socialists and nonsocialists. or, to use other terminology, be-
tween the proletariat and the bourgeois elements. Tliey had op-
posed the proA'isional government on principle, and they had at-
tacked it specifically for certain policies, and they had advocated
that the .-oviets take over all political authority.
In the summer, in the time that I was there, the Bolsheviki did not
definitely abandon the idea of a constituent assembly. It was some-
times rather diihcult to reconcile their attacks on the Government for
postponing the constituent assembly with their other statement that
all power shoukl pass to the Soviets. It would seem that their idea
was to play one against the other. By November it was evident that
they had clecided to play the first point of their program, the taking
over of all power by the soviet, and that was what their coup d'etat
implied. The Soviets were to take over forcibly the government and
organize definitely a dictatorship of the proletariat for the iieriod of
transition to a new order of society, what they now call a socialistic
federated soviet republic.
Senator Overman. Who devised that scheme? Was it Lenine or
Trotsky, or more intelligent men than either of them ?
Mr. Harper. That would be difficult to sa}'. The two most out-
standing intellectual forces, the two deepest thinkers, the two best
known because of their records, are the two luen Lenine and Trotsky,
men who have been known in Russian revolutionary circles for a good
many years.
Senator Wolcott. Trotsky also?
Mr. Harper. Trotsky also. He was known as an active and promi-
nent participant in the revolution of 1905, that was referred to this
morning, and Lenine was prominent in the revolutionary movement.
Both of the men, because of conditions in Russia, had lived abroad.
33oth of them were writers and publicists, had written books, and had
94 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
contributed to — I believe they -were even editors of — newspapers,
organs representing the views of the Russian socialists.
The publications of the Russian socialists had to be printed abroad
during the last 1;) or more years. There had developed from a
verj' early period in Russian revolutionary movements, from the
fifties of the last century, what is known as the foreign press of
Russia, publications in Russian published abroad but intended pri-
marily for the Russian public, published abroad because of censor-
ship conditions in Russia, smuggled into Russia by various methods.
Lenine and Trotslry were prominent participants in this foreign
literature, and all of them debated and carried on polemics in regard
to the government. And in the congress of Russian socialist parties
Lenine and Trotsky were prominent.
Senator Overman. Did you know Lenine and Trotsky?
ilr. Harper. I did not know Trotskj- personally. I of course
know his writings, and I heard him speak on several occasions last
summer. I did not Imow Lenine personall}'. although of course I
had known of Lenine and of his name as far back as 1905.
Senator Overman. Were they peasants?
Mr. Harper. Xo ; Lenine came from what is generally translated as
the nobility class. That is hardly a correct translation. That is the
class that includes the landlord class, but it includes many who are
not landlords. Perhaps I could bring my point out more clearly by
saying that a man who gets a university degree is by that very fact
put into the nobilit}^ class though not hereditary nobility. The fact
that he was in the nobility class did not mean that Lenine was a land-
lord or was sympathetic with that class. It meant that he was not a
peasant. He was not a workman who had grown up from, the peas-
antry, because a workman, in the modern sense of the word, is a com-
paratively new phenomenon in Russia. Russia had serfdom until
1861, and before that there was a very small percentage of free hired
labor — wage earners. He Avas not a workman, nor a merchant regis-
tered as one of the merchant guild. He was not an artisan. lie was
in this other category, the nobility class.
Maj. HrrMES. Is it not a fact that his occupation during all his
life has been as an agitator? You have told us what he was not.
What was he, in other words?
Mr. Harper. His brother was involved in one of the earlier revo-
lutionar}' movements, and I know this simply from the accounts of
Lenine's history. The fact of his brother's past meant that he was
Avatched particularly when he was a student in the imiversity, and
was subjected to police surveillance and sujDervision, as a very large
percentage of the university students at that time participated in
student demonstrations against the existing form of government;
sometimes against the very severe regulations with regard to student
activities and student life. It would seem that from the very start he
was not only a socialist, but joined in the conspirative organizations
that existed among the radical element of the Russian educated
class — among university students particularly. He came to grief
because of his publication work, his writings, and had to leave. I
can not give the details. I believe he went to Siberia. Because of
his revolutionary activities in 1903, he was one of the well-knoAMi
thinkers and leaders of the Russian social democratic party. He was
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 95
living abroad because conditions in Kussia made it impossible for
him to reside there.
Maj. Humes. Let me ask the question in another way. How did
he make a living? Did he have a competency?
Mr. Harpee. I presume he made a living as a writer.
Maj. Humes. That was what I was trying to get at.
Senator Overman. What is his racial extraction?
Mr. Harper. He is a Russian ; a Slav.
Senator Overman. What is Trotsky?
Mr. Harper. A Russian Jew — of Jewish origin.
Senator Wolcott. What is this man Tchictherin ?
Mr. Harper. Tchitcherin, the present commisar of foreign affairs,
is a Russian Slav, also of the nobility class.
Senator Wolcott. These three men are all in the nobility class ?
Mr. Harper. I can not give you the exact past of Trotslcy. Legally
they were in the nobility class, but that meant simply from our
point of view that they were men of liberal education ; writers.
Senator Wolcott. The nobility class, with respect to them, simply
meant that they were educated ?
Mr. Harper. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. What universities were they from ?
Mr. Harper. I can not tell you.
Senator Wolcott. Russian universities ?
Mr. Harper. Yes.
Maj. Humes. IJ^roceed, Professor.
Mr. Harper. Shall I proceed on the question of the form of gov-
ernment ?
Maj. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Harper. They established, in November, this proletariat dicta-
torship under a definite program and tactics, to carry through the
period of transition for the establishment of the socialist federated
soviet republic. The theory of this soviet government — the soviet
form of government, has already been outlined bj^ Dr. Huntington.
For the period of transition, the bourgeois class was to have no right
to vote in the election of Soviets, or to be elected to Soviets. Only
those who labored were to have a vote. That did not exclude intel-
lectual thinkers, men who were in sympathy with the soviet idea, who
were ready to cooperate with the idea and lend to the soviet their
intellectual abilities. They were considered workers, but the consti-
tution provided definitely that those who derived income from the
exploitation of the labor of others, or from rents and profits, or in-
terest, were to be excluded from participation in the elections, and
were to be excluded also, it was definitely stated, from being elected.
Now, these Soviets were to be local and central. The country was
to be .covered with a network of Soviets built up from the smaller
units. The villages were to elect Soviets and delegates to the dis-
trict Soviets, which were in turn to send delegates to the Soviets of
the larger administration district, which was to send delegates to the
all-Russian congress of Soviets, which was to meet at certain inter-
vals. The constitution provides that it was to meet at least twice a
year. I believe since November, 1917, there have been six all-Russian
congresses which have been convened more frequently because of the
many problems during the transition period. These all-Russian con-
s
96 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
gresses of Boviets were to sit for as long as necessary to determine the
broader lines of policy of legislation on the more important sides of
public life, political, and economical, but they were not to be a per-
manent assembly. They were only to be, perhaps, periodically
convened policy-making bodies, constitution-making bodies. They
were to elect an executive committee which was to sit permanently
and act as a kind of permanent parliament, which was in constant
session.
The executive committee was responsible to the all-Russian con-
gress, which as I have said was to meet at least twice a year, and
has, in fact, met more frequently. The executive conmiittee is to
elect the commissars, or people's commissars, who correspond to the
heads of the government departments, and the chairman of the
councils of the people's commissars, who would in our Avestern par-
lance be called the prime minister of the government.
The local Soviets were to be allowed considerable freedom in the
administration of local affairs, but they were to follow in their local
administration the principles established by the resolutions of the
all-Russian congress of Soviets.
Senator OvEiniAN. Did they form a constitution?
Mr. Hakpee. The thii'd congress drew up certain general resolu-
tions for their organizations, and the fifth congress definitely voted
a ccnstitution. I ha\'e not seen that in the original, but I have seen
translations of that constitution which have .been published in
America in English.
That is the theory of the soviet government. The champions of
that theory point out that it provides for participation in local
and central affairs of the wcrkers, the peasantry, the workmen, and
(lio^c who have thrown in their lot with the working class.
Senator Overman. Is the soviet part of the Bolshevik goveriunent?
Is it one and the same thing?
Mr. Habper. In my opinion, it is one and the same thing. Efforts
have been made to point out that the Bolsheviki are simply a political
party as opposed to the institution .of the Soviets, and that at the
present moment they merely have the majority in the local Soviets
and in the central Soviets. The parallel is often drawn that the Soviets
are like a parliament of a western country, while the Bolsheviki are
simply the majority party in that parliament. But inasmuch as the
idea of turning over to the Soviets, all power of organizing the coun-
try on this soviet basis is the Bolshevik idea, opposing the idea of
the other socialists' pai-ties, and, of course, of the bourgeois parties.
In actual fact I do not see what distinction can be made between
the Bolsheviki and the Soviets. In July of last year, or June, dur-
ing the summer, we had in our American newspapers a report that
the Bolsheviki had definitely by decree expelled from the Soviets,
from the central soviet or executive committee, and had issued an
order of expulsion from the local Soviets, of all the social democratic
Mensheviki and the right social revolutionaries. I have not seen a
Eussian paper describing this fact in detail, though I have seen in
one of the Russian papers published in this country a summary of
the account of the meeting at which that decision was made, and I
accepted the statements of those persons that have come out and the
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 97
statements in this paper, as supporting the cable news that we had
on that point.
I state again that the Bolsheviki definitely expelled from the soviet,
from the executive committee of the soviet, and ordered the expulsion
from their local Soviets, of the right social revolutionaries and of
the Mensheviki social democrats, the pretext for the expulsion being
that the two groups were counter-revolutionists and were working
against the Soviets, and their presence therefore could not be toler-
ated. In fact, they were counter to a revolution of the Bolshevist
brand, not the revolution of March, 1917. One of the general facts
that we can accept is that the right social revolutionaries and the
Mensheviki have refused to go in with the Bolsheviki, and have
opposed them, and in view of the expulsion of these members, because
of their opposition to the program of the Bolsheviki and the use that
the Bolsheviki have made of the Soviets, or the way in which they
have worked out the soviet form of government, it seems to me that
one can not make a distinction between the Soviets and the Bolsheviki.
Maj. Httmes. Well, doctor j can you outline from your study of the
situation an authoritative opmion on the effect of the practical appli-
cation of the Bolshevik government to the life of Russia ?
Mr. Harper. I left Eussia, as I said, in September, 1917, before
the Bolsheviki came into power. Inasmuch as Russian political in-
stitutions is my subject, I have followed with the greatest care the
reports that have come out, either in our daily press, in the cable
reports, or in articles contributed to our press by men who have come
out from Russia. I have made it a point to talk with a great many of
our Americans who have come out of Russia or neutrals who have
come from Russia, and with Russians who have come out.
There have been two definite sets of statements with regard to what
one might call the fruits of Bolshevism. I tried to study as carefully
as possible those reports and, as I say, check up one statement against
the other. There are these two sets of statements. In a general way
one group says that the experiment is a great success ; a success in the
sense that it has the support of the workmen and peasants ; a success
in the sense that it is solving the economic problems of the country.
Those that make these statements admit the great difficulty of the first
months when there was the disorder, disorganization; a great deal
of it not made by the Bolsheviki, but the accumulation of a great
many decades of shortsighted policy of the old regime; a good deal
of it a result of the war burdens ; a good deal of it the inevitable re-
sult of the revolution of March, 1917.
As I say, the champions of the success of the experiment admit
these difficulties, but insist that the Bolsheviki, largely through the
support of the workmen and peasants, are solving these problems
and are going to be able to start in, if they have not already done so,
on constructive work.
The other set of statements gives a quite different picture. It
points out the increase in the economic disruption of the country,
and points out the failure of the efforts of the Bolsheviki leaders
to introduce constructive policies. The other set of statements points
out the beginning of the definite disillusionment of the masses of
workmen and peasants with this program that was to bring them
to the promised land, peace, and bread.
S572.'?— 19 7
98 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
As I say, naturally, I have been confused by these two conflicting
reports, and have had to weigh the one against the other, taking into
account the number that brought out one set of statements and the
number that brought out the other.
Senator Wolcott. That is the only thing you have taken into
account, the number?
Mr. Harper. Because of the wider field of observation.
Senator Wolcott. And the character of the witness?
Mr. Harper. I took into account the bias. If it was a business
man, I took that into account. If it was a man who had been in-
terested in radical movements, I recognized clearly that there was
a spiritual background to the revolution and a very definite back-
ground to the revolution of March, 1917, that appealed not only to
the radical but appealed to the liberal.
So I took into account that, and took into account of course my
own knowledge of the earlier conditions of Russia and what I had
seen up to September, 1917; and without hesitation, as a student,
I have come to accept the statements that, first, the economic con-
ditions in Eussia have become insuperably worse ; that the workmen
and peasants are suffering as a result of the further economic disrup-
tion of the country; that it is not simply the bourgeois that have
paid the cost of what I have considered an experiment, but that it
is the workmen and peasants that are paying that cost, and that they
are beginning to see that, though this Bolshevik program sounded
good, it has not proven good, and they are becoming disillusioned as
to the soviet and the Bolsheviki.
Senator Overman. What proportion of the Russian population do
you think is behind this Bolshevik movement?
Mr. PIarper. In percentages it is rather difficult to say, for the
total population. Now that the peasants have received more land,
I do not think they are back of the Bolshevik movement, the
political program, because it has not brought order or economic de-
velopment. I have had from a great many people the statement that
the peasants have definitely in certain districts kicked out the
Soviets, even the peasants in those districts that are in the area
controlled from a military point of view by the Bolshevik or cen-
tral Soviet; that they have kicked out the soviet because they did
not like the way it ran things. There was too much graft. And the
peasants have gone back to their former system of an elected elder.
The resentment of the peasants toward the Bolsheviki is of a more
definite character in those districts where the red guards have gone
to the peasant villages to seize the grain. I should sa,j, on the basis
of the information that has come to me, which I have gone over very
carefully, that the larger percentage of the peasantry has gone
against the Bolsheviki. The Bolsheviki recognized that the peasants
were interested first of all in land, and in their previous discussions
of how they would act if an opportune moment came, they definitely
stated that there would be this peasant antagonism toward their pro-
letarian dictatorship, but they definitely said that that antagonism
would be allayed by the turning over of the land, and they also had
the definite idea of stirring up in each village a class war between
the more prosperous elements of the village and the poorer elements
of the village. In the first decrees of the Bolshevik government they
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 99
never used tlie words " Government of the workmen." They used the
expression, " The workmen and the poor peasants." They made a
distinction between the more prosperous peasants of the community
and the poorer peasants, men who perhaps have no land of their own
because they had been unfortunate and were at the bottom of the
economic scale in that particular community.
Senator Overman. We are trying to get what is going on in this
country. Do you Icnow anything of Bolshevism in this cormtry — any
movement in this counti'y for Bolshevism?
ilr. Harper. May I define Bolshevism for myself?
Senator Overman. I would like to have it for myself.
Mr. Harper. As I have read the accounts with regard to Russia, and
talked with those who have come out, and heard speeches in regai'd
to Eussia by those who have come out, or read the discussion of the
Russian problem, this word " Bolshevism " has been used, in my be-
lief, to represent two distinct things. It has been used frequent^ to
mean a state of mind. I know before the Bolsheviki came'into power
in Russia, when the Bolsheviki were agitating in September, 1917, I
often heard the expression " The country is going Bolshevist. There
is a great deal of Bolshevism in this country?'
Senator Wolcott. Speaking of this country?
Mr. Harper. No; Russia. There was confusion of mind as to
how to solve the many problems. And I now read in our papers
with regard to America, about the spread of Bolshevism in the
United States. As I have discussed such a point where it has been
made, I find that they speak simply of confusion of mind as to
just liow we are going to solve the problems before us, problems of
our own. prnblcns with regard to the reconstruction, laroblems with
regard to the settlement of the war. In that sense I believe there is
a gi-eat deal of Bolshevism in the Ignited States.
Senator Wolcott. I want to say that I never' heard it used in
that sense, simply to express the idea that we do not clearly see our
future ancl how we shall solve the problems of the country.
Senator Overman. Why not look at it from the way we have been
treating it, the idea of overthrow of all the governments of the
world: not only the United States but other governments of the
world; chaos?
Mr. Harper. I have not heard, myself, any preaching of the doc-
trine of the Bolsheviki, the overthrow of the Government in Amer-
ica, as I heard it frankly preached by word of mouth and in the
press in Russia. I have read in their papers that the experiment in
Russia has been very successful and has been of the greatest interest
and the greatest value.
Senator Overman. What do you think about it?
Senator Wolcott. About the success of the experiment?
Mr. Harper. I consider that it has been a failure from the point
of view of the peasant and the workman ; that it has not brought
Senator Wolcott. It has also been a failure from the point of
view of national obligation — performing a national duty — has it not ?
Mr. Harper. It meant, of course, the withdrawal of Russia from
the war, because it was clear to such leaders as Kerensky that one
could not carry on the foreign war and an internal class war at the
same time. That was why Kerensky, for example, stood for the
100 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGAIirDA.
principle of coalition government on principle; not simply be-
cause of the existing conditions, but on the principle of cooperation
of the groups of the population. Now, the declaring of a class war
and the putting into practice of the principle of class warfare in-
evitably would lead to the withdrawal of Russia from participation
in ithe war in which Russia was then a participant.
Senator Overman. Doctor, we have what we call nihilists, anar-
chists, I. W. W.'s, socialists, and Bolsheviki in this country. You
have heard of those things. As a student and as a thinker, do you
see any relation between those five organizations?
Mr. Haepee. Nihilists is a name that has been used in a very loose
way to apply to all Russian revolutionists. There were in Russia
in the sixties, the last century, a group that were called by another
person, by a writer, nihilists. They never accepted the name, but
they were called by their opponents nihilists.
Senator Oveeman. Did not the Bolshevists come from the nihil-
ists?
j\Ir. Harper. There is the element of nihilism in the Bolshe^dki.
The nihilists about 1860 were the people that had gone through the
most oppressi^'e regime in recent times, the police regime of Nicholas
I, which had created in the younger generation the spirit of pro-
test. The Russian writer, Turgenev, spoke of them as " the Nihil-
ists." They represented this protest against the conditions of the
previous regime, of the previous reign. It was one of the most A'io-
lent of the protests, but it was in its first stage an intellectual move-
ment, a mental protest. It was only later that it developed into a
political movement, and many of those who were in the student or-
ganizations which were called by Turgenev " nihilists " later became
members of frankly revolutionary political organizations, such as the
land and liberty. There was a series of political parties, revolution-
ary parties, with different programs, from 1860 on.
Senator Overman. Is not that all developed in the Bolsheviki, the
protest and this fight for the majority, a fight against those that have,
to give to those that have not?
Mr. Haeper. There is this element of protest in Bolshevism; a
protest against the existing order, the injustice of the existing order.
Senator Oveeman. Is not that so with tha I. W. W. ?
Mr. Haepee. Yes.
Senator Oveeman. Is it not so with the socialists?
Mr. Haepee. A protest against the injustice of the existing order.
Senator Oveejian. So, then, there is a relationship between all five
of them, and most of them have the same flag?
jMr. Haepee. They have the same red flag, but they differ as to
program and as to tactics.
Senator Overman. They differ as to many things, but in basic
principles are they not the same?
ilr. Haepee. They represent a protest against what they consider
the injustices of the present organization of society. Some of them
go so far as to say that the present form of the organization of so-
ciety can not be corrected, and must be overthrown and replaced by
another.
Senator Oveeman. The uniting of those five great organizations
under the red flag in this country — do you consider it a menace ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 101
Mr. Harper. I think the fact that they use the red flag does not
imply any actual unity. Many men are socialists who are not Bol-
sheriki. The Bolsheviki say that a great many socialists are not true
socialists.
Senator Overman. You are a student and a thinker. What is the
reason that they all have this red flag?
Mr. Harper. The fii'st of the protests of this general character
came in the early half of the last century. They used the red flag. 1
think it is little more than a tradition, and I have always looked upon
the red flag as not the emblem of the Bolsheviki, the emblem of the
socialists, the emblem of the I. W. W., but as representing this men-
tal protest.
Senator O'verman. Does it not all at last come down to the idea of
revolution ?
Mr. Harper. The word " revolution " is used with a great many
qualifying adjectives, which are sometimes used to express ideas
which it usually fails very carefully to express. We have industrial
revolutions, political revolutions, and mental revolutions.
Senator Overman. Revolution against the Government; of course
that would mean industrial revolution.
Mr. Harper. Revolution in the sense of overthrow of the existing
form of government?
Senator Overman. Yes.
Mr. Harper. I do not think that can be said. Many men' call them-
selves socialists and recognize the red flag as the flag of socialism,
which will represent an effort to bring about changes of an economic
and sometimes purely political character within the existing political
order.
Senator Overman. What is the I. W. W. ? What is their idea ?
Mr. Harper. As far as I know, the program of the I. W. W. is to
attempt by direct action to bring pressure upon the existing authori-
ties for changes, but within the existing political system. I have not
read I. W. W. literature definitely advocating the overthrow of the
existing political order.
Senator Over:.ian. So that you think that there is no connection
between them by reason of the fact that they have this red flag, which
actually means a menace; no connection because they use a common
flag.
Mr. Harper. I think there is no connection. With regard to Rus-
sia I can say quite definitely that there are definite differences of
program and tactics.
Senator Overman. You do not think that there is much harm being-
done by the Bolshevists in Russia ?_
Mr. Harper. I do think there is an enormous amount of harm,
being done in Russia. But I consider that that experiment, this
venture tried on Russia, exhausted by the first three years of the
war, has cost the Russian people in wealth, in property, in values^
I should say, and in lives, enormously.
Senator Overman. Have you been over there to observe the condi-
tions of the prosperous ?
Mr. Harper. I have not been in Russia since September, 1917.
Ma'j. Humes. Doctor, are you familiar with any of the representa-
tions that are being made in this country by the Bolsheviki, as to>
102 BOLSHEVIK ±-±iu±-AViAiNUA.
whether or not they are true? In other words, is there a tendency
or an elioit on the part of boino agitatoro to inisrcprcsoiit the veal
facts, in tlioir literature or in their publications I
Mr. Harpek. It seoius to me that a general atatenient without luiy
background, ■without any filling in of detailed facts, that the Bol-lu>-
vik experinieiit hay lx»en a successful experiment, or if not entirely
successful, is a hopeful experiment, is not a true picture of what has
been going on in Russia since the Bolsheviki came into power. Ore
gets that very general statement that it is a hopeful experiment, and
one gets the more specific statement that it has been a suc.essful ex--
periment. developing that general idea by describing the election of
the Soviets, and not paying any attention to the statements that have
been published by Americans who have come out, by neutrals who
have come out, by Eussians, as to the methods used by the Bolsheviki
to control the elections.
Senator "Wolcott. And you say ynu do not agree with those state-
ments ?
Mr. Haeper. I do not agree with those statements on that basis.
In other words, I accept the other set of statements. It has been
very difficult to decide between those two sets of statements. As I
have said, it was my special study, and I have devoted my time and
what intelligence I have to the verification back and forth. I give
it as my personal opinion, based on a careful study, that the set of
statements with regard to the Bolshevik experiment, the set of st;ite-
ments that describe it as having cost the country enormously in
values, in lives, the set of statements that state that at last the
workmen and peasants have become disillusioned, and are opposed
to the soviet regime and the Bolshevik regime, that set of facts is the
one that I have accepted. Of course, we have had misstatements back
and forth. We have had a good niany exaggerated statements from
Russia, ' arried on our cables to the newspapers. We have had exag-
gerated statements or misstatements from both sides — from both
groups.
Senator OxT.nMx^. You do not think we are getting the truth
abou', Russia?
ilr. Harper. It is difficult, of course, in view of the chaos, to get
jdl the facts.
Senator Wolcott. Is there not one fact upon which they all agree,
that the Bolshevists have seized and confiscated property of indi-
viduals and have taken it over from the people, and run on a career
of theft and robbery ?
Mr. Harper. According to our conceptions here in this country, on
that point there is no difference of opinion. There is difference of
opinion as to the extent of the terrorism.
Senator Wolcott. Then, can there be any doubt in your mind that
that thing is an abominable failure, that it is a program of con-
fiscation.
Mr. Harper. When I speak of it as a failure, I qualify it to this
extent : That it has proven itself a failure for the Russian workmen
and the Russian peasants.
Senator Overman. You do not agree with the teachings of Lenine
and Trotsky, do you?
Mr. Haeper. I do not.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 103
Maj. Humes. Professor, you are familiar somewhat with political
parties and groups in Russia. What proportion of the Eussian
socialist movement do the Bolshevists represent?
Mr. Haepee. In June of 1917, in the first all-Russian congress, the
Bolsheviki were polling about 20 to 25 per cent, on certain occasions ;
on other occasions, less. That was in the all-Russian congress of
Soviets. In the Petrograd soviet, which was composed of the work-
riien of Petrograd and the garrison soldiers of Petrograd, the Bol-
sheviki had a majority. In Moscow the Bolsheviki were strong —
in the Moscow soviet. We have, then, certain votes on which to base
an estimate of the strength of the Bolsheviki as a party. The elec-
tion returns of the constituent assembly as a result of the elections
held during November, when the Bolsheviki were in power, would
indicate that the majority were against the Bolsheviki.
Maj. Humes. Now, Professor, we hear of persons who are advo-
cating Bolshevism in this country, or the recognition of the Bolshe-
vist government in this country, insisting upon even a greater free-
dom of press and freedom of speech in this country than we now
have. Do they, in their form of government, recognize the right of
freedom of the press and freedom of speech, or is it their policy to
deprive individuals of any of their rights that may be used to inter-
fere with their particular form of government and its activities ?
Mr. Haepee. They definitely state in their constitution that during
the period of transition they must protect themselves against those
whom they have thrown out, and that they can not allow the use of
freedom of the press. During the first weeks after the Bolshevik coup
d'etat a great many bourgeois papers continued to come out — ^a great
many non-Bolshevik and nonsocialist papers continued to come out.
I was able to get hold of many copies of papers published in Novem-
ber, 1917, in which the non-Bolshevist socialists attacked the Bol-
sheviki and spoke of them as adventurers and as traitors, so that
during these first months the non-Bolsheviki could express their
opinion. But my interpretation of that fact was that during those
first months the Bolsheviki did not have time or did not feel secure
enough to suppress freedom of the press. But now in no case, accord-
ing to the constitution, do they allow the publication of non-Bolshevik
articles.
Senator Ovekmax. You think they were justified in that, do you
not?
Mr. Haepee. No, sir.
Maj. Humes. Then they are advocating free speech and free press
in this country, but are not permitting it in their own country. That
is the first proposition that we can accept, is it not ?
Mr. Haepee. They complain that they are not getting an oppor-
tunity to present the facts of the situation to the American people. _
Senator Wolcott. They complain more than that. I read an arti-
cle in one of the Washington papers the other night, in which a man
was complaining that the criticism of this meeting that was held in
Poll's Theater Sunday night, I believe a week ago, was_a suppres-
sion of free speech ; that the very fact that they were criticized for
expressing their views constituted a .suppression of their constitu-
tional right.
Mr. Haeper. I do not follow the reasoning.
104 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
Senator Wolcott. I do not follow the reasoning, either. I think
it is nonsense. I am telling you what they claim. They claim more
than you stated a moment ago. If there is anybody on earth who
ought to stand abuse and criticism, it is that crowd.
Mr. Harper. The complaint that I have read is, first that the capi-
talistic press does not publish certain facts, certain statements in
regard to what is going on in Eussia, that come into their hands, and
that they publish without proper discrimination all sorts of reports
coming from all sorts of sources which are gross exaggerations, as
proven by later developments.
I think perhaps that there is no question that we have had in the
American press a good many misstatements with regard to Russia.
Just for an illustration that came to my attention, it was called to
my attention recently that a well known Eussian revolutionary
leader, Catherine Breshkovskaya, called, popularly, " The Grand-
mother of the Eussian Eevolution," was reported either killed or as
having died in prison several times in the course of the last year.
The other side also reported with regard to Catherine Breshkovskaya,
insisting that we were not getting the truth about Eussia. They
insisted that the press was simply sending these reports that Cath-
erine Breshkovskaya had been killed, in order to stir up antagonism
to the Bolsheviki. In an article written in a publication called " One
Year of Eevolution," printed in November, 1918, this other state-
ment is given, what the writer, Mr. Nuorteva, claims is the true state-
ment with regard to Catherine Breshkovskaya. [Eeading:]
Catherine Breshkovskaya has never been imprisoned by the Soviets. When
she died, — not of privation, but of old age, — the soviet government, although
she was its opponent on many questions of tactics and principles, gave her a
public funeral and hundreds of thousands of Moscow workers, members of the
soviet, turned out to pay their respects to " The Grandmother of the Russian
Revolution."
Senator Wolcott. Neither one of them is right.
Mr. Harper. I believe Catherine Breshkovskaya is coming to
Washington. I had several hours' talk with her in Chicago the
other day.
Senator "Wolcott. One said that she was killed, and the other said
she was given a respectable funeral by the Soviets, and both are
wrong.
Mr. Harper. But on the question of the use of terrorism, and on
the question of the confiscation of the property of the bourgeois,
there is no difference. There is no difference of opinion between these
two groups.
Senator Wolcott. No ; that is fundamental, of course.
Mr. Harper. One group will say that it is not against the taldng
over of property, and admit that there was a certain amount of ir-
regularity which we can characterize as looting ; and the other set of
statements, in covering this question of the confiscation of property,
says that it was irregular, mere seizure, mere legalized loot, and that
in many cases it was the bribe tliat gained temporary support for the
bolshevist program by workmen groups, peasant groups, and some
soldier groups.
Maj. Humes. To summarize for a minute, professor, as I under-
stand it from your outline of the present regime, we can gather this
conclusion : That in order to maintain themselves they are conducting
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 105
a reign of terrorism, keeping people in fear ; secondly, they are de-
priving people of the right of the press and the right of free speech,
and preventing them from getting information as to what is ac-
tually going on; thirdly, they provide for a compulsory military
service for their purposes ; they provide force for the disarmament of
everyone that is not in sympathy with their cause and does not belong
to the particular element with which they are affiliated, and of which
they are a part. Then to establish their control further in elections,
they have limited the right of suffrage as to the persons who have
been grouped, so as to prevent their overthrow in a popular election,
by way of disfranchisment, have they not?
Mr. Harper. Up to the last statement, the last point, every point is
supported by their own decrees or by provisions in their constitution.
Maj. Htjmes. The last statement is that they have, in order to make
it possible to control elections, disfranchised a considerable element
of the population.
Mr. Harper. By law they have disfranchised, of course, the bour-
geoisie.
Maj . Humes. Is that all ? I call your attention to this provision of
their constitution; if this is not disfranchisement I would like to
know what it is :
" The following persons, even if they should belong to any of the above-men-
tioned categories, may neither elect nor be elected :
" a. Persons using hired labor for the sake of profit."
That would include anyone that had anyone in their employ for the
purpose of conducting a business, as a merchant who had a clerk in
his employ.
Mr. Harper. He would be a bourgeois.
Maj. Humes. And the person who had a domestic would also be
deprived of the right of suffrage under that provision.
Mr. Harper. He is getting profit from the work of that individual.
Maj. Humes. Wherever help is necessary to conduct a business, it
contributes to the profit, does it not ? And those people are
Mr. Harper. Those would be the bourgeois classes.
Maj. Humes (reading) :
" Persons living on unearned increments such as : interest on capital, income
from industrial enterprises and property."
Now, everyone that has an unearned income is disfranchised?
Mr. Harper. Yes ; that is what they call the bourgeois class.
Maj. Humes (reading) :
"Private traders, trading and commercial agents;"
Whom does that include? That would include all persons engaged
in any undertakings as the representatives of individual concerns,
would it not? The salesmen class would be included in that, would
they not ?
Mr. Harper. Yes.
Maj. Humes. Would not merchants be included?
Mr. Harper. Certainly.
Maj. Humes. All merchants are traders?
Mr. Harper. That is directed against them.
Maj. Humes (reading) :
" Monks and ecclesiastical servants of churches and religious euUs."
106 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
^Ir. Hakpee. Yes; it is directed against them.
Maj. Humes. Well, then, the disfranchised include that element
of the population. It also includes the disfranchisement of clergy-
men and persons in the service of the church, does it not?
Mr. Harper. Yes.
Maj. HtJMES. It includes clei'gymen. Why?
Mr. Harper. I do not know just why they do.
Maj. Humes. They would not be comprised in the term "ser-
vants ■" ?
Mr. Hari^er. I have never seen any of their statements with regard
to the clergy except that clause Avhich you have read, in the accounts
with regard to Russia, and I do not know what reasons they give for
that.
Maj. HuJiES. I do not care about the reasons. We are talking
about the application of this thing and just what they are doing.
That includes the clergymen and the priests in the service of the
church. That would include even the janitor, under that class that
the constitution here disfranchises, would it not? We have all that
class eliminated from the Government?
Mr. Harper. As to the question of the janitor, if the house has been
taken over by the State, or by the local soviet, then the janitor be-
comes an employee of the Slate.
Maj. HuJiEs. We will disregard that.
Senator Wolcott. Let the janitor vote.
jMaj. Humes. Yes; we will let him vote.
Senator Overman. He is about the only man that can vote, so far.
Maj. HuTNiES (reading) :
" Employee.'! and agents of the former police, of the special corps of gen-
darmes and of branches of secret police departments, and also members of the
former reigning houst^ of Kussia."
Of course that relates to those that were connected with the mo-
narchical form of government^
Mr. Harper. It says " members of the secret police and of the
ruling house." That would not exclude necessarily, on that ground,
the landlord.
Maj. Humes. But as the landlord was receiving an income from
property, that would exclude him. Then, Mr. Harper, it is a fact,
is it not, that under the Soviet Eepublic, instead of giving universal
suffrage as is proclaimed from the platform by many advocates
of bolshevism, and b_v many newspapers that are supporting bol-
shevism, instead of creating uniA'ersal suffrage, instead of according
universal suffrage to persons over 18 years of age, men and women
alike, a very large percentage of the population is disfranchised,
is it not?
Mr. Harper. They do not, in the first place
Maj. Humes. Just answer the question.
Mr. Harper. A very large percentage.
Maj. Humes. Now, what percentage?
Mr. Harper. I should say that theoretically, according to this
law
Maj. Humes. It is not theoretical, it is practical. It is the consti-
tution.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 107
Mr. Harper. That would exclude at least 10 per cent. It would
not exclude — the difficulty in answering that question is because of
the status ol' the peasants after this nationalization of the land. If
a peasant, as was said this morning, had bought and owned land
Maj. Humes. How many peasants can operate any quantity of
land without having hired help ?
Mr. Harper. Very few.
, Maj. Humes. Then if they have hired help they are excluded
because of that fact, so that would exclude all the peasants that had
any considerable amount of land under cultivation.
Mr. Harper. That would exclude at least 10 per cent of the pop-
ulation, but it would not exclude more than 20 per cent of the popu-
lation. That is to say, after this exclusion, 80 per cent of the popula-
tion would have the right to vote.
Senator Overman. What class would be allowed to vote?
Mr. Harper. The peasants, the workmen, and those of the edu-
cated class who were not tillers of the soil or workmen in the fac-
tories but who had thrown in their lot with the workmen and the
peasants.
Maj. Humes. But how could a man in that class live unless he
had some income from interests or investments, or something of that
Mnd?
Senator M^olcott. As soon as he gets in that class he is disfran^
chisecl. In other words, is a man disfranchised who accumulates
enough property to get an education for himself: is he at once dis-
franchised by virtue of the other clauses of the constitution?
Mr. Harper. Of course, they have contended
Senator Wolcott. Is not that the practical application of it ?
Mr. Harper. They contend that as thej^ work out the system-
Senator Wolcott. I am not asking what they contend. I am ask-
ing what the facts are.
Mr. Harper. They have given up their property and have become
-\\ orkers, and are therefore eligible to vote and eligible to election.
Senator Overman. It is a pretty good constitution, you think, do
you not?
Mr. Harper. No.
Senator Wolcott. Now that industries are paralyzed, where are
those people working? There is no work, and where are they work-
ing?
Mr. Harper. That question I have often asked myself and have
put to a great many men with whom I have talked. How does the
country go on ? You know that the industries are not working, that
the means of transportation are breaking clown. The answer was
that there are accumulated goods, shelter and food on which the
industrial and urban populations still manage to exist. The peasants
have sufficient food of certain kinds. The peasants before the indus-
trial changes in Russia often supplied many of their needs, and manu-
factured articles through their household industries, and those in-
dustries are being developed so that the peasant does manage some
way or another to get enough cloth, and to hammer out enough iron
to put ends on his wooden plows, and the country is continuing to
exist, it is my opinion, on the accumulated goods, manufactured
goocls, and (On the f oad and shelter that is accumulated.
108 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overman. It is a great country over there.
jMr. Harper. I have had statements from several men who left
there as late as October who said that in view of the conditions that
they saw in the cities, they do not believe that those urban centers
will be able to avoid literal famines and epidemics during these win-
ter months. Now, as to the extent of these famines and epidemics
in the last months we do not know, because our reports from Eus-
sia, particularly in the last month, have been very inadequate. ,
(Thereupon, at 5.45 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee ad]'ourned until
to-morrow, Wednesday, February 12, 1919, at 10..30 o'clock a. m.)
(The following was subsequently ordered inserted here in this
record, having been handed in too late for inclusion in the hearings
under Senate resolution 307:)
JIayoe Thompson's Pledge to United Societies.
expression op views by candidate for public office to the united societies
fob local self-govern itent.
The undersigned respectfully represents that he is a candidate for the office
Of Mayor on the Republican Ticket of the City of Chicago at the election to be
held, Tuesday April 6th, A. D. 1915.
That he favors and will promote in every way the objects for which the
United Societies for Local Si^lf-Government ^vere organized ; namely : Personal
Liberty, Home Rule, and Equal Taxation.
That he believes every citizen should be protected in the full enjoyment of
all the personal rights and liberties guaranteed him by the Constitution of the
United States and the State of Illinois.
And, that if elected Mayor of the City of Chicago, he will use all honorable
means to promote such objects :
1 : That he will oppose all laws known as " Blue Laws " and that he espe-
cially declares that he is opposed to a closed Sunday, believing that the State
Law referring to Sunday closing is obsolete and should not be enforced by the
City Administration. And that he is opposed to all ordinances tending to cur-
tail the citizens of Chicago in the enjoyment of their liberties on the weekly
day of rest.
2 : That he is in favor of " Special Bar Permits " until three o'clock A. M.,
being issued by the City of Chicago to reputable societies or organizations for
the purpose of permitting such societies to hold their customary entertainments.
3 : That as mayor he will use his veto power to prevent the enactment of any
ordinance which aims at the abridgment of the rights of personal liberty or is
intended to repeal any liberal ordinance now enacted, especially one repealing
or amending the " Special Bar Permit " ordinance now in force.
4: That he will oppose the further extension of the Prohibition Territory
within the City Limits, unless such extension is demanded by a majority of the
residents in a district in which, at least, two-thirds of the building lots arc
improved with dwelling houses.
5 : That he is unalterably opposed to having the Anti-Saloon Territory Law
extended to the City of Chicago.
6: I hereby declare, that I have not signed the pledge of the Anti-Saloon
League, any other so-called " Reform-Organization " and have not given any
pledge to any newspaper.
Chicago, March — A. D. 1915.
(Name) Wm. Hale Thompson,
(Address) 3200 Sheridan Rd.
Received and placed on file, iNIurch 20th, 1915.
Aman Beennan,
Se<yretary of the United Societies for Local
Self-Government and the Liberty League.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 1919.
United States Senate,
stnbcommittee of the committee on the judiciary,
Washington, D. C.
The subcdmniittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10.45 o'clock
a. m. in room 226, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman
presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman), King, Wolcott, Nelson,
and Sterling.
Senator Oveesian. Maj. Humes, whom do you desire the commit-
tee to hear this morning ?
Maj. Humes. We would like the committee to hear Mr. Simons.
TESTIMONY OF REVEREND MR. GEORGE A. SIMONS.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Maj. Humes. Doctor, where do you reside?
Mr. Simons. At the present time, in the parsonage of the Washing-
ton Square Methodist Episcopal Church, 121 West Fortieth Street,
New York City, of which church I am pastor.
Maj. Humes. When did you return from Russia?
Mr. Simons. On October 6, 1918.
Maj. Humes. In what work were you engaged in Russia?
Mr. Simons. As superintendent of the Methodist Episcopal Church
in Petrograd, Russia.
Maj. Humes. For how long a period of time had you been in
Russia ?
Mr. Simons. Since the fall of 1907.
Maj. Humes. Now, Doctor, this committee desires to secure infor-
mation with reference to conditions in Russia and the practical op-
eration of the existing government in Russia. If you would prefer
in your own way to go ahead and make a statement of those facts, you
may proceed in that way.
Mr. Si3roNS. I think you better ask me some of the main questions
in your mind, and then, as I find that there are things necessary to be
'elaborated, I will give you whatever data I have at my disposal.
M'aj. Humes. Well, JDoctor, were you in Petrograd at the time of
the March revolution ?
Mrr Simons. I was.
Maj. HuJiES. What was the nature of the revolution? Was it a
socialistic revolution?
Mr. Simons. You are referring to the
Maj. Humes. The so-called Kerensky revolution.
Mr. Simons. That is, of the winter of 1917?
Mai. Humes. Yes.
110 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Simons. I received the impression that it was partly socialistic.
It started with large parades of workingmen clamoring for bread
when most of them were getting not only sufficient bread but more
than enough, and the object of all that, so most of us understood, ^Yas
to bring on a revolution. Of course, Rasputin had been already put
out of the way.
Senator Wolcott. By the way, he was a monk, was he not ?
Mr. Simons. Yes ; a very illiterate man ; uncouth ; rough.
Senator Wolcott. Was he supposed to be a German agent ?
Mr. Simons. We have had all kinds of statements about Easpiitin
having been a pro-German, and the Czarina being pro-German. I
have no direct evidence, but the people that claimed that both the
Czarina and Rasputin were pro-German are well qualified to stand
as truth-loving persons. Some of them are well-known editors; and
some of the finest people that I have become acquainted with in Rus-
sia maintained that the Czarina and Rasputin both were pro-German.
Senator Xelson. "Were you then at Petrograd when he was killed?
Mr. SiJioxs. I was.
Senator Xelson. As I understand it, he was inveigled to the house
of a certain member of the royal family, a prince somebody — I can
not think of his name — and there he was killed.
ilr. Simons. Yes; certain members of the Russian nobility assassi-
nated him.
Senator Xelson. The man to whose house he was inveigled and
killed was connected either by blood or marriage with the royal
family, as I understand it.
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Maj. Humes. Well, Doctor, after this re\olution was successful,
what was the condition in Russia up to the time of the November
revolution ?
Mr. Simons. Under the provisional government it was quite ap-
parent that different political groups were working with might
and main to get the upper hand, and they had, roughly speaking,
over 20 different political groups. I have a document which came
out at the time of the Bolsheviki revolution, showing the program
of the various parties. I had it translated and copies of the transla-
tion given to our embassy in Petrograd, and also our consulate, and
one copy was sent, I think, to the Department of State in Washing-
ton, as I recollect. Very near the end of this list of groups we found
the Bolsheviki, as they call them. I have the thing here, and have
gone through it, and it simply bears out the statement which has
been made in many books on Russia and the Russians, that when
you have a thousand Russians the chances are that you M-ill have at
least one hundred different groups among these Russians.
I have spoken with people who have traveled widely in Russia,
even in religious circles, and they say it is very amusing that ifi one
village of a thousand people. Baptists Sectanti, they have not less
than twelve different Baptist groups. It is a peculiarity r>i the
Russian mind and psychology, and it is my contention that if there
had not been such a large number of political parties Kerensky might
have won the day with a provisional government.
Soon after we noticed a pro-German current quite marked
Senator Wolcott. Soon after when?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. Ill
^Ir. Simons. After the great revolution of the winter of 1917.
Senator Wolcott. In March?
Mr. Simons. Let us say it made itself felt within two months. I
can not tell you just when Trotsky and Lenine came in. I have no
data here.
Senator Wolcott. You speak of the revolution of the winter of
1917. We had it referred to yesterday as of March, 1917. Is that
what YOU mean by the winter of 1917, along about March?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. I did not want any confusion in the time.
Mr. Si3ioNS. They had the old calendar system there, which is 13
days behind ourg.
Senator Nelson. It culminated in March?
Mr. SiMoxs. Yes; the new style, I should say. We then soon
noticed that whereas at the beginning of the- so-called new regime
there was a disposition to glorify the allies and to make a great deal
of what the French Revolution had stood for; within from six to
eight weelis there was an undercurrent just the opposite, and things
began to loom up in a pro-German Avay.
I could not bring any of my papers that we had collected over
there along, because everything .was examined as we passed the
border — the Russian- Finland border — last October, but in our church
archives we have all these papers, and we have saved every scrap;
and I think at least 50 of my friends have collected data for us.
Senator Nelson. Let me call your attention to this. Was it not
one of the first acts of ^^hat we call the Kerensky government to issue
a general pardon to offenders?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And did not that result in bringing back Lenine
from Siberia?
Mr. Simons. Lenine, as you recall, did not come from Siberia,
but came from another part of Europe, passing through Germany.
Senator Nelson. But he Tiad been gent to Siberia ?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. He had been sent to Siberia either as a convict,
or had been deported, and he came back by way of Switzerland and
Germany.
Mr. Simons. Well
Senator Nelson. Do you not know that?
Mr. Simons. We knew that he came from Switzerland.
Senator Nelson. With German passports?
Mr. Simons. With German passports, and the Germans expe-
dited his transit, and the exit of those who came into Russia at the
time when this movement had already been under way.
Senator Wolcott. Which movement had been under way?
Mr. Simons. The movement which became known as the Bol-
shevik movement.
Senator Wolcott. Well, you do not mean that he came in after
this pro-German undercurrent had developed ? Did he come after
the appearance of that pro-Germanism, or before?
Mr. Simons. He came while that thing was growing.
Senator Wolcott. And, of course, he did not try to stop it any,
did he?
112 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
IMr. SisroNs. Kerensky was spending a good deal of his time run-
ning up and down the front, trying to hearten the B,u=;sian soldiers
in their warfare, and he was generally accredited with being a fine
orator and doing splendid work, and I do not doubt but what he
did manage to keep the men longer than they otherwise would have
stayed in, but we were told there were hundreds of agitators who
had followed in the trail of Trotsky-Bronstein, these men having
come over from the lower East Side of New York. I was sur-
prised to find scores of such men walking up and down Xevslty.
Some of them, when they learned that I was the American pastor
in Petrograd, stepped up to me and seemed very much pleased that
there was somebody who could speak English, and their broken Eng-
lish showed that they had not qualified as being real Americans;
and a number of these men called on me, and a number of us were
imjDressed with the strong Yiddish element in this thing right from
the start, and it soon became evident that more than half of the agi-
tators in the so-called Bolshevik movement were Yiddish.
Senator Nelsox. Hebrews?
Mr. Siiiox'.s. They were Hebrews, apostate Jews. I do not want
to say anything against the Jews, as such. I am not in sympathy
with the anti-Semitic movement, never have been, and do not ever
expect to be. I am against it. I abhor all pogroms of whatever
kind. But I have a firm conviction that this thing is Yiddish, and
that one of its bases is found in the East Side of New York.
Senator Nelson. Trotsky came over from New York during that
summer, did he not?
Mr. Simons. He did.
Senator O^teehiax. You think he brought these people with him?
Mr. Simons. I am not able to say that he brought them with him.
I think that most of them came after him, but that he was responsible
for their coming.
Senator Over Ji an. Do you know whether the Germans furnished
them any money to come?
Mr. Simons. It was generally understood that Lenine and Trotsky
had been financed by the German Imperial Government. Docu-
ments were afterwards issued showing that these leaders of the
Bolshevik movement had received German funds. Mr. Nicholas A.
Zorin, a personal friend of mine, who is the vice president of the so-
called society for promoting mutual friendly relations between Eus-
sia and America, worked out a treatise, as he called it, showing that
the German Imperial Government was backing this thing, and he
had gotten hold of certain documents, and he issued this thing
privately, and scores of copies were sent to us for distribution.
These were mimeograph copies. I could not bring one over with me,
but I suppose the contents of his treatise are kno'\^■n to the State
Department, because I handed copies to our embassy and our
consulate.
Senator Nelson. Have you got copies yourself, at home?
Mr. Simons. No; I did not dare to bring that across the border,
because it might incriminate me.
Senator Nelson. We ought to get that document and put it in
the record.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 113
Mr. Simons. I think you will find a copy in the Russian division,
of the State Department. I am pretty sure they have one.
Senator Overman. It would be a very remarkable thing if the
Bolshevik movement started in this country, financed by Germans,
would it not?
Mr. Simons. I do not think the Bolshevik movement in Russia
would have been a success if it had not been for the support it got
from certain elements in New York, the so-called East Side.
Maj. Humes. Doctor, you have referred to Lenine coming from
Siberia through Switzerland. Is it not a fact that Lenine went from
Siberia to Switzerland about the time or shortly before the out-
break of the European war in 1914, and Avas in Switzerland from
that time up until the time he returned to Russia?
Mr. Simons. I have not paid particular attention to that phase of
Lenine's career. I only know he was given the privilege by the
German Imperial Government to have a hasty transit through Ger-
many, and that they evidently seemed to be very anxious to get him
as quickly as possible over to Russia.
May I state at this juncture that before the outbreak of the war —
that is, before Russia entered into the war — we were apprised, and
it is a fact, that hundreds of thousands of rubles had been put at the
disposal of certain labor leaders in St. Petersburg, as it was then
known, to create a strike in the factories. A large number of fac-
tories in Petrograd, as well as in Moscow and other parts of Russia
near these large centers, have been controlled by British and Ger-
man capital. It was apparent at that time that Germany was trying
to cripple Russia economically by getting her into the throes of an
awful strike. I have spoken with men who were high up in official
life in Petrograd, and they said they had proofs. The thing after-
wards came out in the Russian press, and, of course, there was a
very strong anti-German feeling there as the result of that. Well,
that strike did not prove successful because the old regime had so
much power that it succeeded in squelching it.
I have noticed again and again in Russia that there is a strong
German element there. I gave a copy to our ambassador. Gov.
Francis, of a so-called German yearbook which was suppressed, as
well as a German daily newspaper, the oldest newspaper, so they
claim, in all Russia, which was suppressed soon after Russia's en-
trance into the war, and when the Bolsheviki came into power all
these things were started up again. German papers were not only
published, and everything that was German and pro-German fos-
tered, but we also knew that at the outbreak or before the outbreak
of the Bolshevik revolution of October, 1918, there were several Ger-
man officers in the seat of the Smolny government, so called.
There were two institutes « that had that name, and one of the
buildings Lenine and Trotzky and their forces took even while
Kerensky and the provisional government were governing, and one
of the oldest teachers in the Smolny Institute had occasion to
come over to the building where the Bolsheviki now had their
guns, doing their work of propagandizing the Russian j)roletariat.
She is a lady over 50 years of age, and had been teaching in the
Smolny Institute, I presume, over 20 years, and has been attending
our church for about 10 years, and is related to some of the most
114 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
distinguished Eussians. She came to see me and said, " I have had
an opportunity, because of being a teacher in the Smolny Insti-
tute, to visit certain rooms in the building now occupied by the so-
called Bolshevik government. I have seen with my own eyes Ger-
man officers sitting at the long table around which sat the leaders
of the Bolshevik movement. I have heard German spoken there.
Because they believed in me I have had the privilege of passing
through certain rooms, having to take certain things over for our
teachers and our pupils, and what not, and several times I have
noticed German documents on the table, with the German stamp'';
and one time she told me that she had become impressed by one thing
in the Smolny Institute, that more German was being used there
than Russian. It may be she heard Yiddish, because Yiddish is
partly German. It seems strange to me, but when you talk with the
average man from the lower East Side he is not going to speak
English or Russian, but he is going to speak Yiddish. It may be
that she heard Yiddish and thought that she heard German; but
anyway, that was her testimony.
Senator Nelson. The Yiddish language is distinct from the He-
brew?
Mr. Simons. It is German. It is a mistum compositum.
Senator Nelson. It is a mixture of Hebrew and German, is it not?
Mr. SiMONSif There are some Slavic terms, some Russian, and somB
Polish iii it, and it may have some English, too. The Yiddish that
is spoken on the East Side of New York has ever so much of the Eng-
lish in it, and the Yiddish that is spoken in Petrograd, Moscow, War-
saw, and Odessa, would have quite a lot of Russian in it.
Senator Overman. This institute was the nest, the beginning, of
this government, was it not? That was where it started, was it not?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. You have made one statement here which to me
is very interesting, largely because it may be intensely significant.
Some time back in your testimony you said that it was your con-
tention that if it were not for these elements that had come from
the East Side of New York City, the Bolsheviki movement would
have been a failure. That to me is very interesting, because if it is
true it is very significant. There are many people in this country, I
think — I am sure there are many people— ^who rather look upon this
Bolsheviki movement as just a passing fad, and of no deep signifi-
cance ; but, of course, if the success of this monstrous thing m Russia
is due to the men who came out of New York City, then this country
has not anything to deal with that is trifling, at all.
Now, because of the very significance of that, can you tell us any-
thing in the way of detail that leads you to the conviction that the
presence of these East Side people in Russia contributed to the suc-
cess of the Bolsheviki movement ?
Mr. Simons. The latest startling information, given me by some
one who says that there is good authority for it — and I ani to be
given the exact figures later on and have them checked up properly
by the proper authorities — is this, that in December, 1918. in the
northern community of Petrograd, so-called — that is what they call
that section of the Soviet regime under the presidency of the man
known as Mr. Apfelbaum — out of 388 members, only 16 happened to
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 115
be real Russians, and all the rest Jews, with the exception possibly
of one man, who is a negro from America, who calls himself Prof.
Gordon, and 265 of the members of this northern commune govern-
ment, that is sitting in the old Smolny Institute, came from the lower
East Side of New York — 265 of them. If that is true, and they are
going to check it up for me — certain Eussians in New York who have
been there and investigated the facts — I think that that fits into what
you are driving at. In fact, I am very much impressed with this, that
moving around here I find that certain Bolsheviki propagandists are
nearly all Jews — apostate Jews. I have been in the so-called People's
House, at 7 East Fifteenth Street, New York, which calls itself also
the Rand School of Social Science, and I have visited that at least
six times during the last eleven weeks or so, buying their literature,
and some of the most seditious stuff I have ever found against our
own Government, and 19 out of every 20 people I have seen there ha^e
been Jews.
And as I move around to give my lectures, usually I am pursued by
Bolsheviki propagandists, and in one big church in New York I was
interrupted, on the east side of the church — it so happened that they
were sitting on the east side of the church — by two Bolsheviki agita-
tors. I suppose they were agitators because they tried to agitate
while I was giving my lecture on Russia, and they grumbled and
growled, and the assistant pastor stepped up to them and tried to
calm them, and they instantly remarked to him — I hate to repeat it,.
but if you want to know I will tell you — " Everything that man says
is a damn lie." When the pastor assured them that that language
was not quite proper in the church, and so on, and asked them to
speak with the speaker himself afterwards, they said it was no use
speaking with him, " He knows nothing. But this book will tell you
all about the thing, and give you the truth," and they handed him
this book bj' Albert Rhys Williams, " 76 Questions and Answers on
the Bolsheviki and Soviets," and he turned it over to me.
On several other occasions men have tried to disturb our meetings^
using this pamphlet of Williams.
I have analyzed certain questions and answers, especially with re-
gard to this paragraph on religion, and I have no doubt in my mind
that the predominant element in this Bolsheviki movement in America
is, you may call it, the Yiddish of the East Side.
Senator Wolcott. You said that you met many of these New York
East Siders on the streets in Petrograd, did you not?
Mr. Simons. I met a number of them on the Nevsky Prospect in
Petrograd, yes; and spoke with them, and a number of them have
visited me.
Senator Wolcott. That was how long ago ?
Mr. Simons. That was, I should say, well, along in, I think, June-
and July. I have all these things checked up over in Petrograd, but
they are put away in a trunk just now in the embassy, so, of course,.
if i do not strike a date right
Senator Wolcott. Approximately.
Mr. Simons. I should say it was just before they made their first
attempt in July, 1917, to oust Kerensky, but he had enough strength
to put them down.
Senator Wolcott. Are you able to say whether or not the appear-
ance of these East Side New Yorkers, these agitators, was a sudden;
116 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
appearance there ; did they seem to come all at once, a flock of them,
so to siJeak, or had they been around, but just started to talk^
iNIr. SiJioxs. I was impressed with this, Senator, that shortly after
the great revolution of the winter of 1917 there were scores of Jews
standing on the benches and soap boxes, and wliat not, talking until
their mouths frothed, and I often remarked to my sister. " "Well, what
are we coming to, anyway? Tliis all looks so Yiddish." Up to that
time we had very few Jews, because there was, as you may know, a
restriction against having Jews in Petrograd ; but after the revolution
thev swarmed in there, and most of the agitators happened to be
Jews. I do not want to be unfair to them, but I usually know a Jew-
when I see one.
Senator Overman. You mean they are apostate Jews ?
^Ir. Simons. Apostate Jews; yes.
Senator Wolcott. You mean Christianized Jews?
Mr. Simons. No, sir.
Senator Wolcott. What do you mean by the term '' apostate " ?
Mr. Simons. An apostate Jew is one who has given up the faith of
his fathers or forefathers.
Senator Wolcott. But he lias not accepted any other ?
JMr. Simons. He has not accepted any other, except the Bolslievik
faith or anarchistic faith, whatever it may be.
Senator O^'erjian. AVere any of these men you met over there
afterwards promoted by Trotsky or his people in the cabinet?
]Mr. Simons. Some weelcs before 1 left Petrograd 1 became quite
well acquainted with one member of the Soviet government, who was
the commissar of the post and telegraph, Sergius Zorin, and I tried
to get a dictum from him as to what would happen to me if I stayed
there, inasmuch as a decree had been issued by the Soviet government
that all subjects of allied countries remaining in Russia, from 18 to
45 years of age, would be considered as prisoners of war. Our em-
bassy had urged all Americans residing in Russia, in the fall of
1917 and the winter of 1918, to leave that territory. Finally, Consul
Poole, who was in Moscow up to about the middle or end of Septem-
ber, 1918, wrote a letter to me stating that the American Government
demanded that all American citizens should leave Russia immedi-
ately, and that I should use whatever influence I had with the other
Americans in Petrograd to have them leave also.
1 then and there decided that I ought to find out just what would
happen in case 1 could not get out — wliat would happen to me and
my sister. I was not quite 45, but was within six months of my forty-
fifth birthday, and I wanted to get from some of these commissars
what they would do to me. The president of the northern commune
section would not receive me. They told me he was not receiving
anybody, that he was strongly guarded, and never slept in the same
room twice.
Senator Nelson. What was his name?
Mr. Simons. Apfelbaum. That is his real name, but his assumed
Russian name, like many of them, is Zinovyetf. His real name is
Apfelbaum.
Senator Nelson. That means apple tree, does it not ?
Mr. Simons. Yes. But his second or third secretary — they were
all Jews there — referred me in a rather vague way to any other com-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 117
missar that I might see. There had been threats made to kill not
only Lenine and Trotsky, but Apfelbaum, and just prior to that
another man, who, as was said, held the lives of all of us in his hands,
and who was responsible for the killing of so many people without
even a trial given them, was assassinated by a Jew. There was
an awful terroristic atmosphere in Petrograd, and we were expect-
ing still worse things to happen every day. With a view to finding
out what my real status quo was in Soviet tei'ritory, and not having
had any success with Mr. Apfelbaum, I Avent to the commissar of
the post and telegraph, Sergius Zorin. I had learned that he had
come from New York, whei'e he had spent eight years.
Senator Nelson. What was his real name?
Mr. Simons. I never asked him, but Avhen I called on him — I will
get up to that point presently — he told me that so long as the Ameri-
can troops did not take the offensive on Russian territory, we Ameri-
cans residing in Russia would not be considered prisoners of war.
I cabled that immediately to our authorities in New York, through
the Norwegian Legation, who had the protection of American citizens
and interests in Russia at that time.
Senator Nelson. Did he speak to you in English, this man?
Mr. Simons. He spoke in English. His English was quite fair.
Senator Nelson. He had come from this country ?
Mr. Simons. He had been in this country.
Senator Nelson. From the East Side?
Mr. Simons. I imagine so.
Senator Wolcott. How do you spell his name ?
Mr. Simons. Sergius Zorin, the commissar of the post and tele-
graph. Commissar Zorin was very gracious, not only to me but
also to Capt. Webster,' with whom he soon after became acquainted,,
who was the head of the American Red Cross mission to Russia,
While discussing different things Zorin told me that he was anxious
to hear from his brother, a certain Alexander Gumberg, who he
said was the secretary of Col. Raymond Robins.
Senator Nelson. Where was he?
Mr. Simons. He had left Russia, and Zorin was anxious to hear
something from him. He said he had not heard from him for a
long time, so he asked me if I, getting any papers from the outside
or any mail, could get any word out to his brother. I said I would
be glad to do that for him, and I wrote a letter to that effect to
Col. Robins, which I believe he has never received. When last
I met him he said he had not received it.
Senator Nelson. Who is this Col. Robins?
!Mr. SiMoxs. Col. Raymond Robins was identified with the Ameri-
can Red Cross missimi ito Russia.
Senator Nelson. Was he there in Russia, or here?
Mr. Simons. At the tim.e I was speaking with Mr. Zorin he vas
here in Amerirn, and Mr. Zorin spoke of him highly and said that
he was the greatest American of all, and he hoped that he would
be ambassador to Russia. , , .„ . -r.
Senator 0-\terman. He is the chairman of the Progressive Party,
is he not, Raymond Robins?
Mr SiMoxs. I do not know very much about him, except what i
have seen in Who's Who. I had always thought highly of Mm
118 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
until he came over to Russia and embarrassed our embassy in many
ways and got into the press, and our ambassador was obliged to
come out again and again with certain statements, and finally the
unpleasant controversy, if we may call it such, Avas brought to an
end by a statement made by Ambassador Francis that he and Col.
Eobins were friends, and he did not know who Avas trj'ing to cause
enmity between them, or something to that effect, and he hoped now
that this thing would be put at an end.
I read all those things in the Russian press, and we felt very much
distressed over it. because we thought that our ambassador, who was
doing such magnificent work over there, ought to have the support
of every last American. There was no reason why anybody should
pose even as a candidate, so called, for the ambassadorship to the
Soviet government.
Senator "Wolcott. AVhat was the nature of the controversy that
you speak of between the ambassador and Mr. Robins, that was pub-
lished in the papers?
Air. Simons. I have not the papers here. I think Prof. Harper
is probably in possession of those papers, or they must have them in
the Russian division of the Department of State.
Senator "Wolcott. Can you not tell us in a general waj' what it
was?
Mr. SiAiONS. As I recall the whole thing, the Soviet government
was feeling very strongly about the attitude which the allies and
America, for that matter, had taken in regard to the Lenine-Trotsky
regime in not recognizing them, and withdrawing their representa-
tives, their ambassadore, and so on, and Gov. Francis issued, several
times, messages in the Russian press to the Russian people assuring
them of the good will of America, and so on; and coming out very
plainly with this statement, that the Brest-Litovsk treaty would not
be recognized at the peace conference, and in our Thanksgiving
service in the American church in Petrograd in November, 1917, the
ambassador said a similar thing. I have a copy of that speech.
There were quite a number of distinguished Russians present, and
that speech of his irritated the Bolsheviki very much.
Then, his Fourth of July message, which was given in Vologda,
on the 4th of July, 1918, distressed them very much, too. That was
afterwards printed in thousands of copies in Russian and widely
circulated, and Gov. Francis in that message, of course, even more
strongly than ever stated that the Brest-Litovsk treaty would not be
recognized at the peace conference, but that America would stand
by the Russian nation and had a real affection for the Russian nation.
1 am only quoting in a general way, because I have not the data here
before me.
Col. Robins was quoted again and again as being the typical
American, having been a workingman himself, having been down in
the mines, and whatnot, and he knew the needs of the laboring people,
the laboring element, and so on; and then our Ambassador Francis
was placed as being a typical capitalist, and they rang off a good deal
of that, and he was persona non grata with the Bolsheviki officials
for that reason. The criticisms against the Root mission were just
along that same line.
Senator Wolcott. Was all that accompanied by the suggestion
that Mr. Robins ought to be ambassador ?
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 119
Mr. Simons. That came out again and again,- that he really was
going to be, and he ought to be, the American ambassador to the
soviet government.
Senator WoLCOTr. Is that what Mr. Apfelbaum wanted, too ?
Mr. Simons. I have not spoken with Mr. Apfelbaum.
Senator Wolcott. I mean the other fellow.
Mr. Simons. Mr. Zorin?
Senator Wolcott. Yes.
j\Ir. Simons. Zorin was very enthusiastic about that proposition.
Then he asked me if I could get in touch with his brother, Alexander
Gumberg, who was supposed to be with Col. Robins somewhere in
America ; but when I came here I did not find him. I was told that
he had gone back to Europe, and possibly was going to Russia.
Senator Overman. Did Robins make any statements over there,
showing he was ambitious for this place and was siding with the
Soviet government?
Mr. Simons. He was reported as having said certain things, but I
am not in a position to say that he really made those statements. I
only know this much : There was a strong feeling on the part of the
real Russian element against this thing. It became very nauseating
to the people who really had admiration for America, and for our
own American representative. Gov. Francis, whom I esteem most
highly, as also his staff. I think we were most fortunate in hav-
ing those men over there. I do not know any finer set that we ever
had.
Senator Nelson. Now, to bring you back to the chronological order
of events, after Kerensky got in charge of the government, he at-
tempted to prosecute the war against the Germans, did he not ?
Mr. Simons. Kerensky, I believe, was sincere in that.
Senator Nelson. He carried that on for a while, and was success-
ful, until finally the Russian Army got demoralized and insisted on
controlling their officers and everything else, and refused to fight,
is not that true ?
Mr. Simons. That is true.
Senator Nelson. Do you know anything about how that movement
demoralizing the army was inspired; by what element?
Mr. Simons. I have heard from somebody recently, and I could
check it up within a few days, 'that there was one American in the
Y. M. C. A. that actually saw German money being passed over from
the German front to the Russians.
Senator Nelson. Among the Russian soldiers ?
Mr. Simons. And to the men who were authorized to receive the
money for propagandist purposes.
Senator Nelson. Among the Russian Army ?
Mr. Simons. Yes; and I do happen to know that soon after the
great revolution of the winter of 1917 tens of thousands of copies of
the communist manifesto, in Russian, were circulated among the
Russian soldiers. It contained the official program of the Bolsheviki.
That is the communist manifesto, and this is the thing that made the
Lenine-Trotsky propaganda successful over there. This is an Eng-
lish translation.
Senator Nelson. Was not the collapse of the Russian Army, and
the demoralizing of that army, by which the soldiers refused to
120 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
fight, and even went over to the enemy, one of the means of helping
Trotsky and Lenine to get control of the Go\-ernment?
Mr. Simons. Most assuredly.
Senator Overmax. And did these Yiddish from the East Side, who
Avere there assisting Lenine and Trotsky, discuss this question of
Bolshevism with you, or how did they impress you ?
Mr. Simons. They were very guarded, because they knew that as
a 100 per cent American, and as a Christian clergyman, I would not
be in sympathy with the ideals and spirit, and the means which they
were thinking of employing; but when I spoke with these men I
always told them that our Methodist Episcopal Church in America,
in the general conference of 1916, had passed very fine resolutions
with regard to labor reform, and what not, and that ours was really
the people's church. I had said that, and said also that I was a
Christian Socialist, of course reserving for myself the definition. I
am a Christian Socialist in the sense that every Christian who takes
the New Testament as his ideal would be, standing very much where
Charles Kingsley and Morris stood, believing not in revolutionary
socialism, but evolutionary socialism, taking the Sermon on the Mount
of Christ, and the thirteenth chapter of First Corinthians, as the
ideal, believing that not by force but by moral persuasion shall we
really succeed in making a brotherhood out of the Avhole human race.
Senator King. You recognized that a brotherhood was compatible
with the maintenance of orderly government ?
Mr. Simons. I certainly would.
Senator King. And your ideal of Christianity did not mean the
subversion of government?
Mr. Simons. First, last, and all the time I stood for Avhat we con-
sider the most ideal government the world has ever had, the Govern-
ment of the United States of America ; and I had no sympathy at
all with the red flag propagandists.
Senator King. You believed in a government that recognized the
right of contract, the right of acquisition and the possession of prop-
erty, and all those personal rights which we enjoy under our repre-
sentative form of government?
Mr. Simons. I certainly do.
Senator King. You believe in this form of government?
Mr. Simons. I certainly do.
Senator King. You do not believe in any socialism which has for
its object the destruction of our form of government?
Mr. Simons. I absolutely repudiate all that.
Senator King. So your classifying yourself as a Christian So-
cialist does not mean an opposition to our form of government?
Mr. Simons. Wlien I say Christian Socialist I mean that I take
that tenn and I put it as high as it ever could be put, taking the
teaching of Jesus Christ Avith regard to the principle of the father-
hood of God and the brotherhoocl of man, standing by what Christ
taught, the very best kind of socialism the world could ever hope
for. That is Avhere Kingsley and Morris stood. That is where I
think every real man would stand who knoAvs anything at all about
the New Testament. If, of course, they had known what I had back
in my mind, they would not have recognized me even as a tenth-
rate Socialist.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 121
Senator Nelson. You were there Avhen the treaty of Brest-Litovsk
was entered into?
Mr. Simons. I was.
Senator Nelson. Can you tell us anything wliich actuated the Bol-
sheviki in entering into such a treaty? By that treaty they re-
linquished the Ukraine, they relinquished Finland, they relinquished
Courland and the Baltic coast, all, to the Germans. At all events,
they gave up all, so that they left Russia with no access to the sea
except at Petrograd; and they also got considerable gold from the
Russian Government or from the Bolsheviki.
Senator King. You ought to add to that, Senator, the Aland
Islands, which are at the mouth of the sea, so it made the harbor of
Petrograd valueless.
Senator Nelson. The Aland Islands are southwest of the Finnish
coast.
Senator King. But they are really a protection, as a naval base,
very largely, to the entrance to the harbor that goes in to Petrograd —
that arm of the sea that extends into Russia.
Senator Nelson. Now, what information can you give us about
that. Doctor?
Mr. Simons. I am not a military expert, as you know. I read the
papers and I heard the account of their proceedings at the Brest-
Litovsk meeting, and so on, with scores of others who were in the
British, American, and French colonies in Petrograd and Moscow,
and Russians who were well qualified to pass judgment on the thing.
I also had a strong conviction that the Brest-Litovsk performance
was largely a German thing, and that for the simple reason that
while Lenine and Trotsky ancl their helpers were saying all kinds of
bitter things about the allies, I hardly ever, up to that time, caught
them saying anything very bitter against Germany. I had seen their
proclamations, and only last summer, in July and August. One
particularly I have in mind, which was addressed to the whole
civilized world and posted up all over Petrograd, and that referred in
no delicate language to the allies as being flesh-eating and blood-
drinking allies.
Senator King. That included the United States, of course, in that
category.
Mr. Si^ioNS. Well, then they went on to speak of England and
France. As I recall, I do not think they mentioned us, but in a
number of conversations that I had with officials in the Soviet
regime I discovered that there was a tendency to remain, if possible,
friendly with America, which was interpreted by men in the diplo-
matic service of the allied countries as being an attempt, if possible,
to separate America from her allies. And then again, when the
Bolsheviki regime would fall to pieces there might be an asylum to
which the Bolsheviki demons might escape. Excuse me for calling
them demons, but I have seen so much that I have not been able to
find a better word to characterize thera.
Senator Overman. Do you know this man Gordon that you spoke
of — ^this negro from the United States?
Mr. Simons. Yes ; I knew him. He came over to me to get married
to a so-called Russian lady, who was an Esthonian. He lived with
her only a short time.
122 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overiiax. Where did he come from, do you know?
Mr. Simons. He came from America. He was a pugilist, and
issued cards as being a professor of physical culture, boxing, and
■what not, and for a certain time he was the doorkeeper in our
American Embassy in Petrograd.
Senator Overman. You spoke of him as being mixed up with this
Bolshevik crowd in the institute.
]\ir. Simons. I think that is the same Gordon — Prof. Gordon.
Senator Overman. You spoke of his being in with these Bol-
.sheviks.
^Ir. Simons. That is the last statement that we had.
Senator Overman. That he was with them?
INIr. Simons. That was the last statement.
Senator Xelsox. Do you not think the Germans absolutely con-
trolled the situation at the time that the treaty of Brest -Litovsk was
entered into, and that they practically had their own way?
Mr. Simons. I certainly do.
Senator Nelson. Do you not believe that Trotsky and Lenine were
really in the toils of Germany and willing to do what Gennany
wanted ? ,
Mr. Simons. I have been led to believe that most of the men in the
Bolsheviki service, who are real Bolshevists — there are some who are
not — most of them are avowedly antially, and have a strong hatred
toward England, and an affection for Germany. That has come out
again and again.
Senator Nelson. "Were j'ou there when the revolution of Lenine
and Trotsky, as distinguished from the former revolution, took place,
in November, 1917?
Mr. Simons. T was present.
Senator Nelson. Can you tell us about what took place then?
Mr. Simons. It is a long story. To give you a graphic picture of
it would take hours. I can only say this
Senator Nelson. Give us an outline.
Mr. Simons. I can onlj' say this, that the air was pregnant with the
most hellish terrorism that any fine grained person could ever expe-
rience. I dressed up again and again as a Russian workman and
put on a Russian shirt that hangs down almost to the knees, and I put
on an old slouch hat and nickel spectacles so that my sister said I
really looked like a Bolshevist, and I went out and moved among those
fellows and I heard their talk. I moved into the barracks. I wanted
to get inside information inasmuch as I was preparing a book. I
felt that history was being made, and I believed in Russia, I loved
Russia, but I did not believe in this thing, and I wanted to see just
what it would do to the Russia that I expected to live, and I wanted
to get first-hand information, and as I moved among the hoi poUoi,
I found that the average man did not know the difference between
his elbows and his knees. These agitators would come and speak for
Lenine and Trotsky, and they would say, " That is entirely correct,
entirely correct." And then, after those agitators had left with their
truck auto, another auto would come along, and there would be some
other agitators.
Senatoi^ Nelson. "Who were those agitators ? Were they workmen
■or soldiers, or of what class or community?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 123
Mr. Simons. They were made up of professional agitators, and
some of them had on the Russian uniform, and some of them were
simply clad as workmen, with the black robosa or workman's shirt.
Senator King. Had any of them been in the United States, and
gone back?
Mr. Simons. Some of them had.
Senator King. From the East Side?
Mr. Simons. From the East Side, as I happen to knoAv.
Senator Wolcott. This man Apfelbauni was not from the East
Side?
Mr. Simons. I do not k^ow. I have not been informed as to his
antecedents, and so on. I have a paper here which was circulated
when Lenine and Trotsky were asserting themselves, in August, Sep-
tember, and October of 1917, giving a list of about 20 names, showing
the Jewish in one column, and then the assumed Russian name in the
other. That thing was considered a very dangerous document, but it
was being circulated everywhere, and one copj' came to me. In that
■document I found Apfelbaum's name, and his assumed name. Be-
yond that I do not know anything about Mr. Apfelbaum.
Senator King. I interrupted, you when you were answering Senator
Nelson's question.
Senator Nelson. I would like to have you go on further and tell us.
Mr. Simons. We could not escape this observation, that the suc-
qess of the Bolsheviki revolution was largely due to the fact of having
■employed terrorism.
Senator Overman. What was the nature of the terrorism?
Mr. Simons. They had practically all their men armed. The work-
ingman there got so inspired with the holy zeal of the great cause,
which was to kill off -the capitalist and enthrone the proletariat, that
he felt he was in a holy crusade for humanity's sacred cause. That
is the way those men talked : and these men were given arms. I have
•one paper here which shows that they used it as a slogan. It reads
something like this, " The surety of the proletarian cause lies in put-
ting the gun into the hand of the workman." It was that thing that
made the Bolsheviki revolution a success. Without having the so-
called proletarian element armed. I do not believe it would have suc-
ceeded.
Senator Nelson. The masses of their people, then, were armed,
and paraded the streets in armed bodies, did they not?
Mr. Simons. Many of them ; yes.
Senator Nelson. And that parading of these armed men bred this
spirit of terrorism?
Mr. Simons. They then took opportunity to oppose all political
parties that were not in favor of the Bolsheviki program. The differ-
■ent parties were defined, and they were still hoping that they might
succeed in having their constituent assembly, but soon after the
Bolshevist revolution had succeeded, even those banners were torn
down, and it was considered the most dangerous thing to even speak
in favor of a constituent assembly.
Senator King. A constituent assembly representing all of them?
Mr. Simons. All of the parties.
Senator King. Which gave them all a chance to participate?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
124 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator King. The peasants, the workingmen, the laboring men:
proletariat and capitalistic classes?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator King. A sort of general democratic government?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Were there any threats manifest at that time to
kill those who had property or were intellectual people?
Mr. Simons. After the Bolsheviki came into power one paper
after another that stood out against them was suppressed, and it
was not long before we had only one kind of press there, and that
was the Bolshevistic or anarchistic. I h^ve a few copies here, and
in these papers they employ the harshest terms that I have ever found,
in regard to putting out of the way all groups or institutions that
were not in sympathy or in accord with the Bolshevik ideal, spirit,
and program.
Senator King. Do you mean assassination and murder to accom-
plish that end?
Mr. Simons. It became quite evident that they had that as their —
what shall I say? — trump card, and many of their proclamations
breathed not only an intense diabolical class hatred, but also murder,
and for weeks and weeks they were fine-tooth combing the dif-
r«nt sections of Petrograd — and ^loscow, for that matter — trying to
get hold of the officers who up to that time had been holding out
against them. Many of them had already made their escape and
gone over to the allies.
Senator Nelson. You mean the army officers ?
Mr. Simons. The army officers. And they were rushing from one
home to another. Some of them even came to us and asked whether
they could not spend the night with us. They said, " It will be only
for one night " ; but we never did that, for the simple reason that we
did not want to be found guilty of that sort of thing. Scores of
these officers — and some of them who were high up in the Russian
Army under the old Government and imder the provisional govern-
ment— called on me when the embassy was no longer there, and asked
me to give them either a card or a letter to our embassy in Vologda,
which I did. These men gave me a good deal of information, too. I
have made memoranda of some of these conversations, but all that
lies in the trunk over in the American Embassy in Petrograd, await-
ing the day when I can go there and use it for later publication.
Senator Xelson. Can you tell us of the acts of barbarism and the
destruction of life and property that took place there? Can you
tell us anything about that i
]\Ir. Simons. I beg your pardon.
Senator Xelson. You have spoken of the terrorism they engen-
dered by beinp' armed. Can you tell us wlmt they did ?
ilr. SuroNs. Here are a few things that came under my own im-
mediate observation : It was a short time before Ambassador Francis
left Petrograd that we invited him to have dinner with us. It must
have been either in December or January — I am not sure, but I am
inclined to believe it must have been in January or February, 1918 —
but about an hour and a half Ijefore he came, accompanied by two of
his secretaries, one of the most horrible things I have ever witnessed
hapjoened right in front of our American proj^erty there. I was m
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 125
my office at the time, speaking with our head deaconess, and I heard
shots and groans, and looked out of the window, and right in front
of our property there was a crowd of people, all ex:ited, shouting,
and two Russian soldiers running, with several Eed Guards — Bol-
sheviks— right after them, and I witnessed tlieui shoot each of those
men as they Avere falling, three or four times in the head.
Our own household became '^omewhat alarmed. We did not know
just what the nature of this was. Possibly it was something that
would involve us. I at once < ailed for the sexton or janitor — in this
case he was both — of our church, and asked him to investigate. He
then learned that these men had been in a tea-drinking room down the
street, and had been charged with having tried to steal, but whether
or no they were guilty never came out. But the Bolshevik Red Guards
never stopped to ask whether a man was guilty or not ; they would
shoot on the spot. I have seen that again and again. I had an in-
stance of that brought to my attention in the case of two brothers,
where the one they wanted was not there, and they shot the other
man by mistake, and the other one went free.
In this particular instance we felt queer, because in a minute the
ambassador might come to see us, and it did not look quite palatable
to have a pool of blood with two dead bodies, like that, in front of
one's house, when a distinguished man like Gov. Francis was to
come to dinner. But he came, and it was then already dark, for-
tunately, and he did not see any of that. I told him about it, and he
seemed to enjoy it. I mean he was keen on hearing any of these
things. He was a brave soul, and referred to his own fearlessness,
and incidentally always having a good little friend in his back
pocket — a Browning. This did not unnerve the ambassador in the
least. He then told me a number of things that showed that he had
experienced possibly more than we had.
On another occasion the Bolshevik Eed Guards, of a morning,
about half past 2, tried to bi'eak into our house. They were climb-
ing up the emergency ladder, and our janitor, like most other people
in Petrograd, who were only getting dried fish to live on — there was
hardly any bread to be had — was afflicted with the same malady that
others were suffering with, and he was up that night, fortunately,
and he looked around and saw two men climbing up the emergency
ladder, trying to get into our house and to break into the garret.
A few days before that time the door leading to the garret had been
tampered with, and I suspected that something was being done, and
I had the old lock taken off and a new one put on, and then a second
door properly fixed up with a padlock, so they would have a kind of
a hard time getting into our premises. At all events, he approached
them and he said, " Comrades, what are you desiring ? What do you
wish ? " They said to him, " You hold your mouth shut, and you
will get 5,000 rubles," and quick as a flash he answered and said,
" You think I am a Jew 1 " And then they remarked to each other,
" Let us go," and they ran as fast as their feet could carry them
through the yard and over the fence.
I investigated that thing afterwards and found there was a plan
to get me to pay money. I was looked upon by certain Bolshevik
officials as being a capitalist. I was the trustee of our property, be-
cause it was found up to a certain time that we could not very well
126 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
have our legalizing papers, but we took counsel with our law3'er,
who was also the lawyer for the ambassador, and he said the best
thing to do was to keep your property for the time being, until things
became normal and Russia had a new law, in your own name. I was,
because of being known as a property owner, put in the fourth cate-
gory, which, of course, was to be starved out and in due time ex-
pedited.
I happen to know that some of the Americans who had property
over there were blaclanailed ; one man in particular, Mr. Hervey,
with whom I had had long talks up to the time I left. They had
arrested him, and he was to pay a fine. He had a factory over there,
and he had invested something like $100,000, so he told me, and the
reason he stayed there was to protect his property. For some viola-
tion of a decret, he had to pay a fine. They were getting out new
decrets every week, and a man did not know what he could do and
what he could not do, because of the multiplicity of decrets.
Senator King. They were the basis of confiscation, were they not?
Mr. SiMoxs. Yes. They were working out, if you please, a new
scheme of government, which touched e^•ery conceivable thing in a
man's social and economic existence. We at times felt so nervous
that we did not know what next to expect. Where we used to have
to pay 3 rubles a year as a dog tax — we had two English fox ter-
riers who did excellent police duty for us — under the Bolsheviks we
had to pay 50 rubles for each clog. The telephone bill used to be
something like, as I recall it, 85 rubles. Under the Bolsheviks it
was in the neighborhood of 300 rubles — that is, for our class. For a
business man it would be, I suppose, from 500 to 600 rubles. And so
all along. If you had a bathtub, or if you had more windows than
ordinarily a man ought to have, or if you had a piano, or an organ —
and the last thing, that distressed us very much was that all type-
writers were to be registered. I tried to get our new American type-
writer put in the embassy, and the old Russian one as well. Those
were never registered. I was advised by the secretary, who is still
there, to do as others had been doing.
Senator Overman. They had the idea of fixing a tax on type-
writers ?
Mr. Simons. They had the idea of laying their hands on every-
thing. They could not get away from that, because they simply
had a diabolical zest for gTabbing; and they were putting it really
through in such a cruel way; they came in with such a diabolical
glee and they would be so offensive in their language. I have had
occasion to speak with some of these men, who were usually Jews,
and I would never mince matters with them. I would say, "Do you
know who I am, and what I have done for Russia?" and so on.
"Why do you proceed in this way?" Usually when I got through
they would be ready to kiss my feet, which was not necessary ; and I
have this impression, that there is a large criminal element in the
Bolsheviki regime. Anybody that knows anything about Russia
Ivnows this, that when the great revolution of the winter of 1917
came, all the courts with their documents were destroyed. For days
and days we saAv tons of old documents smoldering "on the streets.
They threw those things out of the buildings and set fire to them, and
Avhat not. The same thing happened to the police buildings. We had
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 127
a police precinct, so called, diagonally opposite our property, and I
was on good terms with the captain, so called, of that precinct. He
was a fine gentleman. I knew the other men in the office very well.
That is only on the side. Out of the prisons which were destroyed
hj fire — they placed machine guns on them — out of the prisons, out
of the houses of detention, out of the other institutions where
certain people had been kept by order of the court, came thousands
of the worst type of criminals. Kerensky and the provisional gov-
ernment tried to rearrest some of those. They succeeded in getting
some of them back under cover. But when this Bolsheviki, anar-
chistic movement effervesced, in the summer of 1917, there were
groups that would swarm around certain of these places to get their
comrades out, and so by the time the Bolsheviki revolution was pretty
well under swing there were practically no criminals in a place where
they ought to be kept, and we know it to be a fact that some of the
worst characters have been holding positions under the Bolsheviki.
Senator King. And those that were not elevated to such posi-
tions
Mr. Simons. "VYere engaged as agitators.
Senator King. And many of them were armed and constituted a
part of the Bolsheviki armies?
Mr. Simons. And afterwards, because of their relation to the Bol-
sheviki regime, and having their protection, went out and raided
houses ; and when the banks were to be confiscated, socialized, and na-
tionalized— ^those were the three terms we were hearing there all the
time for their damnable robbery — there were men who were known
to be criminals going into these banks and helping to do that sort of
thing. That is a well-known fact, and you can get the names over
there.
Senator Nelson. Did not the Bolsheviki also absorb and take into
their fold in one form or another the old nihilists?
Mr. Simons. They would take anybody in. They would even take
a monarchist in, provided the monarchist would say, "I will help
you to run this department."
Senator Nelson. Doctor, Avill you go on and tell us what you saw
in reference to the efforts of the proletariat to take possession of the
property of the capitalists?
Senator King. If I may be pardoned, you asked him a question a
few moments ago, in answer to which the doctor gave one or two
instances of cruelty that came under his own observation. Generally
speaking, without going into details, what can you say as to there
being a reign of terror involving murder, assassination, and the
driving of people from their homes, and the starving of men, women,
and children, particularly those who did not belong to what might
be denominated the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Simons. I could speak for hours on that and prove that the
thing is diabolically terroristic, and that they have a strong animus
against everybody who is not in their class, which they call the
Black Workmen's Class. As a property owner there and the head
of our church I had a good deal to do with them administratively.
We were sought by the hour to write out all kinds of documents,
according to their scheme, and we were having to run to and fro.
They were nearly all Jewish persons we had to deal with, and they
128 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
were all nasty in their way of speaking of the people of the other
class, offensively so. and they would sometimes come into the house
and begin to stamp around, until they were given to understand they
were not dealing with a Russian citizen but with an American
citizen.
A dozen armed men came in there and surrounded my sister and
abused her.
Two of them came in there armed one night, for no other reason
than that they suspected I was anti-Bolshevik, and, consequently, I
must be an anarchist. They banged away at our back door, and my
two fox terriers ran after me, and I had to throw them first into the
kitchen. I was losing time, and in the meantime these men were get-
ting impatient, and they were just about to break through the door
when I opened it. I had to lose some time there because we had a
Yale lock, and a bolt, and then an old-fashioned Russian lock on the
aoor, and I had to turn the key in that Russian lock twice, but when I
got it open thej' ran right up to me and held out two revolvers against
my chest and threatened to shoot me. charging me with being an
anarchist. I smiled and called them " Comrades," and told them
there must be a mistake; that I was not a Russian, to begin with,
but that I was an American, and was a born democrat and never
knew what it was to luive any monarchistic ideas at all, and that 1
was for a republic first, last, and all the time, and long before they
were born.
Senator Xelson. And I presume you told them you were a Chris-
tian Socialist?
Mr. SiMoxs. Well, afterwards that came out; but they stormed
around there for a while. But when they saw they had made a mis-
take they asked whether we had a telephone.
Senator Nelson. Did you talk with them?
Mr. SiMOxs. I certainly did.
Senator Xelson. Did they speak English?
Mr. Simons. They spoke Russian. Those two Red Guards were not
Russians; they were Letts. The way they spoke Russian I could
tell they were not real Russians, but were Letts, and the Letts, by the
way, are, perhaps, the most cruel element that we had in the revo-
lutions of 190.5 and the revolutions of 1917 and 1918.
Senator King. The Letts constituted about 25 to 30 per cent of the
Bolshevik army, as it was constituted about six months ago, and
the Chinese about from 50,000 to 60,000, and the criminals about
100,000, with a few Russians, a number of Germans, and a few
Austrians scattered among them. Is not that about the situation as
it was about six months ago ?
Mr. Simons. I think you are quite correct, generally speaking.
I have learned that there are thousands of German prisoners of war,
and Austrian prisoners of war, Austrians and Hungarians, who be-
came infected with the Bolshevist idea while they were in prison
camps in Siberia. I have met a few men who were Russians, and
had been out there and investigated the thing, and they told me that
even last August those men said, " We do not care one way or the
other about the Bolsheviki government. What we care about is
having plenty to eat and good clothes and '" — I beg pardon for say-
ing this — " all the women we want." There has been a strong appeal
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 129
to that thing. The immoral element is so ever present that I hate
to say it in this promiscuous company, but I am a Christian clergy-
man and I know you want testimony. I am not responsible for
ladies being here, but the thing is so immoral that it distresses me,
especially when ladies are around.
Senator Nelson. Who are the Letts, as contradistinguished troni
the Eussians ?
Mr. Simons. The Letts are from that section in and around Riga
and they constitute a very large part of the population of Riga.
When the Germans came in there and suppressed the revolution
of the Bolsheviki proletariat in the Baltic Provinces, these Letts,
who had done very good fighting under the old regime and were
■considered the best fighters in the Russian Army, were forced out,
and they came from what they considered their own fatherland
down into Russia proper, and were, if you please, without their
bearings, and Lenine and Trotsky made use of them, offering them
large sums of money; and although these Letts are known to have
never had any affection for the Germans, especially for the Baltic
Germans, and very little affection for the Russians, here came the
question of having plenty of food, good shelter, and warm attire,
and — I repeat what they ha-^e said themselves — the privilege of doing-
whatever they wished in the cities of Petrograd and Moscow.
Lenine and Trotsky both have said, and they have borne it out in
their actions, that they would not rely on Russians to protect them,
but they would rely on the Letts: and the Russians, on the whole,
have no affection for the Letts. I believe the average Russian thinks
less of a Lett than he does of any other nationality or race.
Senator Nelson. The Letts are an offshoot of the Finnish race,
are they not ?
Mr. Simons. No: the Esthonians are an offshoot.
Senator King. The Letts are Slavs, and the Finnish are
]Mr. Si3i0NS. The Finnish are related to them, and they understand
■each other quite well. If a Finn is speaking, an Esthonian will catch
everything he says, and vice versa.
Senator King. The Chinese formed a considerable portion of the
Red Guards, did they not?
Jlr. SiMOKS. Chinese coolies, quite a number of them, were up
in Finland at that time, doing work under the old regime in Rus-
sia, chopping down trees, and doing other manual labor there, and
when the Red movement in Finland was suppressed thousands of
these Chinese, who were also called coolies, came into Russia proper.
We saw quite a number of them in Petrograd ; and we had quite an
epidemic of smallpox, which was due to these people.
Senator King. Were they not employed in building that road up
on the Kola Peninsula, and the harbor there on the Murman coast?
Mr. Simons. I did not have occasion to go up there, so I can not
say.
"Senator Kixg. But those Chinese were employed on building that
road. Doctor, of your own knowledge, would you say that the
Chinese and the German and Austrian soldiers who claimed no citi-
zenship anywhere, men who had been prisoners in Russia, consti-
tuted a part of the Bolshevist military establishment?
85723—19 9
130
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. jSiMONS. I will go this far in saying that but for this element
there never would have been a nucleus to the Bed army.
Senator Kixg. So, then, these former German prisoners and
former Austrian prisoners, and the Chinese coolies and the Letts,
with some Kussians, constituted the major part of the army?
Mr. Simons. Yes ; and, of course, they were getting thousands of
Russian workmen. That we saw with our own eyes, that thej- no
longer could get any work, because nearly all their factories were
put out of business; and there is a long story connected with that
which involves German agents, and much machinery was destroyed
for no other purpose than that, as we knew, Russia was to be crippled
economically and made dependent upon Germany for various prod-
ucts ; and we also knew — and this I state emphatically — that at the
time of the Brest-Litovsk treaty, thousands of commercial men from
Germany were already walking the streets of Petrograd and Moscow
and other large centers, taking ordere.
Senator Nelson. For German goods?
Mr. Simons. For Geiinan wares; and it looked very much as
though Germany had it in her mind to cripple Russia economically,
and the Bolshevik regime had
Senator Nelson. Winked at it?
Mr. Simons. Helped it very much. Whether they did that know-
ingly or not I do not know; I am not going to say; but it looked
rather suspicious to many of us who were eyewitnesses. I knew
men who were at the head of the work at the factories, and they said,
"Just to think of it ! These workmen came in here and they stormed
around, and they pulled the finest machinery to pieces, and when
we tried to prevail with them not to do this, that it was bread and but-
ter, they said, ' Ha, our bread and butter ! We are now demolishing
capitalism.' " That was put into their heads, " We are now abolish-
ing capitalism;"' but they were killing the goose that laid the golden
egg. They did not quite see the connection between having a fac-
tory that was kept intact and the possibility of having a livelihood.
The sad part of it all is that most of those jDeople were illiterates, and
it was a foregone conclusion that manv of these things could not be
otherwise.
Senator Xelson. Doctor, will you go on and describe to us the
soviet plan of government, their scheme of government, and the way
thej' propose to put it into practice?
Senator King. Before that, if you will permit me, right there in
sequence: You spoke about their cruelties and atrocities. What did
it result in with respect to the bourgeois?
Mr. Simons. It resulted in this, that thousands of the best people
of Petrograd and Moscow and other parts had been losing all their
property, and in many cases were having members of their own
households arrested. Ever so many of these things came under my
personal observation. They had only one wish, and that was to get
out of Russia. But the Bolsheviki were not letting people get out of
Russia. It was the hardest thing to get permission from them if
you wanted to leave Russia. But they were making their escape by
all kinds of methods. I will not go into that. Many of them suc-
ceeded, and we succeeded in getting some very distinguished people
out of Russia ourselves by hook and crook, because some of them said :
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 131
'■ If we do not get out we know we are going to be murdered, because
our names are on the lists of the thousands who are held as bour-
geois hostages."
Senator Overman. Hostages? What does that mean? It is not
used in the ordinary sense, I understand.
Mr. Simons. To state it popularly, their idea was to hold certain
people of the bourgeois class, whose names they had down to be ar-
rested, and perhaps put out of the way if anything befell the Bolshe-
vik government; for instance, like the attempt to kill Lenine, or the
successful assassination of Uritzky, commissar in Petrograd, who was
killed by a fellow Jew ; and these people were held as hostages.
Senator King. To illustrate, they are holding now as hostage the
wives and the families of some of the Russian officers whom they
have forced into their army?
Mr. Simons. They are.
Senator King. And if they do not run the army as they think
they ought to, they threaten to kill their families?
Mr. Simons. I do not know whether I ought to come out with this
statement, but scores of them have come to me and said that it was
breaking their hearts. They say, " We have to do this, but we t]\iuk
you and others ought to know, and hope you will square us with the
allies." Some of the finest men I have known have said, " If we do
not go in they will shoot us right down." Some were shot; some
made their escape ; some were in hiding for months and months, never
sleeping in the same place two nights in succession. Some of these
horrible things were being enacted for weeks and weeks right in our
own section, and some Americans were arrested and then afterwards
released.
You asked me about their terroristic methods. I was an American
and was known to be a friend of Eussia, and a friend of the working
people, and yet in our open meetings it became so apparent that there
was a strong feeling against the Christian religion, against every-
thing that was Christian, especially against the Young Men's Chris-
tian Association and the Young Women's Christian Association and
the Salvation Army, and all Christian bodies, that threats were
made like this : A group of ill-clad workmen stood in front of our
house at the close of an open-air meeting which I had conducted
one Sunday afternoon, which we have been doing ever since the great
winter of 1917. One of our members overheard one of them say,
" Before sundown we ai'e going to stick out the eyes of that man with
the spectacles." They never got as far as the spectacles.
Another case was this, where an intoxicated self-confessed Bolshe-
viki was moving around the pulpit. We had to take our pulpit and
put it on the stone stoop that we had on the side of the house, and
then we would have hundreds of people facing us, and he would move
around that pulpit and I would talk kindly with him, and I told him
that it was evident that he was tired, and so on, and wouldn't he take
one of those chairs. We had a few chairs out there for some of our
elderly people. He refused to be seated, and he came back to the
pulpit again. One of our oldest members talked with him and he
said " I am going to put that man out of business," and he lingered
around our property for a couple of hours. After the meeting was
over this one member felt very nervous about it. He had been im-
132
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
bibing, so this friend of ours, a member of mir church, took him all
arovmd those streets near the garden, as they call it, or Haven of
Petrograd — so that he finally, ^Yhen it grew dark, did not know where
he was — and then left him, and we never saw him again.
I could relate a few other things — how they tried to break into our
house early in the morning, and one of the men was promptly killed
bj' a Eed Guard.
Senator King. Doctor, what I was trying to get at is the extent of
the terror and the etfect on the bourgeoisie and the mass of the
higher chi.sses; whether they are forced to starve to death or not?
Jlr. SuroNs. Yes. We saw them as walking shadows in the streets
of Petrograd. I have seen with my own eyes people dropping dead.
First, before they pass away over there, their faces bloat up; and wq
had at one time, when we were not getting bread, an average of 60
horses dropping dead on the street.
Senator King. Per day?
?i[r. Si:mons. Sixty horses per day. I have seen many of them my-
self lying there. A Mohammedan and a Jew came up, and they
would dicker Avith each other before the horse had gone to the place
of his fathers, and they would say, " If we could keep him alive a
few hours more, he would be worth more." They would sell horse-
flesh. I have seen people standing there — I recollect in one instance a
ni:ii! in a general's uniform, a man with a white lieard, stood on Bol-
shoi Prospect with tears on his cheeks, asking, " For God's sake, give
me a few kopecks.'' Xone of the workmen would give him any. He
stood there. I almost collapsed myself, because I had suffered my-
self and seen so much of this diabolical business, this antihuniani-
tarian I'egime; yet I wanted to see that. T thought that would be
effective in my book. And some people of the second and third and
fourth categories, who had a few spare stamps — we had no coins any
more — would give him '20 ov 30 kopecks. I Ivavq been in homes where
they had not had any bread for weeks, and I recall one case now ■
Senator King. Would these be the bourgeois?
jMr. Simons. Yes. But they were also putting the screws on people
who wei-e not bourgeois, but who were — I presume the best thing
would be to call them the middle class — people that believed in the
use of a clean handkerchief once in a while, having perhaps a gold
ling; but that immediately would put thcni under the condemnation
of being bourgeois. I had occasion to speak with people Avho were
woiiving and people who were not bourgeois. I interviewed hundreds,
and I asked them. ' Well, what do you think of this thing T' " Well,
we know that it is first of all German, and second, we know that it is
Jewish. It is not a Russian proposition at all. That became so
popular that as you ujoved through the streets in Petrograd in July
and August and September and the beginning of October, openly
they would tell you this, " This is not a Russian Government ; this is
a German and Hebrew Government." And then others would come
out and say, "And very soon there is going to be a big pogrom."
As a result of that, hundreds of Bolshevik officials who happened to
be Jews were sending their wives and their children out of Petrograd
and Moscow, afraid that the pogrom would really come. I cabled
something of that in a quiet way to our authorities, and it came to
them through the State Department.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 133
Senator Wolcott. I gather from what you say, Doctor, that this
vhole regime over there is sustained by a small minority of these
slements that are entirely out of sympathy with the great Russian
jeople, and that they are imposing their will upon that nation by
iorce and terror. Is that correct or not?
Mr. Simons. Absolutely correct, and I have seen with my own eyes
lOw they have been marching hundreds of people down the Bolslioi
Prospect, on which our property was situated, and I have seen themi
marching hundreds of them down to the garden or haven, and from
:here they were taken down to Kronstadt and put in the fortress
:here; and then through members of the Noi'wegian legation, tbo
Danish legation, and the Swedish legation, we would learn that
scores of them were being killed.
' Senator King. Was that a constant occurrence?
Mr. Si:moxs. That was. Senator, after the assassination of Commis-
sar Uritzky.
Senator WoLCOi'-r. By the way, have you ever had any occasion to
make a rough estimate of the number of murders committed by this
Bolshevik regime from the time they got in the ascendancy in No-
vember, 1917, until the time you left?
Mr. Simons. It was almost impossible to get any statistics on that.
Senator Wolcott. Not even approximate?
Mr. Simons. I would not dare even to guess.
Senator Wolcott. In the hundreds or thousands?
Mr. Simons. I should say that if what they have said in their
speeches, in their proclamations, and in their Bolshevik press, would
be any indication, already thousands of the bourgeois class have been
killed ; because they came out openly and said, " For every one of
the proletariat that is killed we shall kill a thousand of the bourgeois
class."
Senator King. What do you say as to the starvation, the extent of
it among the bourgeois and the better classes ?
Mr. Simons. They had a system which divided the population into
four classes. The first category — they used the term " category " —
was made up of the black workmen's class. They were to have any
food that might be available.
Senator King. The soldiers came first, did they not?
Mr. SiJcoNs. And tlie Red army; yes.
Senator King. Then the black workmen ?
Mr. Simons. Well, I am speaking now of this particular thine:
they were sending around to us. I have a copy with me here, 'and
I could show you that in translation. The first category was the
black workmen's c1;isr. That constituted, if you please, the nobility
of the proletariat. Then came the second category, of men who were
working in the stores and offices. If anything was left after the first
category got theirs, they came in. Then came the third category,
which included the professional people, teachers, doctors, lawyers,
clergymen, artists, singers, and so on. I belonged to that category,
as a pastor. Then came the fourth category, made up of the property
owners and the capitalists.
The third and the fourth classes, they said openly in their Bol-
shevik press and proclamations and speeches, were to be starved out.
If I have heard it and read it once, I have come across that state-
134
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
ment scores of times, and they even had cartoons showing how the
people of culture and refinement were being treated like dogs who are
watching for a crumb that falls from the table. I have seen some
of the most inhumane pictures in the month of August, Iflis. As a
member of a category I was entitled for the whole month to one-
eighth of a pound of bread, and my sister likewise. Our head
deaconess was treated in the same way. We were doing charitable
work, too, but all that had no influence ; and the fact that we were
trying to get food into Eussia, and they Icnew that we were cabling,
and all that, did not weigh with them at all. We were simply put
in tlie same category. We ought to be starved out.
Senator Wolcott. Let me ask j'^ou : Suppose a workingman living
in Petrograd had, by his hard labor, saved enough to buv himself a
little home, and lived with his wife and children in his home, which
he had been able to buy by hard labor and saving all his life, what
class would he have fallen in?
Mr. Simons. If he had worked in a factory and was a member of
the factory unit in the so-called workmen's book, with his portrait
in it, that came in under the Bolshevik regime as a substitute for the
passport; he would usually be considered as a workman, and under
the present Bolsheviki would not be molested because of owning
property.
Senator Wolcott. Suppose he was not working any longer?
Mr. SiiroNS. If they had suspicions that he had a bourgeois spirit
and ideals and wanted to wear a white shirt and to use certain things
that we people of refinement are accustomed to, he might fall into
disgrace with them.
Senator Wolcott. He would be marked for starvation, would he?
Mr. Si:mons. Well, now. that is hypothetical. Judging from what
I have seen there, I would say that they would mark him. I think so.
Senator Wolcott. When a man is marked for starvation, are his
wife and children in the same category with him, under their way of
reforming the world ?
Mr. Simons. You are speaking in a general way. There are ex-
ceptions over there. I know of many cases where even people of
the third and fourth categories, by properly manipulating the subway
resources, have been able to get almost everything they wanted.
The Bolsheviki official is just as weak to accept bribes as the officials
Tvere under the old regime, and if you have enough monej' you can
have almost anything you please ; and if you find that you are listed
to be arrested and killed, if you have enough money your life will
he spared. I have had such cases under my observation. Money
talks, over there.
Senator King. By confiscating property have the}' been able to
get money to pay their men and soldiers and officials?
Mr. SisroNS. I am not informed as to how much real money they
got into their hands. I understood that when they rifled ever so
many safe-deposit vaults there was a great disappointment. They
did not find all the gold they expected to get.
Senator King. They are using paper money almost exclusively?
Mr. Simons. Yes ; but they were after gold.
Senator King. Has the population of Petrograd and Moscow been
largely reduced by reason of the terrorism and starvation?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 135
Mr. Simons. The last I heard was that Petrograd, which used to
have — I am speaking now of the period under the great war — a
population of over 2,000,000, and it got up to about 2,300,000, as I
recall, has dropped down, so we are told, to 600,000 or 800,000.
Senator King. Up to the time you left ?
Mr. Simons. Up to the time I left.
Senator King. Could you witness a great reduction in the popu-
lation ?
Mr. Simons. Why, I noticed this, that we had very few of the
middle class left, and of the so-called aristocracy hardly any. At
that time they were making arrangements to have the working class
enter the palaces and mansions and the fine homes and apartments.
The president of the northern union came out with a very red-hot
proclamation — I think it was in July or August, 1918 — in which he
began by saying, " The English have a saying, ' My house is my
castle.' " That was his theme. Then he used a good deal of inflam-
matory language, and upheld to the hoi poUoi, the proletariat of
Eussia, to take what belonged rightfully to them. All property
belonged to the proletariat. It was the blood of their forefathers
and fathers and brothers and themselves that had paid the price for
it, and now they should take what belonged to them; and he closed
his proclamation — I am only giving you this as I have it in my mem-
ory— by saying, " Yes ; my house is my castle, and the Eussian work-
ingman is going to defend it with a gun."
Senator Nelson. Are Lenine and Trotsky Yiddish?
Mr. Simons. Lenine is from a very fine old Eussian family, so we
are told, and is intellectually a very able man. A fanatic, he was
called the brains of this movement. Trotsky is a Jew. His real
name is Leon Bronstein.
Senator King. Why are they so bitter toward religion, especially
the Christian religion ?
Mr. Simons. There is a gentleman here in America who last night
called on me. Dr. Harris A. Houghton, I think is his full name. I
knew him out in Bay Side when I was the pastor of that church. He
called on me last night. He is a captain in the United States Army.
1 had not seen him for six years. He asked me whether I knew any-
thing about the anti-Christian element in the Bolshevik regime. I
said, " Indeed, I do. I do know all about it." He said, " Did you
ever come across the so-called Jewish protocols?" I said, "Yes; I
have had them." " I have a memorandum," he said, " and last win-
ter after much trouble I came into possession of a book which was
called ' Eedusti, anti-Christ.' " Now, Dr. Houghton in the mean-
time had investigated this. He had come into possession of this
book, which is quite rare now, because it was said that when the
edition came out it was immediately bought up by the Jews in
Petrograd and Moscow. That book reflects a real organization.
That book is of some consequence. But the average person in official
life here in Washington and elsewhere is afraid to handle it.
Houghton says that even in his intelligence bureau they were afraid
of it.
Senator King. Tell us about the book. What is so bad about it?
Is it anti-Christian?
136 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Simons. It is anti-Christian, and it shows what this secret
Jewish society has been doing in order to iiiake a conquest of the
world, and to make the Christian forces as ineffective as possible,
and finally to have the whole world, if you please, in their grip;
and now in that book ever so many things are said with regard to
their program and their methods, which dovetail into the Bolshevik
regime. It just looks as if that is connected in some way.
Now, I have no animus against the Jews, but I have a great pas-
sion for truth. If there is anything in it, I think we ought to know.
The man who wrote it is considered a truth-loving man, a man held
in the highest esteem by the authorities of the Russian Orthodox
Church.
Senator King. Of course, that book or any teachings in that book
would not appeal to the Letts or the Chinese coolies or the German
soldiers, or to some who are controlling these Bolshevik mo^'ements.
What I am trying to get at is. for my information, why Bolshevism
is bitterly opposed to all sorts of religion or sacraments of the church —
Christianity; because I suppose they recognize that Christianity is
the basis of law and order and of orderly government. I was Avon-
dering if you had discovered why they were so bitter against Chris-
tianity, and if you found that all the Bolsheviks were atheistic or
rationalistic or anti-Christian?
Mr. Simons. My experience over there under the Bolsheviki
regime has led me to come to the conclusion that the Bolsheviki
religion is not only absolutely antireligious, atheistic, but has it in
mind to make all real religious work impossible as soon as they can
achieve that end which they are pressing. There was a meeting — I can
not give you the date offhand ; it must have been in August, 1918^
held in a large hall that had once been used by the Young Men's
Christian Association in Petrograd for their work among the Rus-
sian soldiers. The Bolsheviki confiscated it ; put out the Y. M. C. A.
In that large hall there was a meeting held which was to be a sort
of religious dispute. Lunacharsky, the commissar of people's en-
lightenment, as he was called, and Mr. Spitzberg, who was the com-
missar of propaganda for Bolshevism, were the two main speakers.
Both of those men spoke in very much the same way as Emma Gold-
man has been speaking. I have been getting some of her literature,
and recently I have been very much amazed at the same line of argu-
mentation with regard to the attack on religion and Christianity
and so-called religious organizations.
Senator King. She, is the Bolshevik who has been in jail in this
country and who will be deported as soon as her sentence is over ?
Mr. Simons. I do not know as she will be deported.
Senator King. I think she will be.
Mr. Simons. She ought to be put somewhere where she can not
issue any more of that literature. Lunacharsky and Spitzberg came
out with pretty much the same things that she has been saying and
printing. This is one of these theses : "All that is bad in the world,
misery and suffering that we have had, is largely due to the supersti-
tion that there is a God."
Senator King. I noticed in j^esterday's paper that in their schools
the children are being taught, wherever they have schools at all,
positive atheism. Did you verify that?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 137
Mr. Simons. Lunacharsky, as the oiRcial head of the department
of education, commissar of the people's enlightenment, said, " We
now propose to enlighten our boys and our girls and we are using as a
textbook a catechism of atheism which will be used in our public
schools." Yet he had the audacity to say : " We are going to give all
churches the same chance." And a priest replied to him, saying:
"Then you ought not to put your catechism of atheism into the
schools."
Senator King. Did you find, then, that atheism permeates the
ranks of the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Simons. Yes, sir. And the anti-Christ spirit as well.
Senator Nelson. In this book that you refer to is there anything
that goes to show that this Bolshevik government of Russia are sup-
porting, directly or indirectly, this book of protocols ?
Mr. Simons. Before answering that question I should like to see
that translation, because I do not know how this thing has been done.
(A pamphlet was handed to the witness.)
Senator Nelson. You have seen the original book?
Mr. Simons. Yes. Some very finely educated Russian generals of
note have told me that they considered this as an authentic thing,
and thej' say the marvelous part of it is that nearly all of that is
being executed under the Bolsheviki.
Senator King. Before you leave that, one other question: I have
seen a number of translations — have seen the Russian and the trans-
lations of what purported to be decrees or orders of some of the
so-called Soviets, in effect abolishing marriage and establishing what
has been called " free love." Do you know anything about that?
Mr. Simons. Their program you will find in the Communist Mani-
festo of Marx and Engel. Since we left Petrograd they have, if the
newspaper reports are to be relied upon, already instituted a very
definite program with regard to the so-called socialization of women,
each woman from 18 to 45 being obliged to appear before the com-
missariat and be given, nolens volens, a man with whom she shall
live.
Senator Nelson. In marriage?
Mr. Simons. You can call it marriage or whatever you want to
call it. I have seen a number of people over there under the bol-
shevistic modus operandi. One was an American. He married a
Russian girl. He was married in the commissariat and had to an-
swer a; few questions and sign his name, and she signed her name,
and among other questions that they asked were these : " How do
you propose to be married?" "How many children do you
propose to have ? " And things of that kind. And then later he
came to our headquarters and we married the couple there in Rus-
sian and English; and other cases have come under my observation.
But what they are doing now I am not in a position to say, authorita-
tively, except what has been in the papers.
Senator King. Doctor, you have read and heard of and come in con-
tact with the I. W. W^.'s of this country, and their destructive creed,
their advocacy of the destruction of our form of go^vernment. I will
ask you whether or not, from your observations of the Bolsheviki
and the I. W. W., you see any difference?
138 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Simons. I am strongly impressed with this, that the Bolshe-
viki and the I. W. W. movements are identical. Zorin told me, the
commissar of the post and telegraph
Senator Oveema^^ He had been an American?
Mr. Simons. He had been eight years in New York, and knew
some of our leaders here in our own Methodist Church.
Maj. Humes. Had he been naturalized in this country?
Mr. Simons. He had not; no. But he said he had been eight years
in New York, and had been in religious disputes with some of our
own leaders. .Zorin said to me, " We have now made our greatest
acquisition, Maxim Gorky, who used to be against us, has come over
to our side. He is now with us and has taken charge of our literary
work. You know we have conquered Russia. We next propose to
conquer Germany and then America."
Senator Nelson. A big job.
Senator King. Do you know to what extent they sent out their
representatives in the surrounding countries of Europe, giving them
money with which to carry on the propaganda of Bolshevism?
Mr. Simons. We had heard again and again that they had been
sending out sums of money into different parts of Europe, and when
nobody except people of the diplomatic class were permitted to send
out anything at all they were sending, day in and day out, from
Petrograd over to Stockholm, and over to Copenhagen, large bags.
Now, what those bags contained we can not say with any surety,
but it is suspected that those bags contained very likely Bolshevik
literature, and perhaps money, and perhaps also valuables which
were being confiscated, because many of the rare old jewels and
historic things which have been kept intact for decacles in the past,
and so on, have disappeared and no one knows where they are.
Senator King. One other question : Did you see any coordination,
if I may use the term, between the German troops, after Germany
sent troops into Eussia, and the Bolshevik troops, in the Bolshevik
government ? That is to say, did you find that they worked together ?
Mr. Simons. I was not in a position to follow that up, but I have
heard that it is true. I have heard that from Eussian officers and
members of the military mission ; and they used the same kind of
literature in both camps.
Senator King. Did you learn whether or not the Bolsheviki aided
the Germans as against the allies, surrendered them their guns and
munitions, and some of M'hich they had been accumulating in the
Eussian Army to be used against the allies, including the United
States? The point I am trying to get at is, did any of the munitions
that the Eussian Army possessed when, through the action of the
Bolshevists, the armies were disintegrated fall into the hands of the
Gertaians ?
Mr. Simons. That statement has been made. I do happen to know
this, that came out while I was passing from Stockholm. A man
who had been in the military mission at one time and was at last
working with the war council at Petrograd, told me what they had
discovered on a Eussian battleship in the Neva ; that the ship had the
archives, so called, of the Eussian Navy, showing where the forts and
fortresses were, where the mines were laid, and the whole naval posi-
tion with regard to Eussia ; and that there was found a letter which •
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 139
had been signed by Trotsky to the effect that under certain circum-
stances the archives of the Russian Navy would be turned over to
certain German officers.
Senator King. Well, Doctor, I did not care for hearsay. What I
had in mind was what you Imew personally.
Mr. Simons. We knew that they were preparing millions of rubles
for propaganda purposes in China, for instance, in India, and in
other parts of the world.
Senator King. South America?
Mr. Simons. That appeared in their daily press. That was well
known. They made no secret of that.
Senator King. For the purpose of destroying all other govern-
ments and bringing them under Bolshevism ?
Mr. Simons. Yes, sir; and putting all other institutions out of
commission that stood, if you please, for the class that they wanted
to destroy. Lunacharsky and Spitzberg said in that meeting, and
they sent it out in their proclamations, " The greatest enemy to our
proletarian cause is religion. The so-called church is simplj^ a
camouflage of capitalistic control and they are hiding behind it. and
in order to have success in our movement we must get rid of thp
church." Now, a frank statement like that seems to me to indicate
their antireligious and anti-Christian animus.
Senator King. Then, would this be a fair statement, from your
knowledge of Bolshevism, that any persons in this country, mis-
guided or sinister, who get up in theaters or other places on the lec-
ture platform and advocate Bolshevism or defend it or apologize for
it, are first approving the course of the Bolshevists in disintegrating
the armies, to that extent making the cause of our Government and
of the allies in defeating the central powers more difficult ? It would
have that effect. The effect of their conduct would be an indorse-
ment of their course? Secondly, an indorsement or appi*oval would
be the indorsement or approval of a course of a party that stands for
the grossest kind of materialism and atheism, and is against marriage,
against the right of property, against the democratic form of gov-
ernment, such as that which we have, and against the civilization
which has been builded up under our form of government ?
Mr. Simons. Yes, sir.
Senator King. Bolshevism stands for all those things? Its apolo-
gists are our enemies, enemies to our country and to our form of
Government and to civilization?
Mr. Simons. Whether they know that they are enemies, or they
have no clear notion as to what the American spirit means, I think it
is safe to say that they are mush-headed and muddle-headed.
Senator Nelson. Are you acquainted with Albert Rys Williams,
who has issued that pamphlet?
Mr. Simons. I know him.
Senator Nelson. Have you met him in Russia ?
Mr. Simons. I have met him in Russia.
Senator Nelson. Can you tell us about his activities and whom he
associated with there?
Mr. Simons. I do not know whether it would be wise for me to say
what I did see. I am not sure whether he is an American citizen. I
should first like to know whether he is an American citizen. A gen-
140 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
tleman came up to me Avhen I spoke before the preachers' meeting in
Philadelphia and said that he had learned that Williams was not an
American. If he is not, then I am free to speak.
Maj. Hu^iES. I maj' tell you that he was born in this country. Un-
less he has renounced his citizenship he is an American citizen.
Senator Overman. He is distributing tliese pamphlets on the East
Side of New York where Bolshevism has been nourished ?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator Overman. And you were approached l\y this Yiddish
fellow with this catechism in his hand i
Mr. Simons. AYell, I only wish to saj' this, that if he is an Ameri-
can citizen I should like to show him the courtesy due one of my com-
patriots, and I do not want to say anything in your presence until
he has had a chance to speak for himself.
Senator 0^■ERMAN. He may be able to speak for himself.
Senator King. Was he associating Avith the Soviets over there, and
making speeches for tliem ?
Mr. Simons. We knew at that time that he was not only very sym-
loathetic with the Bolsheviki, but he was helping them in many ways.
We know that ; and he was embarrassing our own embassy and con-
sulate in a very effective way.
Senator Nelson. Perhaps we had not better go into it further now.
but we .would be glad to hear you later on this subject.
Senator King. Just one other question. I will ask you whether
or not you noticed any difference in the personnel of the soviet after
Lenine and Trotsky got control; that is to say, when Lenine and
Trotsky came into poAver the Soviets existed, and as I understand it,
many of the soA^ets Avere elected by the people and the representa-
tives of the Soviets were fair representatives of the people. Now,
AA'hat I am trying to get at is, after Lenine and Trotsky came in,
whether or not the personnel of the Soviets changed. My informa-
tion is, and I want to knoAv Avhether it is correct or not, that they
would frequently send out from Petrograd and Moscoav their tools,
and they would supersede the Soviets in various administrations and
put in men who shared the views of Lenine and Trotsky.
Mr. Simons. Yes ; that was a well-known fact. That came under
our observation again and again.
Senator King. So, then, Avhereas the soviet in the beginning might
be called a fair representative of the people, noAv it is merely a tool
of Lenine and Trotsky and the BolsheAdk administration ?
Mr. Simons. That is correct. I happen to know that shortly be-
fore I left Eussia fully 90 per cent of the peasants were anti-Bolshe-
vik, and it Avas said by people qualified to judge of the situation over
there that fully three-fourths of the workmen Avere anti-Bolshevik,
and they were hoping that Bolshevism would soon be defeated.
Senator Wolcott. I want to ask you. Doctor, if during the noon
hour you will refresh your recollection and be prepared when we
meet again to give us a list of all the commissars that you knoAV or
did know, with their correct names and their assumed names and the
nationality of each indicated ? Make up such a list, in so far as your
memory can carry you.
Mr. Simons. I think I have mentioned the names of those that I
really know.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 141
Senator Wolcott. None outside of those?
Mr. Simons. There were minor officials.
Senator Wolcott. But you can add to them any others you may
remember, as you think over it.
(Thereupon, at 1.30 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee took a recess
until 2.30 o'clock p. m.)
AFTER RECESS.
The subcommittee met at 2.30 o'clock p. m., pursuant to the taking
of recess, and at 2.40 o'clock proceeded with the hearing of Jtlr.
Simons.
TESTIMONY OF REVEKEND MR. GEORGE A. SIMONS— Resumed.
Senator Overman. Doctor, I understood you to say that you be-
longed to the Northern Methodist Church ?
Mr. Simons. The Methodist Episcopal Church North.
Senator Overman. As contradistinguished from the South? And
you were head not only of your mission over there but you were the
head of an educational institution, as I understand it?
Mr. SuroNS. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. What was the name of that?
Mr. Simons. We called it the English School of the American
Church. That was one name, and we also had a theological seminary
located there.
Senator Overman. You had a regvdar curriculum and faculty ?
Mr. Simons. Oh, yes.
I hope that I will not be misunderstood with regard to the facts
that came out in my testimony concerning the Jewish element in this
Bolshevik movement. I am not anti-Semitic and have no sympathy
with any movement of that kind, and some of my best friends in Eus-
sia and America are Jews, and as I have been moving around making
the matter clear before large audiences in churches and factories,
many Jews have come up and have thanked me for having said what
they regarded as true, and they assured me that the better class of
Jews — and there are hundreds of thousands of them in America —
would stand shoulder to shoulder with the Christians in fighting the
red flag.
Senator Overman. I understood that all the time you were speak-
ing of what is known as the
Mr. Simons. The apostate Jews. I only wish to be properly
quoted, because I should not like to offend those fine American citi-
zens who happen to be Jews, for they are just as good morally every
way as we Christians are.
Senator Overman. I think our newspaper reporters will make that
understood in their reports, that you are not speaking of anybody but
the apostates.
Mr. Simons. There are hundreds of rabbis who will help us in
this matter. I thank you for permitting me to clear that up.
Senator Wolcott. Do you have any names to add to the list I asked
you for?
Senator Overman. There is a lady here who has a complete list of
all those names.
142
BOLSHEVIK i-BUi-AUAJMUA.
Senator Wolcott. And giving their nationality, and where they
are from?
Maj. Humes. I think so.
Senator Wolcott. All right; we will get it from some other wit-
ness.
Senator Overman. Did you see this list of names that Mrs. Sum-
mers handed in?
Mr. Simons. I have seen at least four different lists, and the first
that came out I have in my possession here. This came out about
August, 1917, and was widely circulated in Petrograd and Moscow
[reading] :
Real name.
1. Chernoff Von Gutmann.
2. Trotsky Bronstein.
3. MartofE Zederbaum.
4. Kamkoff Katz.
5. Meshkoff Goldenberg.
6. Zagorsky Krochmal.
7. SuchanofC Gimmer.
8. Dan Gurvitch.
9. Parvuss Geldfand.
10. Kradek Sabelson.
Real name.
11. ZinovyefE Apfelbaum.
12. Stekloff Xachamkes.
13. Larin Lurye.
14. Ryazanoff Goldenbach.
15. Bogdanoff .Tosse.
16. Goryeff Goldmann.
17. Z\yezdin Wanstein.
18. Lieber Goldmann.
19. Ganezky Furstenberg.
20. Roshal Solomon.
And then the last one did not change his name. That is the first
list that we had.
Senator O^'erman. Do j'Ou know how many of those came from
America ?
Mr. Simons. I do not. I have not investigated.
Senator Wolcott. That is the list of men who were oiRcially con-
nected with the Bolshevik government?
' Mr. Simons. When this statement came out it was suggested that
'• These are the men who are now working against the provisional
Government with might and main and to bring in the Bolshevik
rule." Other lists followed.
Senator Overman. Why do you suppose they wanted to change
their names?
Mr. Simons. Soon after the outbreak of the war there were many
people in Russia who had German names and who had them changed
to Russian names, because- there was a strong anti-German move-
ment, and they were very much discriminated against, and to have a
German name was in fact to be insulted almost anywhere. It took
some time before, on the whole, that feeling subsided. When the
Russian revolution came along there was none of that to be seen any
more, and some of these people took their names back, changed them
back from the last form to the old German form ; but when the Bol-
shevik movement came on we noticed that there were ever so many
people who were Jews and had real Jewish names, who were not
using them. They had assumed Russian names. Now, there may be
two or three explanations given for that. One that has been offered
now and then is as follows: Some of these men had two or three
passports. You could get a passport if you needed it. from certain
agents in Russia, and we were told that even in New York City there
were certain people who were dealing in Russian passports. We
knew that there were such people in different parts of Europe, es-
pecially near the German-Russian border, and the Austro-Hungarian-
Russian border, who made a regular business of selling or loan-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 143
ing out Eussian passports. A man would take a passport like that,
and then he would use that particular name.
Now, that is one explanation. Another explanation given is that
among the real Eussians there would be an antipathy against the
Jew, and a man having a real Jewish name would be discriminated
against.
Then there is another reason given by some of our friends who are
always up in the literary world in Eussia — and one is a famous
editor. These have said that perhaps the psychology of it could be
stated thus : We want to make this thing appear as a purely Eussian
thing, and if our real names, which ai'e nearly all Jewish names, ap-
pear, it will militate against the success of our experiment in social-
ism and government. People — millions of real Eussians — will say
'• That tiling is not Eussian. The names all show that."
Senator Overman. Did you know Trotsky?
Mr. Simons. I did not know him. I have been quoted in the papers
as having had conversations with Trotsky and Lenine, and having
shown them our discipline. I do not know how that story ever be-
came current, because I never said such a thing, never wrote it, and
never dreamed it, but the newspaper men will sometimes imagine
things.
Senator Overman. Did you hear him speak?
Mr. Simons. I have not.
Senator Overman. He did not change his name?
Mr. Simons. His name is Bronstein.
Senator Nelson. He is Yiddish ?
Senator Overman. Is he one of these Yiddish Jews? You call
them Yiddish instead of Jews, and I want to distinguish.
Mr. Simons. When we speak of the lower East Side, we are think-
ing of hundreds of thousands of people who are speaking and read-
ing several other languages as well as Yiddish.
I might mention this, that when the Bolsheviki came into power,
all over Petrograd we at once had a predominance of Yiddish procla-
mations, big posters, and everything in Yiddish. It became very
evident that now that was to be one of the great languages of Eiis-
sia ; and the real Eussians, of course, did not take very kindly to it.
Senator Nelson. Now, I should be glad to have you describe the
Bolshevik plan and system of government, their scheme and plan of
government, and as they proclaimed it and outlined it to the people.
This is the second time I have asked it.
Senator King. I want to ask, for my own information, do you
mean as they idealize it or as they apply it ?
Senator Nelson. Both. I want it so far as the written documents
are concerned, and as they apply it, both.
Mr. Simons. So far as the mechanical part of their government
is concerned, I think they have been quite consistent in carrying out
that end ; and as far as their proclamations have been concerned, we
regret to say that they not only consistently carry most of them out
but put in a lot more than was bargained for, if you please, and to
that extent that all kinds of atrocities and cruelties were committed
under the authority of this or that decree or proclamation.
Senator Nelson. What I mean is, what is the plan and scheme
of government that they offer to the people ? Outline their constitu-
tion.
144 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Simons. It is, as you have seen in most of the papers here, a
government that is to be, first, last, and all the time, predominantly
a government of the industrial workers. It is to be a government
of the so-called " workmen's councils," and it is a government of
the proletariat. ISIany of their phrases they have taken from the
communist manifesto of March, and one in particular, " a dictator-
ship of the proletariat."' A Bolshevik official would be asked, " Well,
how about liberty?" The chances are that he would answer as
Lenine and Trotsky did on several occasions, '' We do not believe in
liberty. We believe in the dictatorship of the proletariat." Now,
when I ha^ e mentioned that, Senator, I have given you, if you please,
the heart of their government scheme, and everything moves around
that.
The other part is quite, to mj' way of thinking, of little conse-
quence— the machinery. They have what they call 'the soviet govern-
ment, built up on the lines of a social democratic representation,
excluding, of course, everybody that is not Bolshevik. Or if he is not
Bolshevik, if he consefits to work with them and to just submerge his
own political opinions, well and good. He can hold office. In fact, we
know tliat right in Petrograd and Moscow there were hundreds of
men, scores of them, like myself, who were not Bolsheviks, that had
been in certain ministries under the old regime, and they had con-
tinued under the provisional government, and in order to save their
own lives and the lives of their families and to have food and com-
fort and what not, and be protected, they remained in office, although
for a time some of them had held out in wliat was called sabotage.
I knew some of these men and some of the things that we were able
to do. Favors that-Avere shown us as an American institution were
made possible through men who were anti-Bolshevik, but were in
the Bolshevik government; and if you will allow me to go off
on a tangent — it has come to my mind while I am speaking at
random — some of these men have told me, "We are staying in
office in the hopes that one of these days Bolshevism will weaken and
we shall be able to play the Trojan horse trick. They still had the
hope that something like that would happen — either the allies would
come in and do something or something else would happen — and then
they would be there. As a matter of fact, one of the greatest men of
Kussia, with whom I have had a good deal to do — he was formerly
an editor of the journal that was considered semiofficial — told me
shortly before I left, " Strange to say, I have been trying to get to
Kiev all these weeks, and I have had to go through more red tape
than under the old regime, and in their so-called department for in-
vestigating the character of the applicant, I found the same officials
seated at the desks as under the old regime. I recognized them and
they recognized me and they smiled."
Now, they were not Bolsheviks -at all. I knew it. I had occasion
to get a certain permission prior to leaving Russia, and it was after
the regular hours and I rushed into that one ministry and. lo and
behold, I found one of the most active of the anti-Bolslieviks holding
a prominent position there, and he said, "Why, I will get that
through for you," and he did. He said, " You know I am not Bol-
shevik. I have been trying all these months to get out of Eussia."
So there are hundreds of them.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 145
Senator OvEEistAN. What is the character of the nionev thev issue
there ?
Mr. SiMoxs. They have jiow been issuing hirgelv small currency,
which is stamps. That [indicating] is a 1-kopeck stamp. On the
other side it says, " To be used on a par with metal money." Then
they have what they call " kerenki," little bits of paper' about an
inch and a half or 2 inches square, without any registration num-
ber, simply " 20," and then a little .statement to the effect that it
is to be honored as legal tender, and then the other denomination is
" 40 " — stamped 20 rubles and 40 rubles kerenki. It became almost
valueless and the people would not accept them any more.
Perhaps, Senator Overman, the committee would like to know
what happened to us as we tried to get over the border, with regard
to our money. The ruling of the Bolshevik government Avas that
no one leaving Eussia. even though he were a foreigner, had a right
to take more than 1,000 rubles with him. The old money had largely
disappeared, but still could be bought at a premium of 10 rubles on
a hundred. So a couple of weeks before we left 1,000 rubles of the
old money would cost 1,100 rubles.
Senator Kixg. That is the other way, is it not ?
Mr. SiMOKS. Xo; wait a second; it was 20 rubles on a hundred.
So I bought 1,000 rubles of old Russian money, Catherine bills,
those famous old bills with Catherine's portrait invisible — you would
have to hold it up to the light and then you could see it; they are
very rare now, but by paying a premium of 20 rubles you could get
them — I bought 1,000 rubles' worth and paid 1,200 rubles in kerenki.
Also for my sister I tried to get the same amount. When we reached
the Russian-Finnish border, we were held up by a Bolshevik official,
who took out his own pocketbook, opened it, and began to count
out in kerenki 2,000 rubles. They made a very thorough search of my
sister and myself, such as had never been made under the provisional
government, or even under the old regime, and they discovered that
we had this amount. They wanted me to sign up on certain blanks,
and what not, and when they discovered that we had 2,000 rubles of
good old Russian money the officer began to count out the kerenki
and said to us, " You can not take out that old money. That is
against the law." I said to him, " Is not that regular Russian
money ? " " Yes, it is ; but we can not let you take it out, and here
you have 2,000 in kerenki.'' I looked at him — he was a young man
about 20 or 21, and looked like a rogue — and I said, " Young man,
I have been told by Zorin, the Commissar of the Post and Telegraph,
that if any disagreeable things happened to me on the border, I might
telephone or telegraph him and he would straighten things out." He
then grew pale, and telephoned to a gentleman higher up, who was
on the next floor, and said that he had a difficult case here, and
this was an Ameiican clergyman who had 2,000 rubles in Russian
money, which he said he could not take out, but then this clergy-
man had said that Zorin was going to come to his assistance if there •
was any trouble; and quick as a flash he took back his kerenki and
he says, " You can have your money."
Senator Ovebman. How much in our money is this stamp ?
Mr. Simons. The Russian ruble when h.A. wc were there was worth
10 cents. We could get 10 rubles for $1.
85723—19 10
146 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGA^^^DA.
Senator Xelson. In normal times how much was it I
]Mr. SiMuNs. A ruble was abont 51 cents, so we roughly speak of a
half a cent for a kopeck.
Senator Xelson. There are 100 kopecks in a ruble '?
Mr. SuroNS. Yes.
Senator Xelson. A ruble is in round numbers a half a dollar?
Mr. SiiiONs. Yes. It is now worth about 10 cents or less.
Senator Overmax. How much is that in our mone}', that kopeckf
Mr. SiJioNS. Well, that would be about one-twentieth of a cent.
Senator King. The Bolshevik government has issued a large
amount of paper money, has it?
Ml'. SijioNs. Yes; very much.
Senator King. Going into the billions of rubles ?
]Mr. SiJioNs. Yes. sir.
Senator Overjian. Is it a misdemeanor or felonj- not to take that
money? Suppose a man declines to take it?
]Mr. Simons. Yes; they have decrees, I understand, to that effect.
The peasants got so disgusted with them that they would not t.ike
them any more. But it was no use ; they were obliged to, and that of
course put up the prices of commodities very much, a pound of but-
ter selling for a hundred rubles.
Senator Wolcott. Was there any attempt made by the leaders of
this Bolshevik movement to spread in a systematized waj' these
immoral ideas to which you referred this morning ?
Mr. SiJioxs. It came under mj' observation that often in an
avowed way, quite a self-evident way, immoral forces were being
encouraged. I will try to be guarded in my remarks, knowing that
there are ladies here.
Senator Overman. Had we not better take that question up later
and ask the ladies to retire ?
Senator Wolcott. The doctor knows what he wants to say and
he can say it.
IMr. Simons. Let me use a concrete case. I will try to say the
thing in a way that will not be offensive to anybody. A few days
before I left, the president of our Ladies' Aid Society, a scholarly
woman who has been a teacher for more than 25 years in one of the
famous imperial institutions, called on me. I will not give you the
name of the institute because I would like to reserve that for some
other occasion, as I do not want this to get into the press and back to
Russia. She said^ bursting into sobs, " You know what a fine big
building we have. I want you to tell the women of America this,"
she said with much emotion, as she buried her face in her hands.
'• I am sorry I lived to witness all this." I said. " This is so distress-
ing to you that you had better not try to tell me. Write it out and
send it to me some time." But she said, '" No ; I must tell you." She
said, " On the first floor of our spacious institute, which used to be
a palace, you know those large rooms that we have on the first floor.
These Bolshevik officials have put hundreds of red soldiers, sailors,
and marines of the red army and the red navy and given orders that
in the other half of the same floor the girls of our institute should
remain, girls who are from 12 to 16 years." This affected her so
much that she burst out into tears. " I wish I had died before I
witnessed all this. But I want you to tell the women of America."
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 147
Senator Wolcott. Just a moment. That was not the doing of
just an irresponsible crowd of soldiers, or of a soldier mobi That
was the arrangement, do I imderstand you tc]oay, of the Bolshevik
officials ? '
Mr. Simons. That came under their admiiiistration.
Senator King. Of course, that meant that these poor girls were
left to the brutal lust of the red guards ?
Mr. Simons. You can draw your own conclusions.
Senator King. Was there any doubt about that, that it was the
purpose of it ?
Mr. Simons. I have seen so much of it that I would have to say
yes to what you ask.
Senator King. Is there any doubt of it?
Mr. Simons. No doubt in my mind. I am a little distressed here
because of the presence of ladies.
Senator King. You are stating it in a proper way. There is noth-
ing improper in stating that you have observed brutality and
bestiality.
Mr. SiJioNS. They are the dirtiest dogs I have ever come across in
my 4.5 years. They are so nasty that I can not find words to express
mj feelings. Some people have asked me if I was not exaggerating,
and I tell them no, to go over there and see with their own eyes.
Some of our own people are there as witnesses.
Well, she then went on and said, " But that is not all. The other
day the assistant of Lunacharsky, who was the Commissar of the Peo-
ple's Enlightenment, happened to be with a group of our girls from
our institute in a movie on the Nevski Prospect, and he turned
around to those little girls of 12 and 15 and 16 years and said, ' Lit-
tle girls, where are your bridegrooms? ' And they flushed and said,
' We have no bridegrooms.' ' Why don't you go on the Nevski Pros-
pect and do as the prostitutes are doing and get yourself one ? ' "
Excuse me for repeating these words.
Senator King. As far as I am concerned, I think that individual
acts would be material onljr as they reflect the conduct of the whole
organization. I would not want to blame the Bolsheviki for the
misdeeds of any individuals. If they are the acts of the individuals
it would not be right to blame the Bolsheviki for that, but if those
acts are the acts of the entire organization, or supported by the
organization, that would be relevant. Do you get the distinction ?
Mr. Simons. All right. I can only give you concrete examples.
The tenor of the whole regime, of course, has been quite immoral.
There is no getting away from that.
Senator King. Well, to be frank, do the Bolshevik guards and the
Bolshevists, the males, rape and ravish and despoil women at will ?
Mr. Simons. They certainly do. We happen to know that the
Lett regiment which Trotsky has been courting assiduously for
months refused to go to the front, and remained near the Tsarskoe
Selo Vogzal, or railroad station, and were there living on the fat
of the land, and the sanitar for that regiment — I will not mention
his name as he was a personal friend of mine and I must not get
him into trouble — reported these things to me, and he said that when
there was a scarcity of bread in town — many of us had not had
bread for weeks — they were having 2 pounds a day, three days l)?fore
148 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Trotskj' came, and they,' were told. " You will also have pancakes,
2 pounds of bi'ead arday. and extra flour; and then when Trotslrp
comes there is lioino- tf be an extra celebration," and they did have it.
And then he said " Everythini;- in Petrograd belongs to you." I hate
to say it, but their boast was that they could have all the women they
wanted, and they could break into the houses with impunity.
.Senator Ki>(;. Did they pay the soldiers large sunis of money to
keep them in the army I
Mr. SiJio^'S. The reds were being given an extra wage. I under-
stand, and were shown extra favors.
Senator King. Senator Wolcott asked you about their propaganda.
Do j'ou know what efforts they made to extend their propaganda
into other countries '.
ilr. Simons. The statement was made again and again and vouched
for by people of high standing in Russia and over in the Scandi-
navian countries, to the effect that down in Leipzig they were printing
Russian money for the Bolshevik government. I have not been able
to get any substantiation for that. But I got this from a man who
was in the military mission of one of the allies, and he said that
10,000,000 rubles had been printed in Leipzig by order of the
Bolshevik government, for progapanda purposes.
Senator King. Do you know of people who were in Russia going
into other countries and engaging in Bolshevik progapanda? For
instance, John Reed; do you know of his having been there?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator King. Do j^ou know whether he came to the United States
and engaged in Bolshevik propaganda ?
Mr. Simons. I have not investigated that.
Senator King. Did he come to the United States ?
Mr. Simons. He came to the United States; yes.
Senator King. Do you Imow a woman who calls herself ^liss
Bryant? She was his wife?
Mr. Simons. I know of her.
Senator King. Was she in Russia, and did she and Mr. Reed asso-
ciate with the Bolshevists?
Mr. SiitoNs. They were reported to be very close to them, and
were spending a great deal of time in the Smolny Institute.
Senator King. Did you know that?
Mr. Simons. That was generally known in Petrograd.
Senator King. How long did you know of their being there?
Mr. Simons. I could not answer that off-hand, because I did not
have any particular interest in following them up, and did not know
that they would figure in this thing.
Senator King. Is she the woman who spoke in Poll's Theater under
the name of Miss Bryant ?
Mr. Simons. I understand she is the same woman.
Senator King. Do you know whether Mr. Reed is still in this
country ?
Mr. Simons. I understand so.
Senator King. Major, he is under indictment, is he not?
Maj. Humes. Yes, sir.
Senator King. He was there connected with the Bolsheviki?
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 149
Mr. Simons. He was persona grata with the Bolshe\'ik .govern-
ment to the extent that they wanted to make him their representative
here in Kew York.
Senator King. By the genuine Americans who were there, Avas lie
regarded as an American or aa a Bolshevik?
Mr. Simons. As a Bolshevik. We had a number of those Bolshe-
vik sympathizers there, and we thought ot them as — let me use the
proper expression — mush-headed and muddle-headed.
Senator Overman. Do you know of anybody being sent to this
country by the Bolsheviki for propaganda purposes ?
Mr. Simons. I have no direct proof.
Maj. Humes, Doctor, do you know whether or not any of these
Americans were exercising the rights of Russian citizenship and are
exercising the rights of Russian citizenship under the constitution
of Russia?
Mr. Simons. I can not speak as an official investigator, but it has
been brought to my attention that some of those men who were over
there had Russian passports and also American passports.
Maj. Humes. I call your attention to a section of the constitu-
tion
Senator King. You mean the Bolshevik constitution?
Maj. Humes. The Bolshevik constitution. [Reading:]
Basing Its actions upon tlie idea of solidarity of tlie toilers of all nations, tlie
R. S. F. S. R. grants all political rights of Russian citizenship to foreigners, who
live upon the territory of the Russian Republic, are engaged in productive occu-
pations and who belong either to the working class or to the peasant class that
do not exploit the labor of others.
Is that the provision of the constitution that makes it possible for
American citizens to go over there and participate in the Russian
Government as Russian citizens and exercise all the rights of citi-
zenship ?
Mr. Simons. I should say so, without being unfair to any of my
compatriots. One case was brought to my attention within the last
six months, when an American was seriously thinking of becoming
a citizen of the ^o-called Bolshevik Russia. I do not want to mention
his name, though.
Senator Wolcott. You do not know it as a matter of fact? Of
course, ii you know as a matter of fact you would be glad to tell
his name, I suppose.
Mr. Simons. If it is desired, I could tell you in executive session
who he was.
Senator Wolcott. If I knew that there was such a man who was
desiring to acquire citizenship with that outfit, I should be glad to
tell it. If you are only informed of it, that is another matter.
Mr. Simons. I will tell you in executive session who it was.
Senator Kiia!. Then, if we determine it is proper for the record,
it will go in.
Mr. Simons. I have pretty good proof that there was some con-
nection.
Maj. Humes. Is there any formality required in order to acquire
Russian citizenship? The constitution automatically, apparently,
forces it on residents in Russia.
Mr. Simons. I have not seen the operation of that, at all, and do
not know the modus operandi in actual operation.
150 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAXDA.
Senator Kix<;. You kne^v Mr. Albert Rhys Williiinis there, who
spoke with IMrs. John Reed ?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator King. Do you know whether he was participating in any
meetings Mith the Bolshe-^iki ?
Mr. Simons. Yes, he was; he was taking part in their meetings
there. He -nas reported first in the jpapers as having taken part.
Senator King. Was he making speeches in favor of Bolshevism, in
their meetings, or combating their views ?
Mr. SiJioNs. Certainly not combating. He was heart and soul with
them. I met him a number of times in our embassy and also in our
consulate. When I happened to express myself in a very strong way
against the Bolsheviki, he was on the other side.
Senator King. Defending them?
Mr. SiJiONS. Speaking in very tender terms of them.
Senator King. Do you know how long he associated with them
there ?
Mr. SiJiONs. I think he was associated with them almost from the
incipiency of that movement.
Senator King. Did he pretend to be a Red Cross representative ?
Mr. Simons. No; he Avas a journalist. But there was another Wil-
liams who re^Dresented the Christian Herald. I should not like to
have him taken for this one. He spoke in our church once. He is a
fine Christian gentleman, 100 per cent American. I hope no one will
confuse the two.
Senator King. Did Mr. Albert Rhys Williams tell you that when
he left there he was coming back to the United States, or did you learn
from him in any way that he was to return to the United States?
Mr. SiJiONS. The last time I met him was in the embassy, and
things Mere then topsy turvy. My recollection is that he was going
back to the front to investigate things. That is as I recall.
Senator King. Do you know when he left ?
Mr. Simons. I do not.
Senator King. Do you know about his landing in San Francisco?
Mr. Simons. I do not.
Senator King. Do you know the character of literature that he
brought with him?
Mr. Simons. I understood that lie brought some literature over
which was partly in Russian, partly in English, and it was Bolshevik
literature, supporting the soviet government.
Senator Overman. Did Raymond Robins participate in any of
these Bolshevik meetings?
Mr. Simons. I do not know. He is spoken of very highly by the
Bolshevik leaders.
Senator Wolcott. They liked him. did they?
Mr. Simons. Well, judging from some of the things said concern-
ing him, he was reputed to be the best American of all.
Senator King. Give the names of some other Americans over there
that you know of who affiliated with the Bolsheviki.
Mr. Simons. I do not know whether it would be fair to answer the
question offhand, because of that expression " affiliated."
Senator King. I will withdraw that question. I would not want
to do any injustice to anybody. Do you know of any Americans over
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 151
there now, or those that may not be Americans but -who are now in
here apologizing for or speaking for or carrying on any propaganda
for the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Simons. I reserve my answer to that for executive session, for
1 should not like to be quoted as having
Senator Overman. We have had some trouble about giving names.
Perhaps we had better reserve it for an executive session.
Senator King. I want to say tliat, as far as I am concerned, these
hearings shall be absolutely public, and whatever you tell us, I would
feel that it ought to be made public after you have verified it, because
everybody ought to know just what this committee does. But I am
speaking for myself. I withdraw the question now.
Maj. Humes. With reference to the treaty between the Bolshevik
government and the German Government, was tliat treaty ever
published in full in the Bolshevik papers, so that the people of
Eussia could know all of the facts in connection with that treaty I
Mr. SiMOxs. The statement was made again and again by well-
informed people in Russia that the treaty had not been fully pub-
lished, ancl that the Eussian translation which came out was a very
poor piece of work. And then it was said that another translation
would be made. But even then it was an open question whether or
no the full treaty had been made public. It always came out that
Lenine and Trotzky had kept certain things secret. What those
things were we never learned.
Maj. Humes. Do you know the capacity in which Albert Ehys
Williams came to this country from the Bolshevik government?
What is his capacity to-day in this country ?
Mr. Simons. I could not add any word from personal informa-
tion, but from what I have found in the press and what I have heard
from certain people who claim to know — I have been investigating
this thing — he is a self-confessed representative of Lenine and
Trotsky in this country.
Maj. Humes. And came over to organize a representative informa-
tion bureau in this country, did he not, in behalf of the Bolshevik
government ?
Mr. Simons. I understood that he had work of that nature to do.
Senator Overman. Is that the man who spoke here?
Maj. Humes. Yes.
Senator Nelson asked you a few moments ago with reference to
the form of government, in regard to the representation. Is the
representation in their Soviets and their several bodies proportioned
uniformly over the coimtry, or do they discriminate in different
districts ?
Senator Nelson. He has not answered my question, yet.
Maj. Humes. No; I realize that. Senator.
Mr. Simons. Why, it came out again and again that they were
putting in dummy delegates and controlling certain places by send-
ing down their own Bolshevik agitators, and what not, and thus
suppressing an anti- Bolshevik movement, which seemed quite immi-
nent in certain parts of the so-called Bolshevik country. We hap-
pen to know that there were villages in and around Petrograd and
Moscow — I have talked with a lot of people who had instant infor-
mation on this — where the people were anti-Bolshevik, but that the
152 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Bolshevik authorities had a way of manipuhiting things so that
everything would look, at least on paper, as if the Bolsheviki were
ruling everything in sight. But, as a matter of fact, there were
scores of villages which would not even let a Bolshevik official come
into the precincts of the village. They had machine guns on either
end of the main road which would go through the village. Now, I
have spoken with people who came from the villages. "We had
churches in some. They said that they had guards watching day and
night, and the moment a Bolshevik hove in; sight the}- would
kill him. And they had a regular system by which they were keep-
ing the Bolsheviki away.
Senator King. As a matter of fact, up to the present moment the
Bolshevik government is merely a military dictatorship under the
rule of Leniiie and Trotsky?
Mr. Simons. Yes. And they are using their dictatorship to put
the proletariat in harmony with the communist manifesto in order
to please the hoi polloi.
Maj. Humes. The point that I was raising is, is it not a fact
that the representation in the old Russian soviet was based on 1 to
each 125,000 people in the cities, while the representation is 1 to
25,000 people in the provincial districts and the less thickly popu-
lated districts?
Mr. Simons. I have not gone into that.
Senator Xelson. Well, the Russian farmers are settled in villages,
mostly ?
Mr. Simons. Yes; as a rule.
Senator Xelson. And their village communities, or mirs, as I be-
lieve they call them.
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And they own the land, do they not; the mir
owns the land?
^Ir. Simons. Yes; and it is parceled out.
Senator Nelson. Parceled out for use from time to time?
!Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Now, each of those mirs is supposed to have its
own soA'iet system of government, to elect a local soviet council, is
it not?
]Mr. Simons. That is the scheme.
Senator Nelson. That is part of the scheme. And the same thing
takes place in cities or wards or sections of cities, in proportion to
population ? They Iuia'c also local Soviets I
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And these local so\iets send representatives to
the general soviet assembly.
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And that constitutes the soviet government?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. A good share of the farmers or the peasants, we
Diight call them, are not in this soviet government; that is, I mean,
the Bolshevik soviet government?
Mr. Simons. I can not tell you what percentage of the villages are
Qot talring part in that Bolshevik government, in the Bolshevik
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 153
territory. But it is generally stated bj' people Avho know something
about the Russian situation, and nearly all of us Americans who
came out about the same time are a unit in saying, that fully 90 pvr
centof the peasants are anti-Bolshevik. From that you would con-
clude that they would not' take part in the Bolshevik go\'ernment.
And another statement made — I think 1 made it this morning — is that
at least two-thirds of the Avorkmen are ant'i-Bolshevik.
Senator Nelson". Noav. have not the anti-Bolshevik forces — and
in that I include the Czecho- Slovaks, the sound Russians, and the
English, and French, and the Japanese — have they not practical
control of the Siberian railroad as far west as Perm — west to Omsk?
Mr. Simons. Well, I am not qualified to tell you how things stand
there to-day. I am not omniscient. But from what I have learned
all these months, I judge that they do hold control there.
Senator Nelson. Have you visited the southern part of Russia,
the Ukrainian country?
Mr. Simons. Not recently. It was almost impossible to get down
there without having influence with the leaders of the Bolshevik
government.
Senator Nelson. Did they have control of things in the Ukraine?
Mr. Simons. You had to get special permission to go down there.
There were distinguished people who sat there for months and
months waiting for permission.
Senator Nelson. Is not that the heart of the Russian population
along the vallej^s of the Dneiper and the Don, and their tributaries ;
is not the heart of the Russian population confined to those regions —
and the Volga — take the western rivers, the Dneiper, and then Kiev, ■
the capital of Ukrainia, which is situated on the Dneiper?
Mr. Simons. I think it might be roughly stated so, yes. Some of
them claim that the heart of the Russian nation is found in the Rus-
sian church ; that is where the soul is.
Senator Nelson. The spiritual heart. But I mean the rural heart.
Is not that in the Black Belt?
Mr. Simons. I should hate to make a sweeping assertion, because
in normal times we have in Moscow 1,000,000 people, and in Petro-
grad 2,000,000, and there, of course, you find hundreds of thou-
sands of real Russians who represent, if you please, in a very real
way the heart of Russia, and most of them at some time or another
came from a village.
Senator Nelson. You have never carried on your operations in
southern Russia?
Mr. Simons. No.
Senator Nelson. In Kiev or Odessa?
Mr. Simons. No. I have been down among the Molokanes, or
milk drinkers ; I have been familiar with that section of the country.
You could hardly call that the heart of Russia, although they are.
patriotic Russians. There are hundreds of thousands of Stundists,
or Molokanes, and tens of thousands of so-called German colonists,
but I would not like to speak of the heart of Russia as being confined
to any particular territory.
Senator Nelson. But Little Russia was the center of the Slav race
at one time, was it not ?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
154 BOLSHEVIK peopaga:n-da.
Senator Xelson. They started from there, and that is the center
of it. The capital was Kiev, was it not?
Mr. Snioxs. That is the old historic capital.
Senator Nelson. Have you ever been at Nijni Novgorod ?
Mr. Simons. I have never been there.
Senator Nelson. That is not a great ways from Moscow, on the
upper Volga.
Mr. Simons. I had to put off many of these things because of extra
duties connected with our church during the great war. For almost
six years I even have not been in America, and our bishop has not
been over since the summer of 1913, so, of course, all those duties
devolved upon me and I could not very well travel around.
Senator Nelson. Then you are not able to say how all of tliat big
southern part of Russia stands on this Bolshevik government?
Mr. Simons. Except from certain reports. I happened to have some
of my men down there and they wrote up and told me, and I might
tell what came up from that section ; but there have been such kaleido-
scopic changes taking place that what would hold true of September
and October would not hold true of November and December, and
might not hold true now.
Senator Nelson. That is true.
Mr. Simons. But I think it is safe to say that the Bolshevik area
does not take in more than one-fourth of the real Russia. I think
it is safe to say that.
Senator Nelson. Does it take in anything of Russian Poland?
Mr. Simons. Yes; I think it does; I think it takes all of that
section there. I have not a map here, so of course, I can not go into
details.
Senator Overman. Do you know whether or not they are going
on with their propaganda in England and Germany and France ?
Mr. Simons. I have heard from men who are investigating that,
with whom I have had long conferences in Stockholm and Chris-
tiania, that very active propaganda is being carried on in England.
Senator Nelson. Did you meet Mr. Leonard over there? He was
connected with the consular service ?
Mr. Simons. He was in Russia as one of the several secretaries of
the Y. M. C. A., under Dr. Mott's supervision, and when the
Bolshevik revolution came on, he and another Y. M. C. A. man by
the name of Berry, I think, both went into the consular service.
They were later arrested, and the reports we got were to the effect
that they were imprisoned for almost three months, and recently
they have been released and have returned to America.
Maj. Humes. Senator, for your information — you wei'e asking
about the propaganda — here is a translation of one of the orders
of the Bolshevik government on the question of propaganda. This
is the official order published December 13, 1917 [reading] :
Order for the appropriation of 2,000,000 rubles for ttie requirements of
the revolutionary internationalist movement.
Whereas the soviet authority stands on the ground of the principles of
the international solidarity of the proletariat and the brotherhood of the
workers of all countries, and whereas the struggle against the war and im-
perialism can lead to complete victory only if conducted on an international
scale,
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 155
Tlie Council of Peoples Commlssai-ies consider it absolutely necessary to
take every possible means including expenditure of money, for the assistance
•of the left internationalist wing of the workingman movement of all countries
■whether these countries are at war or in alliance with Russia or are maintain-
ing a neutral position.
To this end the Council of the Peoples Commissaries orders the appropria-
tion for the requirements of the revolutionary internationalist movement to
be put at the disposal of the foreign representatives of the Coinniissariat of
Foreign Affairs, ten million rubles.
(Signed) Xenine.
Tkotsky.
Senator Overman. It would seem from that order that they ^^'ere
using propaganda for the entire world.
Senator Nelson. Did you say you have any other lists besides the
one that you have there?
Mr. Simons. No; not with me.
Senator Nelson. Could you supply that other list?
Mr. Simons. I will look over my papers and see if I can find it.
Senator Nelson. And you can send it in to the chairman, if you
can find it.
Senator Overman. Do you know if any official of the Government
of this country is Bolshevik? Or would you rather not answer as
to that except in executive session?
Mr. Simons. I have no proof. I think in executive session 1 might
giv& you some information which would be helpful, at least in a way.
If you could find out whether any men are out and out against the
Ted flag, and if they are not, why you can form your own conclusions.
Senator Nelson. You mean out and out for the red flag?
Mr. Simons. I put it in the negative way. You can find out if they
are really against the red flag, and if they are not, I have nothing
more to sav*.
Senator Overman. Are there any I. W. W.'s in Russia?
Mr. Simons. I understand that quite a number of those men who
came over to Petrograd soon after Trotsky arrived had been identi-
fied with the I. W. W. here in America, and it is remarkable that a
good deal of the literature which I have seen among the Bolsheviki
in Russia is like the I. W. W. literature that I find here in English,
and their tactics are pretty much the same. Take, for instance, the
I. W. W. song, To Fan the Flames of Discontent, and so on. Take
this red-flag hymn — possibly you are familiar with it — also The In-
ternationale, as they call it; have practically all of that in Rus-
sian, too. And I find that there is quite a similarity between the
Bolshevik movement and the I. W. W.
Senator Overman. How many verses are there in that red-flag
song?
Mr. Simons. The Red Flag? Shall I read it?
Senator Overman. I wish you would.
Mr. Simons. It is sung to the tune of Maryland, My Maryland, ar-
raxiged by Finstenberg. The words are by James Connell. [Reading :]
15f) BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The Red Flag.
By James Co-nxell.
The workci-s' flng Is deepest red.
It shrouded eft our martyred dead;
And ere their limbs grew stiff and eold
Tlieir life-bhxid dyed its every fold.
C'HOIUS.
Then raise the scarlet standard high;
Beneath its folds we 11 live and die,
Thougli cowards flinch and traitors sneer,
We'll lieep the red flag flying here.
Loolv 'round, tlie Frenchman loves its blaze,
The sturdy (Jerman chants its praise ;
In il<isr(iw's vaults its hymns are sung.
(_'liir:ig(i swells its surging song.
It waved above our infant might
When all ahead seemed dark as night ;
It witnessed many a deed and vow.
We will not change its color now.
It suits ti 1-day the meek and base.
Wliose minds are ttxed on pelf and place;
To cringe beneath tlie rich man's frown.
And haul that sacred emblem down.
With heads uncovered, swear we all,
To bear it onward till we fall ;
Come dungeons dark, or gallows grim.
This song shall be our parting hymn !
Maj. Humes. Doctor, have you any information as to any attempt
or attempts being made in this country to form so-called Soviets?
Senator Nelson. You mean in this country?
Maj. Humes. Yes, sir.
Mr. Simons. Only as I have found articles in the newspapers, and
have gotten hold of some of their literature. You -will find quite a lot
of literature published under the auspices of the Eand School of So-
cial Science in New York and kindred organizations, in English and
Eussian.both. The Communist ^Manifesto, which is the official pro-
gram of the Bolshe'S'iki. is being sold in Russian and English both.
They have a little article here on the Old Red Flag, which goes to
prove that the flag of the early Christians was a red flag, and what
not, and then they have a Russian scene back here, pretty much the
same kind of a scene that they have been sending over in Russia
among the Bolshevikis, and this, I understand, is being used for
propagandist purposes among the tens of thousands of Russian work-
men in America. Then they have some pamphlets by Lenine and
Trotzky in Russian.
Senator Woucott. They are published, you say, by this Rand
School of Social Science, put out by them?
^Ir. Simons. They are sold there and some are published there.
Others are published by the Socialist Literature Co., 15 Spruce Street,
New York, and by a Russian newspaper in Xe-w York.
Maj. HuJiEs. That is the paper that Trotsky was formerly con-
nected with in this countrv ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 157
Mr. Simons. I think so.
Senator King. And he is a Bolshevist now ?
Mr. Simons. Yes ; and a good deal of this literature is gotten out
by Charles H. Kerr & Co., of Chicago.
Senator King. Have you made any investigation to find out who
is paying for them?
Senator Nelson. We have just had that. They have appropriated
2,000,000 rubles for this international propaganda. He just read
here, while you were out of the room, that they had appropriated
2,000,000 rubles for international propaganda.
Senator Overman. They must have some agent who is getting out
those pamphlets here, who represents that Government.
Mr. Simons. They Avere printing, at the time of the early period
of the Bolshevik regime, pamphlets on Bolshevism and the Soviet
Government by Lenine and Trotsky, in English, in Petrogxad. That
was in the winter of 1918. I have seen copies of that.
Senator Nelson. I had a copy of it myself, sent to me almost a year
ago, I think.
Mr. Simons. And I understand from what they told me — I do not
know how true it is — that John Eeed and Albert Williams helped
to put these things into proper English.
Senator King. Is Albert Williams this man you have already
spoken of?
Mr. Simons. Y&s. I can not vouch for that. I only have heard
that.
Maj. Humes. This morning you testified with reference to the
terrorism as against the so-called bourgeois. Does not that terrorism
apply to the peasant and working classes as well as to the bourgeois?
Mr. Simons. In some instance; yes. Instances have been brought
to our attention where there were groups of workmen who were anti-
Bolshevik, and who were hoping to create a movement to overthrow
the Bolshevik regime. They were promptly arrested, and what their
punishment was we do not know, but there were at least two factions
which figured in this thing again and again in Petrograd, even last
summer, and it was hoped by certain people in Petrograd that they
would succeed, and that other groups of workmen would join them;
and then came, as the result of that, very drastic measures on the
part of the Bolshevik leaders, and cases were brought to our atten-
tion where often in homes of peasants that could be reached, and
homes of workmen, they had to pay dearly.
Senator King. You mean in suffering?
Mr. Simons. Yes.
Senator King. You. do not mean in money ?
Mr. Simons. They had to pay dearly in suffering, in being ar-
rested, and so on.
Senator King. Were some of them killed?
Mr. Simons. There have been instances on record where certain
workpien and members of their families have been killed, but when
these things were investigated, often we heard this kind of excuse
given, " That man was guilty of disloyalty to his party, and that is
why he was treated the way he was."
Mai. Humes. In other words, they believed in the execution of
so-called political offenders?
158 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Simons. Yes; they decidedly did.
Senator Oveemax. Are there any courts left, there, to administer
any laws ?
Mr. Simons. Yes ; they had courts. I appeared before the court a
number of times, when we could not get the workmen to shovel our
snow away. We had the heaviest fall of snow, some of the old resi-
dents of Petrograd said, that had ever been on record, so the officials
in the local commissariat came around and said that if we did not
have the snow shoveled away — we had a very big property there,
and being on the corner, of course, we had twice as much as any
other property would have on the block to shovel away — that if we
did not have that snow shoveled away by a certain time on the fol-
lowing day, we would be fined, let us sa)', 500 rubles, and before they
had their proclamation out and what not, I was cited to court.
The court was made up of a very silly looking workman and an
insipid looking Red Guard, and the other man was as shy as a maiden
of 16 Avho had just been kissed. I was brought before them, and
they hardly knew how to ask any questions, but they at once said to
me, " We cto not want to hear your testimony. You are a bourgeois.
We want to hear what your dvornik says. So our dvornik had to
tell the storji-, and the sum and substance of the testimony was that
we had not been doing anything wrong, but the authorities had not
been taking care of a certain gas light which, according to the Rus-
sian system, had to be pumped out every day or water accumulated,
and they had not taken the proper care of it, so there got to be quite
a lot of ice around there, and they were going to hold me guilty for
that, but the testimony we brought in showed they had not been
doing their work properly, and then they felt shamefaced; but they
ordered him into another room to see whether he would not give some
testimony against that capitalist, but he stood his ground firmly, and
came out and afterwards told me how they had subjected him to all
kinds of questions, trying to get him to say something which would
be unfair to me. He had received only kindness at my hands, and
so, being a pretty fair sort of individual, he spoke the truth and
nothing but the truth. Then, when he came out they again sat in
session and told me that they would give me another chance to clean
that snow away.
Senator Nelson. That was a soviet court.
Mr. Simons. A soviet court. I have been in other courts under
the old regime, and they were very fine, scholarly men.
Senator King. You stick to the facts. Doctor.
]Maj. HuiNiES. Is it not the practice of these courts not to receive
the testimony of the so-called bourgeois?
]Mr. Simons. They are very much discriminated against. I have
lieard that from a good many sources.
Maj. Humes. Even in court their testimony is not received as the
testimony of others?
Mr. Simons. Yes ; that is quite true. I have talked with a number
:)f men of our own American colony who have been brought to court, ■
and one happened to have a diamond ring, and that led to his
jeing fined, as I remember. 10.000 rubles. If he had not had that
ring, he says the chances are tliey would not have fined him. Pardon
ne. Senator, I do not like to go into all these details, but von are put-
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 159
ting questions to lue that bring up all kinds of things, and perhaps
the things I cite may add a little light.
Senator Overman. We are very glad to have you tell it in your <)\vu
way, and you have thrown a great deal of light on the subject, Doc-
tor, and we are very much obliged to you.
Mr. Simons. I have not been able to get away from one thing, that
there is being fanned constantly an antibourgeois feeling. You feel
it as you go along the street. The saddest thing I have to relate is
this. My sister was a rheumatic for almost four years. Soon after
the Bolsheviki came into power she was trying to get from our place
down to the next line, where there was a car line that would bring
her to a certain part of the city, and the snow was about that deep
[indicating] and she slipped and fell, and there were Russian girls
from the, factory Avho came by and looked at her and used abusive
language, and called her a bourgeois, and what not, and said, " Let her
lie there," and what not, and my sister burst out into tears. She
struggled again and again to get onto her feet. She said, as she came
home, that she had ahvays felt that the Russian women were \ery
sympathetic, but they \fere now so cruel, simply because she was
dressed like a lady, and she struggled there for at least 10 minutes
before she got out of that position. She came back and said it just
distressed her so that they let her suffer. That is their temper, and
in their press and in their proclamation it is the same old diabolical
thing, class war, not only for Russia, but for the whole world, and be
just as mean as you can to your fellow man, especially if he is dressed
like a gentleman or lady. Now. if anybody has different testimony
on those people, I submit they have not seen them in actual operation.
Senator King. Would you say that that feeling permeated the
peasants generally to any extent?
Mr. Simons. The average peasant is one of the most lovable men
you can meet anywhere in the M'orld. I want to tell you that I have
not found a better type of man or woman than in the Russian vil-
lages, and even among the workmen, of whom I knew thousands,
and I always felt pretty safe with them until these Bolsheviki came
in power.
Senator King. Have they been able to eradicate that feeling of, I
might call it unsophistication, and in a religious way mysticism, that
predominates so much in the peasant's mind or life ?
Mr. Simons. Well, they appealed, if you please, to the lower pas-
sions and instincts, and they made promises to those people such as
these. They would say, " Now, all the land is to be yours." For in-
stance, there was timber on the estates of some of the titled people
that we knew in the villages or near the villages outside of Petrograd.
and they would say, " You can help yourself. You do not have to pay
for it. You can have anything and everything you want. It is all
vours now • it belongs to the people." That appealed to many of these
ipeople; but then afterwards they came out with this kind of testi-
mony as did hundreds of workmen who were left in charge of the
factones without raw material or any money, and with the machinery
broken " We oAvn everything, but we can not use it. We are worse
off now than we were under the old system."
Senator King. To what extent did the peasants commit atrocities
upon the landowners in their immediate vicinities, and deprive owners
of their homes and property ?
160 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAKPA.
]Mr. SnroNs. There have been ever m3 many ca-es rei^orted. and
s(jme of them by people of my own acquaintance, who have had large
estates, and after they had told me all the-e things, of the depreda-
tions committed by these infuriated peasants who had been indoc-
trinated by Bolshevism, they ^aid. '' "We know those peasants are
going to become sober minded against Socialism, because two or
three have come back and said, ' We repent of all ive ha-\ e done.
AVhat can we do to show you that we still love you '.' "
Senator King. To what extent have the prelates and ecclesiastics
influenced or lost influence over the peasants?
Mr. Suroxs. I am sorry to say that the average Russian pi-iest
never had the respect or even the affection of the i^eople at large.
There was a sort of feeling against them. I hope I am not saving
anj'thing that will be usecl by people who are against the Eussian
church. I am very friendly toward that institution. Her dignita-
ries have sent greetings to us and our bishops, and we have sustained
ideal fraternal relations with that church. As you know, there is a
movement on foot to bring about some kind of a union between the
Russian orthodox church and the Methodist Episcopal Church in
the United States, and Avhile I preface my remarks with all that,
\et the fact is this, that the priests of the Russian Orthodox churcli
on the whole have not been respected, and in many cases ha^"e been
maligned and abused, and especially since the BolsheA'iki have come
into power. They have found that they could take this prejudice
on the part of the Russian people and use it as a weapon against the
Russian orthodox church, which was suspected of being monarchistic,
and that has come out again and again in the Bolshevik attacks on
the church. They look upon the church as a reactionary institution.
Senator King. That is, the Bolsheviks?
Mr. Simons. The Bolsheviks ; yes.
Senator King. Has there been a confiscation of church property
and buildings?
Mr. SiJioNs. Yes, sir: and in quite a number of instances monas-
teries, with their wealth, have been taken, and all kinds of indecent
things have been done by certain Bolshevik officials.
I have some data showing that they have turned certain churches
and monasteries into dancing halls, and one instance has been re-
ported to me where a certain Bolshevik official went into a churcl)
while the people were there waiting for the sacrament, and thre^v
the priest out, so I am told, and himself put on the clerical garb,
and then Avent on the altar and made a comedy of the ritual, which
stirred up the religions sense of the jDeople to that extent that they
threatened — of course, among themselves — that they would yet kill
that man. He happened to be an apostate Jew. Other horrible
things have been done. I do not charge all those things to the
Bolshevik government, but they were happening under their auspices,
as it seems. I have seen priests march down the street in front of
our house with a little bag hanging over their shoulders, for no other
reason than that they were suspected of being anti-Bolshevik and reac-
tionary. There are records over there showing that certain innocent
priests were killed without a trial, and some of them killed in Kron-
stadt. All those facts can be gotten through the Xorwegian Legation.
Senator King. What became of those that you saw nnirch liy your
place? Were they imprisoned?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 161
Mr. Snioxs. What is that?
Senator King. I understood you to sav vou had seen priests march
by your place?
Mr. Simons. Yes; I have seen them again and ao;ain marched down
tlie prospect, and put on a barge of some kind and taken do^yn to
Kronstadt and kept there. One gentleman of the Norwegian Le-
gation, told me several times that'he had proof .showing that some
of these men had been killed, as well as quite a number of ,oflicers.
He himself one Sunday afternoon was a witness. This was aftei' an
awful storm, one of the wor^-t storms we ever had over there. It
was Sunday afternoon. On the sliore of the gulf, just opposite
Kronstadt, bodies had been washed ashore. Thei'e wei'e, as I recall
his statement, either two or three Rirssian officers tied together.
He was of the opinion that it was at that time when they threw many
of them — that is, as the report came out, hundreds of them — over-
board. I do not know whether it was true or not. hut I thought it
was. These men had been washed ashore. They were Russian
officers, two or three of them tied together.
Senator Kixo. In the ])i'ess that Avas recognized by them — the
Bolshevist official press — were thei'e accounts of homicides based upon
the ground that the killing was justified because those who were
killed were anti-Bolsheviki?
Mr. Simons. Senator, their press was largely made up of deceits,
and threats of what they were going to do not only to the Bourgeois
class, but also to the capitalists all over the world, and we did not get
hardly any news at all. Now and then there would be telegi'ams
which were supposed to have come from America, stating that all
England was on strike, and all America, and that there was not a
single railroad in the United States that was running, and things
of that kind, and everything was looking very bright for Bolshevism
abroad. That was the tenor of their press. Things that were actually
taking place would rarely be reported, as you and I would expect.
Senator King. In your contact with the Bolshevik leaders there
did they conceal their purpose to u.se force to destroy the classes there
that were above the proletariet; that is, the bourgeois?
Mr. Simons. Did they conceal it?
Senator King. Did they conceal their purpose to destroy, by force
and by starvation or otherwise, the bourgeois?
Mr. Simons. They never concealed it; no. Thev came right out
with it boldly; and if you will take the Communist Manifesto you
Avill find that in about the last paragraph is where they have their
inspiration. I do npt know whether you recall that. The last word
is their motto, which appears on all their papers in the left-hand
corner of the first page, " Proletarians of all countries and nations
imite." And "finally they labor everywhere" — that is, the prole-
tarians or communists: the Bolsheviks call themselves communists
also " finallv they labor eveiywhere for union and agreement of the
democratic parties of all countries. The connnunists disdain to con-
ceal their aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained
onlv bv the forcible overthrow of all existing social condition'^."'
By the forcible overthroAv of all existing social conditions ! " Let the
rulino- classes tremble at a communistic revolution. The proletarians
have nothing to lose, but they have a world to win. Proletarians of
85723—19 11
16'2 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
all nations unite I " Here they iise the -woids - working men,"' but
it is " proletarians " in the original.
Senator Kikg. Have you discovered a number of Russians over
here in this coinitry who were engaged in Bolshevik propaganda^
Mr. Si:\ioxs. I know of them.
Senator King. On the East Side, are most of the Russians there
J ews X
Mr. Simons. I understand that most of the so-called Russians on
the East Side are divided into two camps, the Russian Jew camp
and the so-called real Russian camp, which takes in people who are
Slovak, who still adhere to the Russian orthodox religion.
Senator Overman. Doctor, you spolce of meeting these apostate
Jews in Petrograd. In talking to them, did thej^ tell you what
they were doing in Russia and what their purpose was in going
there? You say thejr came and spoke to you because they Imew
Mr. Simons. The burden of their conversation with me was sim-
ply this, that I should use whatever influence I had with the Amer-
ican Red Cross to have it stand by the soviet. That was the burden
of their talk, but I never felt that I had any mission to jDerform
in that capacit3^
Senator King. Did any of them announce the object tliey had in
Russia, what part they were playing in the revolution?
Mr. Simons. Xo, sir; not to me.
Senator Overman. "Was there any considerable number of them?
Mr. Simons. Who came to see me?
Senator Overman. That you saw there?
Mr. Simons. Or whom I met? I imagine that we encountered
at least a couple of dozen of them. Some of them were speaking
English. I will tell you this, that one of them afterwards came
to me and had supper in our home, and he told me among other
things, " You know we have had the best training in the world,
and that enables us to out-Jesuit the Jesuits." I am not speaking
against the Jews, but I am only telling you how some of these
fellows felt, that they had the most superior training ; and this man
■went so far as to say, " There is no more superior training that any-
body can get in the world than we have been getting."
(At 4.20 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee went into executive session.
At .5.45 o'clock p. m., at the close of the executive session, the subcom-
mittee adjourned, to meet to-morrow, February 1?.. 1919, at 10.30
o'clock a. m.)
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAG AIS^DA .
THUBSDAY, FEBRITABY 13, 1919.
United States Senate,
Subcoii:mittee of the Committee on the Judiciaey,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10.30 o'clock
a. m., in room 228, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman
presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman), King, Wolcott, and
Nelson.
Senator OvEE^rAN. The committee will come to order. I have re-
ceived the following telegram, which I think I will put in the record.
[Eeading :]
Xf.w York, Fehruanj 12. I'M'.l
Senator 0^'ER^tAIf,
U)iitecl t<t(ites Senate, Washinriton. D. C:
I empliatically protest against the suggestion in the testimony before the
propaganda investigating committee that Jews form the life of Bolshevism in
Russia. The list of names submitted to your committee contains at least a
half dozen people who are violently opposed to Bolshevism and are fighting it
tooth and nail. The " Bund." the biggest Jewish socialist party in Russia, is lead-
ing the fight on Lenine and Trotsky. It is un.iust to indict a v.'hole people by
insidious suggestion. By doing so the testimony submitted before your com-
mittee is playing into the hands of the Black Hundreds who are only waiting
for the downfall of Bolshevism to massacre Jews in Russia. I know whereof
I speak for I have recently returned from Russia, where I represented the
United Press Associations. Bolshevism is tyrrany and despotism and the
greatest insanity the modern world has known, but in the name of justice do
not blame the Jewish people for it. Blame the centuries of Czarism which
kept the Russian people in ignorance and made Bolshevism inevitable.
Joseph Shaplen,
415 Ninth Street, Brooldyn, N. T.
I want to say, in justice to Dr. Simons's testimony here, that he
made no insidious charges against the Jews, but only against the
apostate Jews. He tried to emphasize that several times. So that his
remarks were favorable to the real Jews rather than against them.
Now, Maj. Humes, proceed.
TESTIMONY OF MR. R, B. DENNIS.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Maj, Humes. Where do you reside, Doctor?
Mr. Dennis. Evanston, 111.
Maj. Htjmes. What is your business?
Mr. Dennis. Teacher in Xorthwestern University.
Mai Hu'^xEs. Have you recently been in Eussia '.
•'■ Hi.-!
164 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAKDA.
Mr. Dexxis. I left Eussia September -2, l;i>t year.
^laj. Humes. How long had you been there?
Jlr. Dex'xis. Since Xovember 1.
Maj. Hx-MES. 1917?
Sh: Dexxis. Yes.
^laj. Humes. In what capacity did you go to Eussia ?
ilr. Denxis. I went to Eussia for the American Y. M. C. A.
ilaj. Hi 3IES. How long did you continue in the service of the
Y. ^I. C. A., and what did you then take up?
]\rr. Dexxis. I changed from the Y. il. C. A. to the Consular Serv-
ice on April 1, as I remember the date.
^laj. Humes. AYheri' did you fii-st go in Eussia?
]Mr. Dexxis. I entered at ^"ladivostok and went across to Moscow-
went south to the Caucasus — to Eostov-on-the-Don and Xovo Tcher-
kask. Then Ave came back to the Ukiaine. to Kharkov, and from
there to Moscow and Pctrograd.
Senator Xelsox. Were you at Kiev?
Mr. Dexxis. The Germans were there.
Senator Overmax. Do you speak the Eussian language?
]Mr. Dexxis. I can splash about in it now. I can understand it
i-easonabjy well, or could when I left there.
I lived for about tvro and a half months at Eostov, a month in
the city of Petrograd, three months in Xijni Novgorod.
Maj. Hx':\rEs. If you arrived there in November, 1917. Avas that
before the Noveml)er revolution?
^Ir. Dex^xts. That took place while we were on the trans-Siberian.
_\Vc arrived in Moscow immediatelj^ following that.
ilaj. Hu:wES. Will j^ou go on in your own way and tell us the
conditions as you found them, and about the conditions as they de-
veloped from time to time, the character of the government, the way
the government was maintaining itself and perpetuating itself at
the different points where you Avere residing?
Mr. Dexxis. You give me a Avide-open question like that and I
am liable to talk vou to death, because I can make a long answer to
that.
^laj. Humes. That is Avhat Ave Avant. We want a detailed ansAver
of just the situation as you found it.
Ml-. Dexxis. I had a good chance to see hoAv it Avorked in the city
of Eostov, because in that district Kaladines and Korniloff made
their attempt.
Senator Nelsox. That is in the T'kraine, is it ?
i\[r. Dexxis. That is in the Don Cossack basin, a little farther
east.
Senator Nelsox. Is it on the Don?
Mr. Dexxis. On the Don: 30 miles from the mouth of the Don
Eiver Avhere it floAvs into the Sea of Azov. I Avas there when Kala-
dines connnitted suicide, and I Avas there AA-hen Korniloff made his
final defense of that city and it Avas taken by the Eed Guard.
Senator Neesox. You call the Bolshevist government troops the
Eed Guard ?
^fr. Dexxis. Yes: the reds are Bolshevik and the Avhites are to
the contrary. I think the oxpei-ience there Ava- not much different
fro..i elscAvhere. Thev trok the toAvn. after a AA'liile. Korniloff knew
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 16f.
that he waw going to be defeated, and made a rear guard defense of
the citj', and the Red army, officered by Germans, took the city.
Senator Nelson. How big a phice is llost
ov
V
Mr. De>->,^i.s. Tliree hundred tlionsiind.
Senator Xelsox. Go on.
Mr. Dexn:s. For four <Uiys tlioy cleaned tlie thinii' u]) scientifically.
Senator XELSt)x. How?
Mr. Den:nis. With armored cars and machine guns and soldiess.
At -i o'clock every afternoon the thing was tuned up and it was l)e>t
to be inside, because armored cars with " Death to the rich " — that is,
death to the '' boorzhooie " — would go around town and stop at a
street corner and send a spurt of machine-gun fire up and down the
side street and then go on to the next corner and do the same thing.
The_y had a few mortars and cannon, and with them a few buildings
Avere destroyed. In the home of one wealthy man whom I had known
very casually they dropped a shell right in the middle of his dining-
room table.
Senator Nelson. When they were firing in the streets in that way,
at the crossroads, were there people on the streets ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes; I saw a number of them killed.
Senator Nelson. So that they did not take any pains to avoid
killing people '(
Mr. Dennis. I saw a nmnber of )nen killed by the machine guns.
On the fourth day the_y started something which I think was rather
typical. They said that there were people in the buildings firing at
these red soldiers out of the windows, and then it tui'iied loose, and
everywhere it was " pop, pop, pop." I was on the fourth floor of a
building, where the angle was rather high, and they could only
shoot through the upper sash, but you could see those soldiers down
in the street taking a pot shot at anyone in the windows of the build-
ings. I saw two soldiers cash in because while they were in the
street, shooting, along came one of these machine guns and stopped
at the corner of the street and turned loose.
Senator Nelson. And killed them, too'^
Mr. Dennis. Two of the soldiers of the Eed Guard got it, them-
selves. Everj^ day and every moment, you never knew ; it would be
" bang, bang " on the door, and in would come four or five soldiers
who would search the place, looking primariljr for guns, revolvers,
etc. We had five Englishmen and Americans and four Englishwomen
there, and we had a sign on the outside of the door, '" Under the pro-
tection of the British Government " ; but much good it did ! They
searched us four times that night up to 12 o'clock. They accused
us of shooting out of the windows. Two boys came in, about IG
years old, and they placed revolvers under our noses and asked for
immediate results.
Senator Nelson. Have you any idea how many people they killed
there at that time?
Mr. Dennis. No, sir; I have not. I do not think anybody knew.
There had been a number of young boys — what we would call high-
school boys — there, who had joined this volunteer army, and some of
them foolishly, instead of getting out of town, went home, thinking
they could hide out, and a number of them were caught and killed.
Senator Nelson. Which volunteer army ?
66 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
^ilr. Dennis. Koriiiloff's.
Senator Nelson. He was one of the old Russian generals?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir. You heard his name first in connection with
Kerensky, in that affair at Petrograd.
Maj. HrjiES. When you saj^ this Red Guard was commanded by
German officers, do you mean by that only the higher ranking
officers, or were the officers generally German?
Mr. Dennis. German officers did not appear before the public.
All the men who appeared before the public in Rostov were Rus-
sians of one kind or another. One or two were Letts. The head
man was a Lett. The Letts have been in the Russian armies in
numbers. But in the hotel in which I lived there were 13 German
officers. The son of the proprietor, whom I had gotten to know
very well because he had lived in America for a number of years,
told me that there were six of those men who could not talk
Russian. I used to hear their stein songs, and there was around
there a very pleasant German atmosphere. The soldiers knew they
were German officers. The beggars in the street spoke German.
They spoke to me in German. I had on a semimilitary uniform, and
they took me for a German, and spoke to me in German — the first
and only time it happened to me.
Senator Wolcott. You say they would instigate stories that the
civilians had fired from the windows on them?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator 0\'eeman. That was a purely fictitious story?
Mr. Dennis. I do not know, but I had the feeling" that that was
told to turn loose this terrorism, because the Red soldiers believed
it. Many of them went mad.
Senator Nelson. What were these soldiers composed of, Letts and
Russians ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes ; all kinds.
Senator Nelson. All kinds ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Overman. It was a conglomeration of every discontented
sort of man in Russia?
Mr. Dennis. It was very interesting in Rostov. I have a feeling
that in Russia this propaganda to take the industries and the land
met with the approval of the poor people who were in bad shape
due to the economic conditions of Russia. That was at the begin-
ning. But within two weeks public sentiment in Rostov had quite
changed. With the coming of the Red Guard the wealthy people
left their homes in large numbers, put on their oldest clothes and
sought refuge with people of less importance and with less pretentious
homes. I knew a number who did that, and very wisely, I think.
Within two weeks the feelings of the proletariat had changed, be-
cause they had been promised cheap bread, but the price of bread
went up, and discontent and talk began to grow. That discontent
has grown constantly all over Russia since that.
Senator Nelson. You were in Rostov in November, 1917 ?
Mr. Dennis. I stayed there until February.
Senator Nelson. Did conditions change while you were there?
Mr. Dennis. No. After I left there. I have only the letters which
I received from people living in the city, describing the situation,
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAISTDA. V^ . 167
and that is my only evidence as to what has happened in Eostov since
I left there. These letters state that some 600 sailors took the town
and looted it for a week, held it for a week, and finally the Bol-
sheviks overthrew them, and then the Germans took control of the
town. I left there a month or two before the Germans took control
of the town.
Senator Nelson. Are they in control now ?
Mr. Dennis. When I left Eussia they were in control. What they
have done since the armistice I do not know.
While this could hot happen every day, it was rather typical of
conditions in Eussia. I left Eostov with two other Americans on
the private car of a man who was an adjutant of some kind for
Antonoff, who was one of the big men in the Government.
Senator Overman. You mean one of the big men in the Bolshevik
government ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes. This young fellow — it was like being with
Capt. Kidd, except that you worked on land instead of sea — this
fellow had an engine and a private car at his disposal, which took
him wherever he wanted to go. He was going back from Eostov to
Kharkov. We were glad to go with him. Trains were not running,
and the conditions were terrible. For three days we went down
every day and sat on the platform of his car waiting for him to'
come down, because he said that he was going, and then we went
back home every evening. On the last day we went to the sta-
tion and were waiting for him. The station at Eostov, like all
stations in Eussia, was jammed with hundreds and thousands of
people. That station platform must be at least 1,500 feet long.
When this fellow came down to his car he made his driver drive down
the entire length of that platform, right through the crowd, a thing
that would not have happened even in the days of the old regime
except with some drunken individual. Then he got out and went
and got on his car. He was showing off his authority. He wore two
guns, a sword, and a dirk, and was dressed in an aviator's leather
uniform. That seemed to be very popular with those fellows. It
made them more smart than anything else they could wear.
This" chap had with him a woman and two children, and they had
in that car all kinds of loot. They had gone through the stores of
Eostov and taken what they wanted — requisitioned it. He showed
it to us with considerable pride, and the 270,000 rubles that he had.
Instead of getting to Kharkov in 15 hours, we were five days with
this gentleman on his car. Finally we went through a little town in
the Ukraine where he lived, and he took the loot off this car and took
it home and cached it in his cellar. He stayed a day there, and they
had a great celebration. We did not celebrate much.
At the end of five days we arrived in Kharkov. On the second day
after we arrived there I saw this same chap with his woman and
three cabs loaded to the guards with stuff that he had taken out of
the stores of Kharkov. He waved his hand to us gaily, and went
down to his car. We bade him farewell, and we were through.
Senator Overman. What was he in the government?
Mr. Dennis. He was some sort of an adjutant for Antonoff, ac-
cording to his story.
Senator Nelson. What was Antonoff's position?
168 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Denxis. He is one of the big men. I can not remember his
portfolio. Perhaps one of tliese other gentlemen here can tell you.
A Bystaxdeb. .He \Yas military commander. Antonoff conmianded
the army which fought in Rosto^•. Ho is a ci\'ilian, but he was in
command of the army.
Senator Xelson. Did they destroj' much property in Rostov \
Mr. Dexxis. Not while I was there. Not a great many shells fell
in the town. There was no such destruction as there was in Moscow,
for the reason that the Red Guard made its defense outside of the
city, and the shooting in the city was mostly done by machine guns
and rifles, which do nothing more than break windows.
Senator Nelsox. In what direction did Korniloff retreat?
ilr. Dexxis. South, into the Caucasus; and later, up with the
Kuban Cossacks, according to report.
Senator Nelsox. Down on the lower Volga?
!Mr. Dexxis. No; it is considerably west of the Volga.
Senator Overman. Who were in command of these people; were
they German officers?
Mr. Dexxis. They conmianded the military end of it. They did
not appear before the public.
Senator Overman. Were these Red Guards drilled? Had they
been soldiers ?
Mr. Dexnis. They all had been soldiers; wore soldiers' uniforms.
I I'emembei' I was going home one day, and I saw a boy not older
than 14 or 15, a little shrimp of a lad, hammering on the front door
of a wealthy man's house there, and threatening to shoot everybody
in the house unless they opened on the instant. That was rather
typical of the attitude to the bourgeois. But this was done for in-
timidation. They levied a tax of 12,000,000 rubles upon Rostov.
The first thing they did was to levy a tax of 1:2,000,000 rubles on the
city. That was later added to by 10,000,000 rubles more.
Senator Nelsox. Was that paid?
Mr. Dennis. I think it was. I knew the managers of a large
cigarette factory there, and they paid something over 900,000 rubles
in cash. They doubled the price of cigarettes every time they were
taxed.
Senator Wolcott. Do you knoAv where that tax money went?
Mr. Dennis. No, sir; I doubt if anybodj' does. There were two
wealthy men in the town who Avere taxed for 1,000,000 rubles apiece.
Senator Nelson. Did you go to other storm centers there?
Mr. Dexnis. That was the only real fighting on any scale that I
saw in Russia. I went back to Kharkov, and then to ^loscow and
Petrograd. Next to Petrograd and Moscow, I presume that Kharkov
is one of the largest manufacturing cities of Russia.
Senator Nelson. Were you at Moscow when they had the revolu-
tion ?
Mr. Dexxis. I just missed that. The buildings were still burning
when I got there, in a few cases.
Senator Wolcott. Have j^ou any knowledge of atrocities com-
mitted by the officials of the Bolshevik regime, "who were acting in
what I might call a civil capacity rather than in any military en-
gagement, for the purpose of terrorizing and intimidating the popu-
lation ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 169
Mr. Deniviis. At Xovo Tcherkawk, in that city, a .small Kusriian
toAYii, Kaledines liad his headquarters. That is' a really important
part of the Don Cossack iiegion. When they knew that they were
going to give up the city of Rostov, the volmiteer army got together
a hospital train and took some 300 officers, went into the hospitals
and rushed these wounded men into this hospital train, and ran them
to Novo Tcherkask. They got them out of Rostov just about two
days before the town fell. They thought at that time that Novo
Tcherkask would not be taken. It was then, and the officers who
were so badly wounded that they could not be removed from Novo
Tcherkask — they could not get out by the railroad because the rail-
roads were cut off, and any men who were so badly wounded that
they could not be gotten out any other way and who remained there
in the hospitals and private homes — those officers were all killed,
and their bodies were left in the streets of Novo Tcherkask for four
days before anj^one dared to touch them.
Senator Oveeman. That is horrible. How many were there?
Mr. Dennis. Between 140 and 150. That was a matter engendered
by the hatred between soldiers and officers.
Senator Overman. Were they Cossack officers?
Mr. Dennis. No; only a few of the men who joined "Korniloff's
arn(iy were Cossacks ; a very few.
Senator Nelson. Did the Cossacks, as a rule, join the Red Army?
Mr. Dennis. I heard of Cossacks who had been at the front who
went Bolshevik. At Christmas time they sent them all home for
Christmas vacation, hoping that the old people could straighten them
out, because they were against the movement.
Senator Nelson. The old Cossacks were opposed to the Bolshe-
viki?
Mr. Dennis. Yes. They owned land and had no desire to give it
up. The peasants who owned land in Russia were I do not know
what percentage, but a small percentage, of the peasants of Russia ;
and, of course, the Cossacks who owned their land were against this.
movement, naturally.
Senator Nelson. All settled Cossacks owned their land?
Mr. Dennis. Yes: by the Government grant.
Senator Nelson. The hetman of the Cossacks did not join the Red
Guard? ^
Mr. Dennis. No, sir. I do not know this as Pdo about Kaledines,
but the man who took his place as hetman was later killed. The
story runs that he attempted to escape and was shot. We question
it very much ; but I do not know the facts.
Senator Overman. Did they attempt to divide the land up
amongst the people while you Avere there ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes ; that was done in many cases.
Senator Overman. And they took the land away from the land-
owners ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. How did they divide it; do you know?
Mr. Dennis. Well, there Avas no special way of doing this thing.
It varied, I think, with every community or every village. Ninety
per cent of these peasants, I should say — although the figures vai-y —
do not own their own land, but they own it as a community, and in
170 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
many cases it got to be a quarrel between one village and the next
adjacent as to which one was to get this estate which lay in between.
Senator Nelson. They are all settled in villages, are they not?
Mr. Dexnis. They live under an old " Bible-time " communist
system.
Senator Nelson. They are settled in villages and communes, and
the land is owned by the village or commune ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. They call them niirs, do they not ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. The mirs own the lands and they simply appor-
tion them out to the peasants: each man has his particular parcel
to cultivate?
Mr. Dennis. Yes; the lands are allotted.
Senator Overman. Are they allotted to the individuals or allotted
to the county or town?
]Mr. Dennis. You are talking about the old allotments?
Senator Overjian. I am talking about the old allotments.
Mr. Dennis. Yes; that is right; to the individual. Now, the ques-
tion arose in many cases as to which village was to get this interven-
ing land. While these people generally get along in peace, oftentimes
there is a good deal of jealousy between two villages. Here is one
of 15,000 people and here is one of .5,000, and the question arises as
to who shall get this land in between, and in that event the village
of 15,000 is likely to get it.
Senator Nelson. Did the Bolsheviki attempt to disturb the old
system of mir allotments? Did they attempt to break up the sys-
tem of allotments that prevailed there wheie the mirs owned the
land?
Mr. Dennis. I believe not, though it may be; but in any investiga-
tion of that kind, because the condition of things was so kaleidoscopic,
almost anything you want to state about it is true, whether it is
typical or not.
Senator Nelson. I suppose the operations under the Bolsheviki
were confined to the confiscation of land from the big landowners ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes; but they also started that same class hatred
between the peasants who lived upon their own land and those who
lived under the comi]|une system. A number of years ago they en-
deavored to get the peasants to live upon their own lands, because
this system they have is like the case of a one-year tenacy in this
country, where nothing is put back on the land; and in the Volga
Valley, which is the richest in the world, the land had been fatmed
for thousands of years, with nothing being put back on the land.
Lenine started a class war between those who owned their lands that
way and those living in the communes.
Senator Nelson. Is this town where you saw this big riot that
you have described in what they call the black belt of Eussia ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. A rich agricultural prairie country?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. The term " steppe " there is about the same as
" prairie " here ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir; prairie.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 171
Senator Overman. What did thej do with the big merchants and
stores ?
Mr. Dennis. They had on paper a plan for the taking over of
this land and the taking over of industry, and how it should be
organized and run, but that is not so simple when you turn loose
100,000,000 people with hate in their hearts. It did not go according
to the plan. They took over a lot of factories, and in most cases a
lot of different things happened. Every group, every community,
was a law unto itself.
Senator Overman. Did they loot the stores?
Mr. Dennis. Yes ; but it is not called looting. It is called requi-
sitioning.
Senator Overman. The soldiers had the right to requisition what
they wanted?
Mr. Dennis. They did, seemingly. In Nijni Novgorod the Gov-
ernment officials took over all the shoe stores and clothing stores and
hardware stores.
Senator Nelson. Were you at Nijni Novgorod?
Mr. Dennis. I lived there three months. These officials took over
all those shops without compensation.
Senator Nelson. That is a big city of 600,000 people?
Mr. Dennis. I doubt if it is that large. It is a city of some size;
between 250,000 and 350,000. No one ever knows in Eussia.
Senator Nelson. That is where they hold that great fair?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Do they hold it yet?
Mr. Dennis. According to the soviet newspapers of Eussia, they
had a magnificent fair there last summer. There was no more fair
there than there is on this table.
Senator Nelson. Which side of the Volga is it on ?
Mr. Dennis. On the low side. The town is divided into the high
town and the low town, on the east side which lies right along the
river. The soviet newspapers, however, had out reports that this
fair was running very successfully.
Senator Nelson. Had the Bolsheviki or Eeds gotten control of the
town when you were there?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. They were in possession?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. Did the government undertake to run them,
when they took over these stores ?
Mr. Dennis. They took over these supplies and then peddled them
out. You had to go to a certain commissar and get a permit to buy a
certain pair of shoes, and then go and stand in line. I was told there
were not more than 2,000 pairs of shoes in the city.
Senator Nelson. These men who finally got the shoes, did they
have to pay for them?
Mr. Dennis. They bought them from the government.
Senator Nelson. The government confiscated them and then sold
them ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. That is a way, in addition to taxation, in which
the government gets money ?
172 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Dennis. It helps. There was no thought of compensation.
Of course, it was specifically understood, when they took vjver all
of the land, that there was to be no compensation.
Senator Xelson. How did they operate when the Soviets took over
the manufacturing industries*
Mr. Dennis. They just took them, with or without the consent of
the OAvners. The owners did various things. I question if you covdd
iind any specific case that w'as typical of all the owners here and
there.
Senator Nelson. They took possession, but when they took posses-
sion did they undertake to operate ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. In what manner?
Mr. Dennis. Under a committee of workmen, and under the eco-
nomic committee, which, besides w'orkmen, may be made up of college
professors, or whoever happens to be in it. But I fail to understand,
and it is quite beyond my comprehension, how the other men who
have returned from Russia state that the industry' of Russia is run-
ning, because it is not. My basis for the statement lies in the fact
that I saw factories in three cities closed. In Nijni Novgorod, a
large manufacturing town, when I left there there was only one small
factory running.
Senator Nelson. At what place?
Mr. Dennis. Nijni Novgorod — one small factory.
Senator Nelson. That is a town of half a million people?
Mr. Dennis. Three hundred thousand, I think, would be nearer
the facts. They had a factory there that had run at its height with
25,000 men. When I first came there they Avere running with from
12,000 to 14,000. Statistics are hard to get in Russia. Nobody knows
anything accurately. The factory was closed. That factory, to my
mind, is a good example of the Bolshevik methods in Russia.
Senator Overman. What was that factory manufacturing?
Mr. Dennis. They had manufactured locomotives, and they changed
it to munitions and back to locomotives. The week I got there they
demanded of their soviet a new- election, as you are supposed to do
under the constitution. As I understand it, any time that you are
dissatisfied with your representative of the soviet, you can call a
m-eeting and elect a new representatiA'e. They demanded that elec-
tion. They could not get it, so they went on a strike for a week, and
finally got it, and they elected 67 per cent of the new representatives
from anti-Bolshevik parties. But that is not according to the way
they play the game in Russia, so that election was declared null and
void, and the old representatives of the Bolsheviki held over.
Across Volga River there is a pontoon bridge which they use in
summer time and take up in winter, as they use the ice in winter.
That bridge was not laicl for a month and a half later than usual
because they Avere afraid the Avorkmen in this factory would come
across the river and take the town. I have tried to go to that town
and have run into a line of Red Guards hiding around in the grass
Avith machine guns, who had this town surrounded, Avatching it,
because they were afraid these Avorkmen were coming over.
Senator 'Wolcott. I gather that the Avorkmen in this town you
speak of had become disgusted with the Bolshevik croAvd?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 173
Mr. Dexxis. I should say that is exactly the state of mind of a
large majority of the workmen and the peasants at the present time in
Hussia.
Senator Nelsox. Did there seem to be any head or system to their
city government there ?
^Ir. Dexxis. So far as I could get information on such things, in
talking with other men from other cities, I think they had about
as efficient a local soviet in Nijni Novgorod as any place. They had
three men who did some things with executive ability. Two of' these
men were men of some education. One of them had been to a Rus-
sian university. But in the last month I was there they fired the two
top men in the soviet. One of them, who was what they call the state
commissar, said that they fired those two men and put in men who
were of more radical beliefs, who were of a more radical state of
mind, because those men were too conser^ iitive; and that tendency, I
think, can be found all over Eussia.
Senator Overmax'. You say that three-fourths are against the
Bolsheviki. Why do they not rise up and overthrow the Bolshevik
government ?
Mr. Dex^xis. One answer is to shrug your shoulders and say " That
is Russia ; that is the Russian character." The Russians, Avhile they
know how to cooperate in business and in cooperative societies (and
they did organize long before the war and during the war in a busi-
ness way), when it comes to politics are absolutely hopeless. They
do not know the meaning of the word "' compromise."' If 3'ou were
to gather around this table representatives of the Methodist Episco-
pal Church, of the Presbyterian Church, of the Catholic Church,
and of the Jewish Church, and of all the other sects that we have
in this country, and ask them to form one church, you would have
the same situation you would have in Russia if you were to ask
these political parties to get together.
Senator Nelsox. The peasants — ^that is, the real Russian peasants —
belong to the Greek Church, do they not?
Mr. Dennis. They do not call it the Greek Church, but the Rus-
sian Church.
Senator Nelsox^. I mean the Russian Church.
Mr. Dexx^is. Yes, sir.
Senator Overmax. Do you suppose that some great patriotic leader
like Nicholas, or a great general in the army, could organize these
people into an army ?
Mr. Dexnis. I very much have my doubts. I like the Russian
people very much — the ones that I have come in contact with I like
personally very much — but if you try to do anything with them, to
organize "them, you can not do it, because they will not get together.
There is a saying in Russia which very plainly describes the Russian
characteristics, and which is true, that any time you get three Rus-
sians together you have five opinions, and I think that any man who
has tried to do things with them will agree to that statement.
Senator Wolcott. Then the fact that the Bolsheviki vigorously
pursued their terrorism served to restrain at least 75 per cent of the
people from asserting their wish in overthrowing the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Dex^xis. They" very thoroughly Jntimidatecl them by standing
them up against a wall and shooting them, and by imprisonment, and
174 BOLSHEVIK
jmurAUAJN JJA.
by a general lack of safety, and the requisitioning and taking over
of houses and all that sort of thing. They had them very thoroughly
intimidated. The Eussian peasant has fought again and again and
is fighting against the Red Guard. Why ? On account of fixed prices
for food and fixed prices on grain, at which he must sell, and because
on the things that he needs to buy, which, as a general rule, he can
not get because there is A-ery little of them, there are no fixed prices.
The sky is the limit. I have seen at the bazaar in the city of Nijni
Xovgorod the Eed Guard go down there and just take the food away
from the peasants at the fixed price, which is far below the market
price. They feel about this the same as the American farmer would
if you put a price of '2-2 cents on his wheat to-morrow, instead of $2 —
or whatever it is. Wlaen the soldiers came out to take the food there
were many fights, because the peasant had been told to take his gun
home, and he did, and in some cases he took a machine gun, and he
had been told to use it, and had been told he was a free man ; and the
peasants fought, and the Eed Guards many times got the worst of it.
Of course, while it is not written in Eussia, and I do not know that
they Avould agree with this at all, it would seem that there is only one
rule under which the Bolsheviki work in Eussia, and that is that the
end justifies the means.
Senator Overjian. The whole population is a mob? It is just
anarchy ?
Mr. Dennis. Of course, if you are not a Bolshevik, " Get out. We
will not feed you. And if you work against us, we will kill you." I
can not imagine that it was any more dangerous under Ivan the Ter-
rible for a man to speak openly against the government than it is
at the present time.
Senator Nelson. Can you give us, in brief, an outline of their
scheme of government, of the national Bolshevik government; what
their plan is?
Mr. Dennis. The leaders of this government were advanced social-
ists of the radical type and believed in going the full length of social-
ism, and going it by the most radical methods, by force. Other
precepts they have; that there is no such thing as private capital, or
private property, and that everything must belong to the state, all
land and all sources of production ; and they have had it specifically
nominated in the bond that there shall be no discussion as to how it
shall be done. They take these things by force, without compensation
for them.
Senator Nelson. Then do they follow it up and sav' how the state
is to utilize this property ?
Mr. Dennis. I think that on paper they had a pretty good scheme,
from their viewpoint; but it is not the easiest thing in the world to
organize, with a vast country and a terribly disorganized people who
are amazingly unintelligent, so far as reading and writing are con-
cerned. They cut themselves out a big piece of work, and they started
something they could not control. When they got ready to give a
man orders, they found they could not give him orders.
Senator Nelson. Take, for instance, the matter of land. Their
scheme was that all of the land belonged to the state, was it not, and
the use of it shonld be distributed among the peasants?
Mr. Dennis. Yes. sir.
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 175
Senator Nelson. And when you come to the manufactuiing indus-
tries, their scheme was to take possession of them and have them
operated by the government ?
Mr. Deistnis. They belonged to the people, through the government.
They say everything belongs to the people, because that is a more
popular way of putting it.
Senator Nelson. What about the banks?
Mr. Dennis. Ditto.
Senator Nelson. They were to be taken over by the
Mr. Dennis. They were taken over.
Senator Nelson. Were they to be run by the Bolshevik men ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir; for the people. Private property goes out
of the thing.
Senator Nelson. There is no longer any private property ?
Mr. Dennis. From which you receive an income — no. I had a very
interesting conversation with the bank commissar in Nijni Novgo-
rod. I think I could bust any good bank there is in this city in about
a week, if they would let me run it. I do not know anything about a
bank. This chap had very interesting ideas about it. Inasmuch as
we know that money is the root of all evil, this chap's idea, as he ex-
pressed it to nie, was to get rid of money. He said, " I hope to see
the day when a chicken will cost 5,000 rubles, and that will mean
that money will have no value, and we will get rid of it. We will not
need any money."
Senator Nelson. He would go bacli to the system of barter and ex-
change that prevailed before we got any money ?
Mr. Dennis. I do not think he thought much beyond the point of
getting rid of money ; it is the root of all evil, tear it up, and that
kind of idea. That was from a man who had charge of all the banks
in his district.
Senator Nelson. The money they have in circulation now is all
paper money, is it not?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Irredeemable paper money, which they are print-
ing and issuing almost without limit?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. What have they done with the gold that was in
the banks?
Mr. Dennis. There were several gold centers. At Nijni Novgorod
they had a lot of gold. I at one time knew the amount of gold in
Nijni Novgorod.
Senator Nelson. Did they not, as a consequence of the treaty of
Brest-Litovsk, take over about $200,000,000 of gold of the towns?
Mr. Dennis. I do not know. There was some talk about it, but I
do not know the facts. I know they brought to Nijni Novgorod from
Eiga a large amount of gold, stocks, bonds, and collateral of all
kinds, brouo'ht with the German bankers who had -run those banks.
Those Germans I knew personally in Nijni Novgorod, and they were
sitting around hoping and praying they could get their hands on this
Senator Overman. When you got your check from the United
States for your salary, how did you get the money on it?
Mr. Dennis. I always got the money directly. But it was possible
to go out and sell it, jjecause many wealthy people who had money
176 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
hidden, who s;nv this thing coming and got tlieir money out of
the banks in cash, were getting nervous because all the time they
were having searches and it was possible that this money would be
discovered and be confiscated, and they were very glad to exchange
money for a draft on America, because it was easier to hide it.
Senator Wolcott. This gentleman who had these interesting finan-
cial views you speak of, the commisar of the banks, I am curious to
know whether he was in a position of large responsibility. How
much territory did he have under his jurisdiction where he was going
to put into effect these ideas?
Mr. Dennis. He was running the banks of Xijni Novgorod.
Senator Woixott. That is how large a place?
j\Ir. Dennis. Three hundred thousand, with a lot of big banks
there, with big supplies of money.
Senator Wolcott. Did he stay in that office as long as you were in
the countrv?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Xelson. Were you in southern Russia, on the border of
the Black Sea. at Odessa, and in the Crimea?
Mr. Di:x>"is. Xo. sir.
Senator Xeeshn. Were you on the Siberian Eailroad?
INlr. Dennis. Yes; Ave went across by the trans-Siberian, going in
1)y Vladivostok to Moscow.
Senator Xelson. What time did vou go in?
^fr. Den>is. The 1st of Xoveniber. 1917.
Senator Xelson. I understand, now, and I want to know if it is
not your information, that what I call the anti-Red Guard, the anti-
Bolsheviki, control the railroads as far west as Omsk, and perhaps
as far west as Perm ; is not that correct?
]\Ir. Dennis. I have only newspaper reports on that.
Senator Xelson. Is not that your understanding, too?
^Ir. Dennis. Yes; from what I read.
Senator Xelson. Do they not control that whole line from ^"ladi-
vostok out as far as Perm, which is the largest town west of the
Ural Mountains?
Mr. Dennis. That might be true to-day, and to-morrow be not
true, because my experience with the railroads in Russia was that you
ne^er Imew. You got on a train, and perhaps you got there and per-
haps you did not.
Senator Overman. You did not know Lenine and Ti'otsky?
]\Ir. Dennis. Personally, no, sir.
Senator Over .man. Were they men of ability, brains, and educa-
tion, by reputation?
yir. Dennis. Yes. sir: I should say thev were very able men and
thoroughly believed that this was the way to bring about heaven on
earth, and to end the ills of society.
Senator Wolcott. Their route to heaven, though, seems to have
been first through hell?
Mr. Dennis. The route was circuitous. However, as you know
from reading the Liberator, the American magazine, Mr. Lenine
answers any criticism which I might make, or any other man tcstifv-
iu£r here, and say.: "Of course this happened and that happened;
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 177
of course it did. We have made mistakes, but what can you expect ?
Look where we are going and what we are aiming at — what we want
to do ! He meets almost all those criticisms in that article in the
Liberator.
Senator Nelson. Their aim, theoretically at least, is a pure
socialistic government, is it not?
Mr. Denxis. With one class only.
Senator Nelson. With one class only, and that is what they call the
proletariat ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That includes the peasants and the working men,
I suppose?
Mr. Dennis. In Russia they would say it was rather simpler than
in any other country because "they have more of the proletariat. The
proletariat are the larger per cent of the people, and the so-called
upper classes are a smaller per cent, and the scheme was to have
only one class when they got through.
Senator Nelson. They did not make any provision for what we
call in this country the large body of consumers, did they? They
did not have any idea on that, did they ?
^Ir. Dennis. They look upon everybody as a producer' and con-
sumer and, according to the plan, everybody has plenty. There is
no difference in class, no difference in caste.
Senator Overman . Is any attempt made toward education ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes ; they have very fine plans on paper.
Senator Nelson. Was not the country invaded a good deal by
German business men?
Mr. Dennis. German business men and commissions were in
Nijni Novgorod. I hardly ever went out of the house except some-
body, paid by a German, followed me around.
Senator Nelson. And the Germans seemed to have the upper hand
among the Reds?
Mr. Dennis. Very much so.
Senator Nelson. In other words, there is an affiliation and com-
bination between the Bolsheviki, the Red people, and the German
people who were there in Russia ?
Mr. Dennis. An affiliation to this extent. This is purely my per-
sonal opinion, as is all of it, from my observation. There was an
affiliation to this extent, that each group was trying to use the other
group. It was not that they had any great sympathy with Germany
at all, but if they could use Germany, well and good ; and Germany
was trying to use them.
Senator Nelson. But, I mean there were a good many German
missions there, business men and spies and others that were con-
stantly operating there?
Mr." Dennis. Yes, sir. I was very well aware of it in Nijni
Novgorod. They had large commissions there, and ostensibly these
men were looking after the welfare of the Central Eiripire prisoners.
That is why they were there, on the surface. They were there when
I left.
Senator Nelson. Carrying on the business of propaganda in
Russia ?
85723—19 12
178 BOLSHE\aK PROPAGANDA.
ilr. Dennis. They were. I knew of two cases where they had
bought stock, and they carried the gamble through to the last minute,
buying stock in industries, and buying estates.
Senator Nelson. You seem to be well posted. If there is any-
thing else you have not told us about this matter that you think
we ought to know, or the American people ought to know, I wish
you would tell us.
Mr. Dennis. I do not know whether this belongs in this hearing
or not, but a thing that interested me very much was to discover
a number of men in positions of power, commissars in the cities
here and there in Russia, who had lived in America.
Senator Nelson. Who had been graduated here?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Where had they lived mostly, in New York?
Mr. Dennis. In the industrial centers. I met a number of them,
and I sat around and listened to attacks upon America that I would
not take from any man in this country ; but I took it over there be-
cause I was asking favors, and I was not in a position to get into an
altercation, as I did not want to get in jail.
Senator Nelson. Were the men who had lived for years in this
country, and had gone back there, occupying prominent positions in
this Bolshevik government?
^Ir. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Wolcx)tt. In the main, of what nationality were they ?
Mr. Dennis. Hebrew.
Senator Wolcott. German Hebrews?
Mr. Dennis. Russian Hebrews. The men that I met there had
lived in America, according to their stories, anywhere from 3 to 12
years.
Senator Nelson. You know, years ago they colonized a lot of Ger-
mans over there in southern Russia. We call them Mennonites.
Mr. Dennis. Yes ; we call them that in this country.
Senator Nelson. Do you know what their attitude was?
Mr. Dennis. I do not know what their prejudice was, but I judge
that they had a prejudice, from the information I got that they at
the end were pretty badly treated by the Russian Government. They
were deported and sent into Siberia.
Senator Nelson. They were settled there originally because they
did not believe in war. They were permitted to emigrate to Russia,
and were given land, and given immunitj' from military service; but
that militaiy immunity was afterwards revoked. Now, were they
with the Bolsheviki, or were they with the other side ?
Mr. Dennis. I could not answer that question. I could only say
that these men in the last year of the war, and some of them before,
in large numbers, were dispossessed and sent into Siberia and put
in the internment camps, because of supposedly pro-German senti-
ment.
Senator Nelson. They occupied that territory around the lower
Don, did they not?
Mr. Dennis. Yes ; there were numbers of them there, and then they
were pretty well scattered.
Spncitnr Nei^on. In the black belt, on the verge of the arid countrv.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 179
Senator Overman. Are these people over there, who have lived in
the United States, taking part in this Bolshevik movement?
Mr. Dennis. This is a thing that, in my opinion, backed up by
the opinions of other Americans, Englishmen, and Frenchmen with
whom I talked when we got into Moscow, and were waiting there
three weeks before we got out, and comparing notes, seems more in-
teresting than the fact that they are there in positions of power, that
these men were the most bitter and implacable men in Russia on the
progi'am of the extermination, if necessary, of the bourgeois class.
Senator Nelson. They constitute the Red element, do they not?
Mr. Dennis. In many cases.
Senator Nelson. In most cases?
Mr. Dennis. In many cases. I would not say in most, but in many.
Senator Nelson. Trotsky himself came from this country, did he
not?
Mr. Dennis. Yes ; he had lived in this country.
Senator Overman. You say they are in favor of the extermination
of the bourgeois ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir. I never met a more implacable individual
than a man that they called the war commissar in Nijni Novgorod.
He had been in this country for a number of years.
Senator Nelson. They were Hebrews that had been in this coun-
try?
Mr. Dennis. These men are ; yes, sir.
Senator Overman. Do you know of any effort they are making to
carry that propaganda to this country?
Mr. Dennis. I can not go into court and prove it, but I have
some very definite suspicions, and some facts which would indicate
considerable; yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Give us what you have.
Mr. Dennis. I believe the information on that score that I have is
already in the hands of the Government, through other sources;
but, going to their meetings as I have done in the city of Chicago,
there is no question at all about their approval of the Russian
system and of their desire to bring it to pass in this country.
Senator Nelson. Are there many of that class of people in Chi-
cago?
Mr. Dennis. The first meeting I went to was in the Chicago Coli-
seum, which was packed. Indeed, they had overflow meetings, and
all the speakers had to go out and double up.
Senator Nelson. And that was a socialist meeting?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir. _
Senator Nelson. Publishing Russian propaganda?
Mr. Dennis. A red-flag meeting.
Senator Overman. Is there any affiliation between them and the
I. W. W. of this country ?
Mr. Dennis. As to any affiliation in fact or in organization I do>
not know ; but they are absolutely affiliated, I should say, inasmuch as
they are both going to the same place.
Senator Overman. As they both tend to the same thing?
Mr. Dennis. They both want the same thing.
Senator Nelson. All aiming for the same end ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
180 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. By the same methods?
Mr. Dennis. I see no difference between them at all; but as to
whether they have any affiliation in organization I do not know.
That is bound to come, I think. If the movement goes on they will
get together, of course.
Senator A'elson. Are they circulating much Bolshevik literature
out in Chicago?
Mr. Dennis. Have you seen copies of the American Bolshevik,
published in Minneapolis?
Senator Nelson. Yes; and I had something from that printed in
the Congressional Record.
]\Ir. Dennis. That is a fair example of it. I have here some of the
handbills they were distributing, which call for immediate action.
Senator O^terman. Did you see that great handbill that they
were sending all over the country and posting up, " The War is over,
now for revolution " ?
Mr. Dennis. I have not seen that; no, sir. But nothing of that
kind would surprise me, after what I have learned in Chicago.
Senator Wolcott. What is the seating capacity of the Coliseum?
Mr. Dennis. I do not know. Several times I asked what it was,
but I could not get definite figures on it. I think it runs from six to
ten thousand.
Senator Wolcott. At this large meeting which you attended, at
which they had to have overflow meetings, did the meeting seem to
be in sympathy Avitli the ideas expressed, or was it made up largely
of people who were there just to look on ?
Mr. Dennis. There were there a number of observers like myself,
and a good many Go^-ernment observers were there, but with the first
mention of the names of Lenine and Trotsky the crowd arose to its
feet and applauded for five minutes. Thej' had on the wall. I re-
member, a long stiip of paper containing a list of the soviet repub-
lics of the world. This list was a little premature, I think. Neverthe-
less it was there. It began with Russia, Germany, Norway, Sweden,
and went on down through the list, and at the bottom was a large
question mark, "Which is next?" And every speaker, not by actual
words, but by inference, said that America w'ould be the next one;
and everj' time that was done there was sure to be applause.
Senator Nelson. Did you observe the character of the people there,
or their nationality ''(
Mr. Dennis. It was a very well-dressed, intelligent-looking crowd;
not starving people by any means. Indeed, I have always maintained
that Bolshevism is not a cry or demand for bread; it is a state of
mind, and it must be met as such. They were a pretty well-dressed,
intelligent crowd.
Senator Nelson. I mean as to their nationality. Were they native-
born Americans, or were they foreigners?
Mr. Dennis. One could only tell by the applause when the
speeches were made in the different languages, as to the predominant
number of people there. We had speeches in Polish, Yiddish, and
German, but when the Russian delegate got up and said, "Com-
rades," which is a great word in Russia, I should say at least 70 per
cent of that audience got to their feet.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 181
Senator Wolcott. Which tongue seemed to rank next to the lius-
sian at that meeting?
Mr. Dennis. I would say Yiddish. There was an American work-
man, about 50 years old, who sat immediately to my riglit, with whom
I talked a good deal; a well-dressed, first-class looking workman. It
was really my first contact with that type of man, and I will tell you
that I would just as willingly try to dri^e a tenpenny nail into a
cement block as to try to get an idea into that man's head. I never
found any greater hatred than that man had for the capitalistic class,
as he called them.
Senator Wolcott. Then he was of American nationality '(
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. From what you have seen since you came back,
there at Chicago, j'ou would think there is propaganda going on here
in this country ?
Mr. Dennis. Very definitely.
Senator Nelson. Bolshevik propaganda ?
Mr. Dennis; Yes.
Senator Nelson. As I understood you awhile ago, you found some
of the very prominent men in the Bolshevik government over there
that were men who had lived in this country and gone back to Eussia.
Mr. Dennis. The interesting thing about it was not their promi-
nence but their bitterness.
Senator Nelson. They were most bitter?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Overman. Did you recognize any speakers of prominence
at that meeting?
Mr. Dennis. I beg pardon?
Senator Overman. Were any of these speakers men of prominence
in Chicago or in this country?
Mr. Dennis. Oh, yes; all the men who have been on trial before
Judge Landis spoke there.
Senator Nelson. Can you give the names of these speakers at
Chicago ?
Mr. Dennis. Steadman, Victor Berger, and what is the man's name
that begins with Er? He is a Norwegian. All the men who have
been on trial before Judge Landis spoke at that meeting, and a num-
ber of others.
Senator Overman. There has been more than one meeting?
Mr. Dennis. Yes; I have gone to some smaller meetings.
Senator Nelson. They have small ward meetings, do they not, in
the localities where they live ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And ha-\e local speakers there?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And they are at it continually, are they not?
Mr. Dennis. I think this can be proved. There are now some paid
traveling speakers. The organization has a paid staff.
Senator Nelson. Have you come across any of these men who
have been in Eussia and have come back here and are carrying on
propaganda here?
Mr. Dennis. No.
Senator Nelson. Are you acquainted with this Mr. Williams?
182 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Dexxis. I do not know Mr. Williams or Mr. Eeed. I have
read their stuif, and John Williams'w wife's book.
Senator Nelson. You did not come across them in Russia?
Mr. Dennis. Both of these men had left Soviet Russia before I
got in there.
Senator Nelson. Do you find many native-born Americans work-
ing in this propaganda here?
Mr. Dennis. I am not prepared to say. I do not know the men
and their history well enough to say, sir.
Senator Overman. What is the meaning of the word " soviet"?
Mr. Dennis. The nearest translation would be " committee," or
" conference.'" '' Conference," I think, would perhaps be the nearest
English equivalent.
Senator Overman. What percentage of the people of Russia are
educated I
3Ir. Dennis. The figures vary. The figures as to illiteracy run
anywhere from 70 to 85 per cent. It depends upon what man you
happen to be reading. I do not think they Imow Sinything about
accurate statistics in Russia.
Senator Over:man. Under the old regime, did they have any pub-
lic schools?
Mr. Dennis. Yes; about 5 per cent of the people, under the old
regime, were permitted a real education, according to the best au-
thority that I can get. There are some figures on that, which, so
far as I know, are accurate enough, as to education, schools, and so
forth, and how many children actually had a chance to go to school
in Russia.
Senator Nelson. But the Russian peasants, as a rule, are illiterate^
Mr. Dennis. Yes. I do not know of anybody who knows the
situation thoroughly, who talks about the situation in Russia as a
democracy. I have heaixl many people talk about it as a great de-
mocracy. To my mind that is an absolute misnomer, and is not in
accordance with the printed and spoken statements of Lenine and
others, who ought to know wliat kind of a show they are running
over there. They do not call it that. They specificallj' state that it
is not a democracy.
Senator Overman. Not a democracy?
]\Ir. Dennis. No ; and it is not supposed to be. It is an autocracy
of the proletariat.
Senator Overman. They do not want liberty?
]\Ir. Dennis. Well, they would say they did. They would not
agree with that. But they want it in a way that is peculiar, accord-
ing to our ideas in this country.
Senator Nelson. Thev have in these different mirs or villages, and
in the wards or portions of cities themselves, their local Soviets, or
local councils?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And they send representatives to the national
soviet ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. The head soviet.
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And that constitutes their government, really?
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 183
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Of course, the general soviet has to have admin-
istrative officers?
Mr. Dennis. It would be democratic if the people away back in the
villages and in the factories could elect and send up anybody they
wanted to, but the fact remains that up to date they have not been
permitted to. Thej^ have to send Bolsheviks.
Senator Nelson. Or they will not be received?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Overman. If they elect one of their own men who is an
anti-Bolshevik, what is the result? They just do not receive him?
Mr. Dennis. Well, that case I spoke of in the factory at Novgorod
would be typical. They declared the election null and void and held
over the old representatives to the soviet. In some cases they told the
people, " You must elect Bolsheviks and Bolsheviks only." Indeed,
there is going to be just one class, and one party in this class.
Senator Nelson. Of course it is only in the territory that the Bol-
sheviki control, either permanently or temporarily, that they have
succeeded in forming these local Soviets ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. In the other part of Russia that is in the control
of the white guard, or the anti-Bolsheviki, they have not adopted
that system?
Mr. Dennis. I do not know, because all the time I was there after
I got in I was in soviet Eussia, and I have no information about the
outside other than this information.
Senator Overman. That general congress or assembly representing
the government is not called the Duma now, under the new system ?
Mr. Dennis. No.
Senator Overman. What do they call it?
Mr. Dennis. It is called the central soviet.
Senator Nelson. The have abolished the legislative duma, have
they?
Mr. Dennis. It is very interesting to note that these Soviets all the
way around will not take orders from anybody unless they want to.
If it fits in with their plan, well and good. If it does not, they do not
obey. It is the same way with the committee. If they do not do the
right thing, they fire them and get another that will, and they get
quick action.
Senator Overman. Will they have a general law for the general
soviet itself?
Mr. Dennis. Yes; if it happens to tally with what they want to do.
Of course, there has been a flood of " decrets." Every man in a
town that has any power issues a decret, and sometimes they are
wise decrets and looking to the best interests of the people, but at
other times they are the most idealistic things you ever saw, and at
other times they are perfectly wild and harebrained ; but nevertheless
they are issued and plastered up on the walls of the town.
Senator Nelson. Is it not a fact that the only cohesive principle
there is in theii' government at present is the reign of terror they
carry on?
Mr. Dennis. I should say that in the beginning its power was de-
rived from machine guns.
184 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overman. Are they manufacturing munitions?
Mr. Dennis. I know of only one plant that ran for a short time,
but they had enough out of the supplies of old Russia to keep them
going for their military operations. Of course, with this new army
which they are getting I do not know what they will do. They had
called five years to the colors when I left, and they were very much
afraid of that army. They did not know what to do with it, whether
to arm it or not to arm it. Of course, they keep the army up now,
because if a factory closes down and the workmen are thrown out oi
a job and have nothing to do, they put them in the army and pay
them a certain amount each month. It was 400 rubles when I was in
Xijni Novgorod. I think it is higher now. They supported the men
and their families. That is the kind of coercion that keeps the red
army together.
Senator Overman. Have the Bolsheviki got woman suffrage? Do
the women take part in these meetings?
Mr. Dennis. I never saw very many of them in these meetings,
but they have it on paper ; yes, sir.
Maj. Humes. The money they pay to the soldiers simply comes
from the printing press. They make money on the printing press
as they need it to pay these soldiers, do they not?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir. I had at one time the figures, put out by the
head man of the government, of the deficit on the railroad — ^the esti-
mated deficit — amounting to I forget how many hundred millions of
rubles, and the amount of tlie factory and industry deficit, and so on.
On the Volga River all the traffic had stopped and there were at
least 200 boats, some of them passenger boats, the finest I ever saw on
any river, standing idle, and the workmen with their families were
living on them and being paid by the government from time to time
as they could get the money down to them.
Senator O^'eksian. The commerce on the river then, had practi-
cally ceased?
Mr. Dennis. Virtually so. It was down at the lowest ebb, on ac-
count of the absence of coal or oil. The thing was petering out be-
cause of no fuel.
Senator Nelson. In normal times there was an immense water
commerce on the Volga?
Mr. Dennis. Yes; it is a great center, with vessels of all kinds
there. The flour mills there were closed, and all the factories were
closed except one when I left.
Senator Overman. Was there any schedule on the railroads ?
Mr. Dennis. It is an amazing thing that the railroad organization
has kept going. The railroad guild, perhaps you might call it, has
kept going against tremendous odds, and they have maintained a
passenger service. The freight service is badly disorganized.
In all Russia, in about 10 months while I was there, I never but
once in any state anywhere in Russia saw carpenters or masons
working. Never but once did I see men with hammers and nails and
feaws in their hands.
Senator Nelson. There was not any building going on?
Mr. Dennis. Absolutely nothing. The whole thing was going to
destruction. I saw a band stand being built. That was the only
thing I ever saw in process of construction in Russia.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 185'
Senator Overman. What are the houses of the peasants con-
structed of?
Mr. Dennis. Logs, where they can get them. They are fine log
houses.
Senator IS'elson. With thatched roofs?
Mr. Dennis. Sometimes ; but log houses, well built.
Senator Wolcott. Were the schools in operation?
Mr. Dennis. Not during the summer, and there was much dis-
cussion in Nijni Novgorod as to whether they would open this fall
or not, on account of financial difficulties.
ijenator Overman. Were the farms in operation, or had many of
them left the farms?
Mr. Dennis. I read an article not long ago in some American
magazine, by an American Avhom I knew over there, in which he
said that the acreage this year was about 10 per cent. That, to my
mind, is not anywhere near the fact in the case. In the districts
which I loiew from my personal knowledge and from information
which I got in Nijni Novgorod and from information which we got
from people from the other sections who came into the consulate in
Moscow, 75 would be very much nearer the truth.
Senator Nelson. Seventy-five per cent?
Mr. Dennis. Yes. Others even put it higher than that. But in my
opinion, the crops were very good. I am not a prophet, but if they
had the brains for organization and could get their traffic organized
so that they could distribute it, I believe there ig enough stuff in
soviet Russia to feed the Russians; not well, but to keep them from
starvation.
Senator Nelson. What is their wheat? Is it spring wheat or win-
ter wheat?
■ Mr. Dennis. Both, I believe. We could go from Nidjni Novgorod
down the Volga River and up jthe Kama River to Perm, and buy
white flour pretty reasonably. A friend of mine went, and got flour
for 12 rubles a pood, or 36 English pounds.
Senator Overman. Are these peasants most hospitable in their
nature ?
Mr. Dennis. As individuals; yes, sir, they are. You could buy
flour for 10 rubles a pood, but they would not allow you to take it
out of the city, or into a different State. You could not take it
across the line. My man got back because he Avas working for an
American, and mj' English friend got back because he had a British
passport, but a man who lived within two blocks of me in Nijni
Novgorod had the flour taken away from him.
Maj. Humes. He was a Russian?
Mr. Dennis. He was a Russian. It was possible for a German to
go there and buy flour by the thousand poods and take it out
without any difficulty. He got it out of that State, but it did not
go into Germany. There was great ojDposition on the part of the
people to Germany getting stuff out of Russia, and trains of cars
had a wav of being sidetracked and turning up somewhere else.
Senator Overman. I should think that after this war and so many
people being killed, they would have a great antipathy to the Ger-
mans.
186 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Mr. Dennis. I think the sentiment of the bourgeois class could
be summed up by what a man whom I knew pretty well said to me.
He said : " I know it is a mistake for us to want the Germans to
come in here. I know in the end we will regret it, and we would
much rather have somebody else come, but nobody else will come,
and it is ' any port in a storm.' If the Germans come, my life and my
property will be safe." I do not blame them at all for feeling that
way about it.
Senator Wolcott. Is there any breakdown of the moral standards
in this Bolshevik regime?
Mr. Dknxis. There has been a lot of talk about it, and about these
proclamations which have appeared in American newspapers, and
those proclamations in two cases I loiow of were actually put up;
but whether they were put up by the government or not is a very
large question in my mind.
Senator Wolcott. Did they purport to be official proclamations?
Mr. Dennis. They were put up in the city of Samara, signed by
the anarchists, and about two days later, as quick as they could get
out an answer to it, the anarchists came out with another proclama-
tion which they pasted up over the town, saying that the first one
had not been sent out by them, but had been sent out by the enemies
of the anarchists to discredit that group. I am inclined to believe
that story. It was about the nationalization of women.
Senator Nelson. The}^ are opposed to religion, are they not?
Mr. Dennis. The Bolsheviks?
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. And they advocate a sort of what in this country
we call " free love," do they not ?
Mr. Dennis. I have never seen any official statement of that kind.
They are opposed to religion, and were very much opposed to the
Y. M. C. A., here and there.
Senator Nelson. What was their grievance against the Y. M. C. A. ?
Mr. Dennis. A tool of capitalism.
Senator Overman. How did they feel toward the Red Cross?
Mr. Dennis. All right, so far as I know.
Senator Wolcott. Was the Salvation Army in Russia?
Mr. Dennis. I never saw it — yes, I did. I saw two of them.
Senator Wolcott. Did you ever notice any outcry against the
Salvation Army people?
Mr. Dennis. I know nothing about that. The two that I saw were
taking care of an orphan asylum where there Avere a lot of little chil-
dren. I imagine they were very glad to have them do it. The organi-
zation, or lack of organization, was so very bad in Petrograd that
during the last week in April, when they dumped into Petrograd
the first 1,500 prisoners who came back from Germany — Russians
released from the German prisons; they dumped these men into
the great station in Petrograd, all of them sick, and very few of
them able to walk, and there was no organization in that great city
to look after those men — that was the most terrible thing that I saw
in Russia.
Senator Nelson. They looked starved and emaciated?
Mr. Dennis. Terrible. You could not overpaint that picture.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 187
Senator Nelson. And were terribly broken?
Mr. Dennis. You could not overpaint the picture of those men.
The few who were able to go out came down the Nevski Prospect.
Petrograd is a pretty blase city by this time, it has been through
•a good deal, and it takes something to stir them up, but these men
in knots of two and three would stand on the street there and beg,
and they poured money into their caps — the people on the streets —
but there was no organization to take care of them at all. If there
^ver was anybody who needed a Red Cross outfit, and needed an
efficient one, with nurses, it was that crowd of 1,500 men. After
that the American Y. M. C. A. tried to do something. I think
-certain Eussian representatives wanted tlie Americans to be allowed
to endeavor to go on and accomplish something ; but what they have
clone I do not know.
Senator Oveesiax. How is the ordinary peasant as a family man?
Does he love his family and love his children ?
Mr. Dennis. So far as I know, yes, sir; and I wish to say that in
general I liked them very much. I do not know of any foreigner
who has lived in Russia for any length of time who does not love the
Russian people and their qualities. They are what we call, out in the
•country that I come from, home folks, neighborly; but, of course,
under these conditions, naturally, with a mob spirit turned loose
in a crowd, they are a very different people. I presume that is true
of any primitive people. Besides, up until August 3, when they
arrested all foreigners with the exception of Americans, up to that
time, outside of tfulking with men who had lived in America, I
never received anything but reasonably courteous treatment, and
mostly absolutely courteous treatment — warm, courteous treatment —
from any Russian to whom I said merely, " I am an American." I
did not have to tell him what my business was or anything about it.
Senatoi' Oveeman. They did not seem to have any feeling, much,
against the Americans?
Mr. Dennis. Every Russian peasant, even though he does not
know what America is or where it is, perhaps, has a warm asso-
ciation of feeling about America — that it is a free country.
Senator Wolcott. How many of these people who had come from
America and were in office under the Bolshevik government would
you estimate that you saw, speaking in proportion ?
Mr. Dennis. That I personally saw and talked with ?
Senator Wolcott. Or that you know of, either by your own
observation or from those in whom you have confidence?
Mr. Dennis. Our general opinion in Moscow was that anywhere
irom 20 to 25 per cent of the commissars in Soviet Russia had lived
in America.
Senator Wolcott. Did you form any estimate as to the number in
office in Petrograd ?
Mr. Dennis. No.
Senator Wolcott. They were not all from New York City, I take
it from what you said a while ago, but they were from different
parts of the United States— congested centers?
Mr. Dennis. Always from industrial centers.
Senator Overman. Do you know any of them that have been natu-
ralized in this country?
188 BOLSHEVIlv PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Dennis. Xo. At least, not one of them would say he had been.
I asked two, I recall, and they said they had not. One had lived here
13 years, according to his story, and tallied English very well.
Senator Xelson. Did you find them to be from Chicago, usually?
Mr. Denxis. I found them to be from industrial centers near Chi-
cago. One man when I bade liim good-by said, " Good-by. I will see
you in about 10 years. We are coming over to America to pull off
this same show." I told him I would be there.
Senator Wolcott. These men who were from America who were
in oiEce there were of what nationahty ?
Mr. Dexnis. I beg pardon^
Senator "Wolcott. Ihese men who had been in America, and were
in office over there, were of what nationality ?
'Sir. De-\nis. With ,only one exception, of my personal knowledge,
Hebrew.
Senator AVolcott. "\Miat nationality was that one exception?
Mr. Dennis. Russian.
Senator Wolcott. You said a while ago that you were convinced
in your own mind that there is organized propaganda in this country
to spread this Bolsheviki thing to America. In substantiation of
that statement you cited this Chicago meeting Avliere you lieard the
doctrine preached and well received. Have you any other substantiul
facts that point to the theory that there is an organized propaganda
here, financed here, to spread this soviet government to America ?
Mr. Dennis. Xothing that I thinlv is not already in the hands of
the Government ; nothing new.
Senator Overman. Have you made any report to tire Department
of Justice or the Secretary of State?
Mr. Dennis. When I returned to America I came here to AA'ashing-
ton and rejjortod to the consular staff.
Senator Overman. To the State Department?
Mr. Dennis. To the State Department. I was then interviewed by
a number of men in various departments, the Russian war board,
and one or two others. Maj. Miles, I believe, was one.
Senator 0^t5rman. Will j'ou send us a copy of that report?
Mr. Dennis. I made no report at that time. I have just returned
to America, and came directly here from Xew York, about Novem-
ber 1.
Senator Overman. You made no report about tliis organization
over here?
]\Ir. Dennis. Xo, sir: I knew noticing about it at that time. Amer-
ica had been a closed book to me for one year.
Senator Wolcott. You saj^ the information that this propaganda
is afoot in this country is now in the hands of the Government ?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir: such information as I have.
Senator Wolcott. Is the information you refer to now as being
in the possession of the Government information that you yourself
gave or discovered?
Mr. Dennis. Only in part. Some of it I ran across, and some of
it I got from those who were investigating the situation.
Senator Overman. Maj. Humes, have you investigated that matter
with the department ?
Maj. Htjmes. I have been in touch with all of the departments.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 189
Senator ^WoLcoTT. We will eventually get that information, will
■we?
Maj. Humes. I think so; yes, sir.
Senator Wolcott. I think we should ha-^e it, because that is the
main thing we are after.
'Senator Overman. That is \\ hat we are investigating, principally —
the basis of this investigation. Speaking from your own knowledge
and from general information, what do you think is the extent of
this propaganda in this country?
Mr. Dennis. AVell, there are undoubtedly people who are inter-
ested in spreading this propaganda, who have a pretty fair organi-
zation that extends from New York to San Francisco. They have
divided this country up into sections and put it out under various
leaders to handle.
Senator Overman. Do you know, fronv what you have heard,
whether it is growing?
Mr. Dennis. No; I do not. I should say the growth of it would
depend in large part upon the industrial conditions during the com-
ing months — employment or unemployment.
Senator Wolcott. Did you come across Col. Thompson in Eussia ?
Mr. Dennis. He had left before I got there.
Senator Wolcott. Did you come across Mr. Eaymond Kobins 'i
Mr. Dennis. I met him a couple of times in Moscoav.
Senator Wolcott. In what capacity was he acting at the time
when you met him ?
Mr. Dennis. The only one that he had — as the head of the Red
Cross. As far as I know, that was the only official position he had
a,t any time.
Senator Wolcott. Did you have any opportunity to observe his
relations with the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Dennis. Very little. I talked with him at length one day
concerning the Bolsheviki there, because he had been in Moscow
longer than I had. I got there after the revolution. I missed that,
and I A\-anted to know more about it.
Senator Wolcott. Was his attitude one of sympathy with it or
otherwise?
Mr. Dennis. As I understood him at that time, his attitude was
that of — well, sympathy is not exactly the word — recognition of
them, because they were the people who were in, control; not because
of what they stood for or their methods, but because they were the
people in control. I remember specifically that he used the phrase,
" They are the people Avith the guts."
Senator Nelson. And they ought to be recognized, because they
were in control. Was that his theory?
Mr. Dennis. Yes ; they were the only people who seemed to have an
organization and the ability to run the show.
Senator Nelson. And, therefore, he was for them?
Mr. Dennis. Therefore, as I understood it, he was in favor of
dealing with them as representing Eussia. He knew them all and
was on speaking terms with them and kept in touch with them — the
leaders of the movement. He was in Moscow at that time.
Senator Overman. Did you know Trotsky?
190 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Mr. Denxis. 'No, sir; I never met him personally. I beard him
talk once.
Senator Otermax. Where did you hear him talk, at Petrograd or
Moscow ?
Mr. Dexxis. Moscow. As I judge the situation, Trotzky was the
firebi'and of this group, taking the three of them, Lenine, Tchitcherin,
and Trotslfy.
Senator Nelson. Who was the firebrand?
Mr. Denxis. Trotsky. He is a highly emotional chap.
Senator Overman. Does he make a good speech?
Mr. Dennis. Yes; he makes a very fine, fiery speech, and he is a
chap who believes, as we understood the situation, in carrying this
thing through according to plan with absolute implacability toward
the bourgeoise group. From what I iinow of the situation, this story
that appeared in the American newspaper a while ago, that there had
been a break between Trotsky and Lenine, sounded quite reasonable,
because it was Trotsky who, when they arrested all the English,
French, and other allies, Americans excepted, wanted to hold them
as hostages.
Senator Nelson. Did he want the Americans arrested, too ?
Mr. Dennis. I never knew. I never could find out why they were
not arrested.
Senator Nelson. Were the Americans arrested ?
Mr. Dennis. Individuals were in outlying cities, like Mr. Eoger
Simmons, at Vologda, Mr. Leonard and Mr. Berry, at Tsaritzin, and
there may have been others.
Senator Overman. When did you leave?
Mr. Dennis. On September 2.
Senator Overman. Why did you leave?
]Mr. Dennis. It was getting a bit warm. All the allied powers had
withdrawn from Russia, and there was no place to go.
Senator Nelson. Which way did j'ou come out?
Mr. Dexxis. I was with Dr. Huntington, who testified here, I
believe. We were all on the same train.
Senator Wolcott. You all came together?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Did you have to go around by Sweden?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir. We wanted to go to Archangel, but you
could not get across the Volga. There were some tentative advances
made to the German Government to issue us a safe conduct across the
Baltic to Stockholm.
Senator Nelson. The Germans were in possession of Finland at
that time?
Mr. Denxis. Yes. We asked them to guarantee us a safe conduct,
and we waited for some time, and finally the Diet of Finland guar-
anteed us a safe conduct through Finland.
Dr. Huntington must have told you of our experience in Petro-
grad; how they nearly refused to let us go, and refused to respect
the orders of Tchitcherin, Lenine, and Trotsky.
Senator Overman. That man Tchitcherin is a Russian, I suppose?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. Where is he from?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 191
Mr. De]^nis. He is a man of some rank ; a nobleman by birth, I have
forgotten what; a well-educated man, and a man of wealth at one
time ; a very able gentleman.
Senator ISTelson. The last legation to get out of there was the
Norwegian Legation, and I was reading an account last night in the
newspaper of how long it took them to get out of Petrograd over to
Finland. They were held up time and again on the journey. Evi-
dently they wanted to bleed them and get money from them.
Mr. Dennis. I do not know how successful they were with them.
We were bled.
Senator Nelson. They were not bled, but they were delayed.
Mr. Dennis. We paid and got out.
Senator Wolcott. Did you ever come across Dr. Harold Williams
over there?
Mr. Dennis. Dr. Harold Williams ? No, sir. The only Williams I
knew was not a doctor, but was a banker from Waterloo, Iowa ; the
only man by the name of Williams I ever met in Eussia.
Senator Nelson. Were there many Americans in business over in
Eussia ?
Mr. Dennis. I heard much of other nationalities. I should think
there were a few. The Germans were in business very largely, but
there were very few Americans in Eussia.
Senator Nelson. Did you notice the agricultural implements that
they had on the farms there? Were they American implements or
were they German ?
Mr. Dennis. I do not know, except that the International Har-
vester Company has been in Eussia for a long time, and has a great
plant and has a big business there. Mr. over here can tell you
more about that company's establishment than I can.
Senator Overman. Did they shut up their shop ?
Mr. Dennis. It Mas running when Mr. left. He can tell
you more about what happened than I can, because it was his busi-
ness to run that factory.
Senator Overman. Maj. Humes, have you any more questions?
Maj. Humes. You have spoken about the terrorism toward the
bourgeoisie. Was that terrorism confined to the bourgeoisie, the so-
called upper classes, or was it directed against some groups of the
proletariat as well?
Mr. Dennis. It was at tijnes directed against the proletariat when
they did not follow orders, when they went out to take food at fixed
prices. There have been some very good sized fights between the
peasants and the red guard over that food question, because the
peasant was not to pay taxes; and personally I am quite convinced
that when the peasant got land, the man who actually got the land
was through with the revolution right then and there, and if they
had let him alone he would have been all right. But what can he
buy? What can he do with his money when he does get money?
And they come out and take the food supplies away from him at
fixed prices away below the market price. He is very bitter against
it. I have had a number of them tell me themselves what they thought
about it, and that the old days were better.
Senator Overman. This red fiag, is that on their public buildings,
and on the streets, everywhere?
192 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Dennis. Oh, yes.
Senator OvER:^rAX. Just a pure red flag; nothing on it?
Mr. Dennis. Sometimes it had mottoes on it, but they varied. I
do not know this, I do not laiow that anybody does, but I felt quite
sure that if the Eusisan people, supposing that the peasants are 80
to 85 per cent of the population, were let alone to organize their
form of government, it would be an advanced socialistic govern-
ment, because of the fact that 95 per cent of them have lived all
their lives in this conununistic form of government. But they would
do it by peaceful means. It is the object of the Mensheviki, as of
the Bolsheviki, to establish a socialistic form of goverimient, but
the one wants to do it by the most drastic revolutionary methods,
and the other by evolution. Of course, in industry, the fact that
all industry has gene to pot is due to a number of causes; lack of
ability to get raw materials, first, and secondly, lack of trained brains.
Senator Nelson. And a disinclination of the men to work, too?
Mr. Dennis. Yes. The Russian people very much love to talk,
and this gives them a free opportunity.
Senator Nelson. Then the system will break down from three
causes, lack of raw materials, lack of competent men to run it, and
disinclination of workingmen to take hold and work?
Mr. Dennis. Yes; and lack of ability of the right juan, when they
find him, to give orders to anybody and be sure that they will be
obeyed. I have known a c:isp where the trained men have gone back,
nt the request of the government, and endeavored to do this and
that on the railroads and in the factories, and they would put in a
certnin reform and want to change a certain thing. It did not please
the workman. All right, that settled it. The government has not
the authoritj' to go down there and do it, unless it is with the machine
gun. Every man is a law unto himself, in this dispensation.
Maj. Humes. Under the constitution, all agricultural implements
become the property of the state. What has been done in carrying
that provision into effect?
Mr. Dennis. I du not kn( w, hut I would say nothing had been done.
There is an amazing number of things on pa]oer that ha'^c never leen
canied into effect, l)ocause they have no authority or organization.
Russia is more like a kaleidoscope than anything else. It switches all
the time, and it is a wise man who can plot the thing, and make a
blue print of it.
Maj. Humes. You say that the Russian people like to talk?
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Maj. Humes. Does the soviet government permit, either in the
public press or in public meetings, free expression of sentiments
other than in support of their own activities and government ?
Mr. Dennis. At the present time there is no public press except
the soviet press. There are only Bolshevist newspapers at the present
time.
Maj. Humes. And they will not allow the publication of anything
else but Bolshevik newspapers ?
]\Ir. Dennis. No, sir. There is nothing else.
Senator Nelson. They do not know anything about freedom of
the press, then ?
Mr. Dennis. Oh, no ; oh, no.
Senator Nelson. Or free soeech?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 193
Mr. Dennis. I can not imagine that any discerning-
Senator Nelson. Or anything but Bolshevik speech ?
Mr. Dennis. I can not imagine that any Russian would attempt
to speak in public attacking the Bolsheviki. His shrift would lae
very short.
Senator Nelson. It is strange that when they come over here they
advocate free speech and freedom of the press, and complain against
our Government, and they will not apply that paregoric over there.
Mr. Dennis. They will undoubtedl3' have free speech when all
their people are one class, and all are Bolshevik. [Laughter.]
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. I have heard this story, and I am going to tell
it to you and see if you know of any similar occurrence, and see if
you think it ties in with the general attitude of mind of the Bolshe-
vik masses over there. At an election I understand they vote by
holding up a hand, and on one occasion an election was held and
the Eed Guard was on hand and the people were asked, "All in favor
of such and such a thing, hold up their hands." Of course, most of
them put up their hands. Then the question was put, "All who are
opposed, put up their hands," and three or four very unwise crea-
tures put up their hands in opposition to the Bolshevik side of this
election, whereupon they were hauled out by the Eed Guard and shot.
It was, therefore, a unanimous vote.
Mr. Dennis. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Did you ever hear of any such occurrence as
that?
Mr. Dennis. I have no evidence of that. Oh, that is quite pos-
sible. Why not?
Senator Wolcott. You think it would not be a surprising thing if
that is done under this regime over there ?
Mr. Dennis. Why, no. I know of things which are quite equal to
that — ^actually know of them; but not exactly like that.
Maj. Humes. What instances do you know of, similar to that?
Mr. Dennis. For example, they have in Eussia an extraordinary
commission for the suppression of the counter-revolution, sabotage,
and — what else is it ? — speculation, which can do anything it pleases ;
which has absolute authority. They arrest people, try them, convict
them, execute them, and do not have to say a word to anybody about
that. You take a country overturned like that, and turn loose a lot
of men, some of them honest, some of them dishonest, some of them
able to see things clearly, and others fanatics of the wildest type, and
put them in there with that power, and what will happen? It is
bound to happen. •
Mr. Leonard, who is here, will tell you mterestmg things about that
extraordinary commission and their doings.
Senator Nelson. You are acquainted with Mr. Leonard?
Mr. Dennis. Yes, sir.
Mai. Humes. Mr. Leonard is here to-day.
Mr. Dennis. I just happened to hear his voice over here, so that
I knew that he was here. -^ ,t..
Senator Overman. Is there anything else, Ma]or, with this
witnGSs E
Maj. Humes. I believe not. We are very much obliged to you, sir.
85723—19 13
194 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
TESTIMONY OF ME. ROBERT F. LEONARD.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Senator Otekmax. Where are you from?
Mr. Leonard. St. Paul, Minn.
Senator Overman. How long is it since you returned from Eussia?
Mr. Leonard. I left Petrograd on the 16th of November, and
returned here on the 3d of December.
Senator Overman. You came out with this colony?
jNIr. Leonard. No, sir.
Senator Overman. What were you doing in Eussia?
Mr. Leonard. I went over there with the Y. M. C. A. to work
with the soldiers in the field, and then was with the Eussian soldiers
at the front, and then acted as vice consul.
Senator Overman. You worked on the front with the soldiers,
did you ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir ; for quite a time after the revolution, from
August until November, 1917.
Senator Overman. Did you observe in their army this Bolshevik
propaganda going around among the soldiers?
Mr. Leonard. One could not help noticing it. The soldiers were
selling all their things to the Germans. They were selling machine
guns for 5 rubles. They would sell a 6-inch gun for a bottle of
brandy, and then start for home.
Senator Wolcott. Were they selling any American-made ammuni-
tion to the Germans?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. And American-made guns?
Mr. Leonard. Yes; and you would see a lot of Winchester am-
munition over there — U. M. C.
Senator Wolcott. That is, munitions and guns that we, in America,
had made and sent to Eussia ?
Mr. Leonard. It was practical}}' all, though, munitions that had
been bought before we entered the war. That is, it was bought on
contracts between American manufacturers and the Eussian Govern-
ment, and was not furnished by our Government.
Senator Wolcott. It was their property?
Mr. Leonard. It was their property.
Senator Wolcott. And not the property of the American Govern-
ment?
Mr. Leonard. No.
Senator Overman. Did you have any speakers or preachers there?
Mr. Leonard. We had them at the Kiev front. They sent 400
men through the lines who could speak the Eussian language, and
who were to conduct propaganda. Most of the propaganda came
from behind the lines, though. There were, of course, many who
were fraternizing on the front, but the most deadly propaganda was
that carried on behind the lines.
Senator Nelson. Among the soldiers ?
Mr. Leonard. Among the soldiers ; yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Who were the men who were carrying that on?
Mr. Leonard. Members of the Bolshevik party.
Senator Nelson. Were there any men who had been in this coun-
try?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 195
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelsox. Do you knoAv many of them?
Mr._ Leonard. No, sir ; I did not.
Maj. Humes. Do you know who they are, so that you can hand
the committee the names of any of them ?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir; I would not know that; and when I say
that, it is not of my personal knowledge. I talked with some soldiers
who told me that some of these agents had been in New York for
a year or two.
Senator Nemon. Where were you when the Kerensky government
came into being?
Mr. Leonard. I was out in Siberia at that time.
Senator Nelson. You were in Siberia?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. When did you go into Bussia?
Mr. Leonard. I went into Eussia in August of 1917.
Senator Nelson. That was shortly before the Bolshevik govern-
ment of Trotzky and Lenine came in?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. They came in in November?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Where were you stationed then?
Mr. Leonard. I was down with some of the troops not far from
Kiev.
Senator Nei^son. Near Kiev?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Were Russian troops engaged in fighting the
Germans at that time?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir. They had practically laid down. A very,
very small detachment had remained on the front, but there was no
fighting.
Senator Nelson. The soldiers had quit fighting?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. They had organized themselves to control the ap-
pointment of officers and run the whole thing? Is not that so?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And refused to fight?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And was not that one of the main causes that
led to the fall of the Kerensky government and the advance of the
Lenine-Trotzky government?
Mr. Leonard. The Russians now state that one of the causes of
the fall of the Kerensky government was that advance that they at-
tempted in June.
Senator Nelson. They made a successful advance at first?
Mr. Leonard. For about a day.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Leonard. But that advance was made by a very few. The
onlv forces that charged were made up of volunteer officers who took
rifles and then the Czecho-Slovak troops. The others refused to ad-
vance with them. In many cases they retreated, so that the officers
who advanced, and the Czecho-Slovaks, were very badly cut up.
196 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. Where were you when the acute portion of the
revolution broke out, in November?
Mr. Leonard. I was down near Kiev, 18 hours from Kiev, with
some troops.
Senator Nelson. What general violence or anarchy took place
there that you observed?
Mr. Leonard. None took place right there. These troops were
half-way loyal, and so they remained quiet; but in Kiev there were
two distinct fights, one occurring some time in November, and the
other, I think, was in Februar3^
Senator Nelson. Yes. Kiev is in the Ukraine country — the
capital ?
]Mr. Leonard. The capital of the Ukraine, on the Dneiper River.
Senator Nelson. Who were in possession of Kiev at that time,
the Russian forces?
Mr. Leonard. The Russian forces were in possession ; and then the
first fight was when the Bolsheviki took the power, and the later
fights were between — there were all sorts of fights, the LTkrainian
parties wanting the independence of the Ukraine and the Bolsheviki
opposing, and it was a very complicated situation.
Senator Nelson. Did not the Bolsheviki stir up and help to
organize the so-called Ukrainian Republic?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir : I think the first Ukrainian party was a party
■■iesiring the independence of the Ukraine, and was more of the
"bourgeois class.
Senator Nelson. Oh, yes.
Mr. Leonard. The Ukrainian movement had been fostered for the
last 10 or 15 years in the Austrian part of the Ukraine, in Galicia,
and after the government was crushed, the Bolsheviki sent their
agents in there, and there is a very strong Bolsheviki party in the
Ukraine.
Senator Nelson. And you recollect that at the time the treaty of
Brest-Litovsk was formed that the Ukraine had representatives there,
and by the permission of Trotsky they were permitted to sign that
treaty ?
]\[r. Leonard. Ye3, sir. As I understand it, the Bolsheviki did
not desire their presence there, and wanted to carry out the whole
thing themselves. However, the Ukrainians sent their delegation and
forced — I do not know in what way, but they forced — their recogni-
tion there.
Senator Nelson. Where were you when the treaty of Brest-Litovsli
was entered into?
Mr. Leonard. Also down near Kiev.
Senator Nelson. You were still there?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. How long did you remain at Kiev ?
Mr. Leonard. I beg your pardon. I left Kiev the 1st of December,
and then
Senator Nelson. Were the Russians then in possession of Kiev?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. The Bolsheviki?
Mr. Leonard. The Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. The Bolsheviki had gained possession?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 19 T
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Was there any bloodshed or riot when they took
possession ?
Mr. Leonard. There were two fights in Kiev, both of which I
missed; very heavy fighting. I think the heaviest street fighting
occurred in Kiev ; as heavy as that which occurred in Moscow.
Senator Nelson. Between what parties, between the Reds and the
Whites?
Mr. Leonard. Yes ; between the Reds and the Whites.
Senator Nelson. That is, the Bolsheviki and the anti-Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And the Bolsheviki were finally successful, wera
they?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. And got possession of the town?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Was there very much destruction of life and
property ? Will you tell us what went on there at that time ?
Mr. Leonard. The city was bombarded, and of course there was
great destruction of the buildings and many people were killed. I
do not think that many were killed after the second day. They did
not have anything organized there, and after they got organized
there was no more indiscriminate shooting. They would not shoot a.
man unless they knew who he was.
Senator Nelson. What did the Bolsheviki do after they got con-
trol of the city? Did they loot property — confiscate property — -
commandeer it?
Mr. Leonard. I think the first thing they did was to levy a con-
tribution of 10,000,000 rubles on the city.
Senator Nelson. Oh, that was the first thing?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. What else did they do ?
Mr. Leonard. They put in their agents and took control of the
mdustries ; put their commissars m there.
Senator Nelson. Are you acquainted with any of those commissars?
Mr. Leonard. No ; all I have is what I got in just passing through
Kiev several times. It was never my headquarters.
Senator Nelson. Were there any men who had graduated in
America, over there?
Mr. Leonard. I would not know them in Kiev. I had no official
communication with them.
Senator Wolcott. May I interrupt there, for a question ?
Senator Nelson. Certainly.
Senator Wolcott. I would like to know what is the purely English-
word that is the equivalent of " commissar "?
Mr. Leonard. There is none. It is a term that at first was very
loosely applied to any man bearing a commission from the Soviet
o-overnment. If you are given any job to-day you are called a com-
missar. Now they have tried to limit that word to a few people,,
corresponding with these highest councils. That is, in the govern-
ment they would have their council and commi^ars — a few commis-
oo^c. "Rnf ihat has been without any success. Everybody who has.
198 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. It practically means the same as the English
word " coinnussioner," in a general way ? "We speak of such and
such a man as a commissioner, and they call him a commissar. That
is ifi
Mr. Leonaed. I guess so. They have adopted the terminology of
the French revolution, and in some cases they have followed it cor-
rectly, but in other cases they have not. For instance, any officer in
control of a station we would call a station master; but they would
have two men there, a station master who is a railroad man, a
technical man, and then they would have a commissar, a member of
the committee, a member of the Bolshevik Party, who would be
there to control' him and see that he did not do anything against
the party — to control his actions. And so in any little place they
would have commissars.
Senator Nelson. How big a town is Kiev? How manj^ people has
it, about?
Mv. Leonabd. I do not know exactly. Its population is over a
million, but it has such a large refugee population, varying from
tim;^ to time.
Senator Nelson. Is it a manufacturing town?
Mr. Leonard. A manufacturing town to some extent; yes, sir. It
is a great commercial town. It is the center of the sugar trade.
Senator Nelson. What did the Bolsheviki do, when they got con-
trol of the town, about carrying on the industries or operating; or
what did they do in the way of comnuindeering and taking property
over ?
^Ir. Leonard. I do not know. As I said, I just passed through
Ki^y several times. I was always going through.
Senator Nelson. "Where did you go to from Kiev after that?
Mr. Leonakd. I vi'ent to Moscow, and then in January and Febru-
ary I took a trip through the southern and eastern part of Russia,
trA'ing to find out if there was an army.
Senator Nelson. Did you go clown the "V^alley of the Don?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir. I went down through Kazan.
Senator Nels'ON. Dowm the "\^olga liiver?
]Mr. Leonard. Yes. I crossed the "\"olga and then went to Ufa and
down to Orenberg, and then back.
Senator Nelson. Did you go up the Kama Eiver?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir.
Senator Nelson. Did you go clown near the mouth of the Volga?
Mr. Leonard. At a later time, but not at this time.
Senator Nelson. Down at Astrakhan?
Mr. Leonard. I was stationed at Astrakhan several months later.
Senator Nelson. How are conditions there?
Mr. Leonard. In Astrakhan?
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Leonard. The town has suffered a good deal. There was fight-
ing there in 'February, and so the center part of the town is pretty
well burned down. The Bolsheviki are in control, and there is some
industry there. Of course, the city is the center of the fish trade,
and the trouble is that they can not ship the fish away. The trans-
portation and delivery has practically stopped, so that the town is in
bad straits.
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 199
Senator Nelson. The country you mention, is not that the country
of the Don Cossacks?
Mr. Leonard. That is the country to the west of the lower Volga.
Senator Nelson. To the west?
Mr. Leonard. Yes; and immediately on either side of the river
there is the desert. Some nomad tribes are there with their stock.
Senator Nelson. How big a town is that, again? How many
people has it, about?
Mr. Leonard. I should say about 70,000—100,000.
Senator Nelson. And the Bolsheviki are in possession of that?
Mr. Leonard. They were at that time.
Senator Nelson. At what other jjlaces up north and west of that
were you at?
Mr. Leonard. I was in Samara, Saratov, Tsaritzin.
Senator Nelson. Were those towns in control of the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir. Also I was at Ekaterinodar.
Senator Nelson. Did you go as far north as the railroad junction
at Viatka ?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir.
Senator Nelson. That is between Perm and Vologda?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir; except when I came through from Siberia
and passed through there.
Senator Nelson. Tell us what you saw of the operations of the
Bolshevik influence, and how they carried on things there.
Mr. Leonard. I think the first thing is that the Bolshevik govern-
ment is a government principally on paper. In Petrograd and Mos-
cow, where they have the most able men in the Bolshevik party, they
are able to some extent to make things go, but in the provinces or in
any other state aside from those two it is pure chance. They pay no
attention to the orders from the center.
I was down at Ekaterinodar.
(At this point the subcommittee took a recess until 2.30 o'clock
p. m.)
AFTER RECESS.
(The subcommittee met at 2.30 o'clock p. m., pursuant to the taking
of recess.)
TESTIMONY OF MR. ROBERT F. LEONARD— Resumed.
Senator Overman. Are you the gentleman that one witness stated
had been imprisoned ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. Who imprisoned you? And where were you
imprisoned ?
Mr. Leonard. At Tsaritzin.
Senator Overman. What size town is that?
Mr. Leonard. About 70,000.
Senator Nelson. Which way is it f rona Moscow ?
Mr. Leonard. Southeast on the Volga River.
CiariotrvT- DvTi^RMAN. Go On aud tell why they put you in jail, how
200 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Leonard. I do not know why we were arrested.
Senator Overman. Were there others besides you?
Mr. Leonard. There was another American vice counstil, an inter-
preter. We had received orders to leave the country. The consuls
were leaving from Moscow, and they sent us word to leave. It was
impossible to get to Moscow because the river communication had
been cut, and the Cossacks had control of the river up above, and
so we started south. About 12 hours after we left they sent a boat
for us and brought us back. There was a plot to overthrow the Bol-
shevik government in the town, which was to have taken effect that
night, six hours after we left. They discovered this plot and also
found about 10,000,000 rubles buried in the ground, and I guess
they thought that money had belonged to us. ho they took us back.
We denied any connection with the government or with the neutral
government, or with the local soviet. We were arrested by this ex-
traordinary commission whose purpose was the combating of coun-
ter revolution, speculation, and sabotage. We were kept in that
place about six weeks.
Senator Overman. You were arrested by soldiers?
Mr. Leonard. By a commissar with an armed guard.
Senator Nelson. Who was that commissar? Do you know his
name?
Mr. Leonard. No ; I do not.
Senator Nelson. Was he a Eussian?
Mr. Leonard. A Eussian; yes, sir. There were two. One was a
Eussian and the other was a Jew. About three weeks later this Jew
commissar was himself arrested. He had tried to steal 2,000 rubles
from the government.
We were kept there for six weeks, and it was only because a Bel-
gian who was living in that town saw us through the window that
they got any word in Moscow. He took word up to Moscow that we
were there, and as soon as our consul, Mr. Poole, laiew it, he took
the matter up with Tchitcherin, their foreign minister, who, to our
knowledge, sent down at least two telegrams to this extraordinary
conunission.
Senator Nelson. The Belgian sent them?
Mr. Leonard. The Belgian took the word up to Moscow that we
were in prison, and then Consul General Poole went to see the foreign
minister about our case, and Tchitcherin sent two telegrams, to our
knowledge — he may have sent more — ordering them to release us un-
less they had incriminating evidence against us, in which case order-
ing that we be sent up to Moscow. They kept those telegrams in
Tsaritzin, and it was only when a Danish vice consul came down to
take out the French colony — there was a French colony of 50 people
there, and the French vice consul had been notified, and he came
down to get them out — that he threw a bluff and said that we were
under his protection, and took us up to Moscow. We were in Moscow
about another three weeks.
Senator Nelson. Were you under arrest in Moscow ?
Mr. Leonard. We were in, solitary confinement.
Senator Nelson. At Moscow?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. In what kind of a prison ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 201
Mr. Leonard. The best one I have ever been in.
Senator Wolcott. Also the vi^orst?
■ Mr. Leonard. No ; we were in four different ones over there.
Senator Nelson. You have not told us about the prison where you
were first kept six weeks.
Mr. Leonard. We were in a big building that had been comman-
deered for the use of this extraordinary commission. I think the only
way you can understand this extraordinary commission is to compare
it with the inquisition. It has full powers, and in order to pass the
farce along quickly, it combines the functions of the prosecuting
attorney and judge, and this building was used as their guard room'
and barracks for their guards, and the prison.
Senator Nelson. That is where you were kept ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes; 14 of us in three little rooms were there for
three weeks. Then they took us over to the city jail.
Senator Nelson. What sort of a place was that?
Mr. Leonard. They put us in a cell that the old regime meant for
one person, 6 by 13 feet.
Senator Nelson. How many were in that?
Mr. Leonard. Five. We were there three weeks, until they took us
£0 Moscow.
Senator Overman. Did you have any bed to sleep on?
Mr. Leonard. The floor.
Senator Overman. Was it cold ?
Mr. Leonard. No ; it was in the early autumn they arrested us, the
middle of August.
Senator Nelson. How were you supplied with food ? Did you get
enough food to eat?
Mr. Leonard. In the first prison, we had quite a bit of black bread
and soup, meat, and potatoes once a day. In the other place they gave
us a half a pound of black bread in the morning and a dish of soup
at noon and some hot water.
Senator Nelson. And what in the evening?
Mr. Leonard. Hot water. Then they took us up to Moscow and
kept us there three weeks.
Senator Nelson. What kind of a prison did they keep you in
there?
Mr. Leon'ard. Very good. The rooms were clean and dry,. and they
had a straw mattress for us.
Senator Nelson. You had plenty to eat ?
Mr. Leonard. The Red Cross — the International Red Cross — sent
us in food that had been given out by the American Red Cross.
Other than that, we got very little.
Senator Overman. Were you under guard all the time?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir. While we were in the first prison, they had
guards stationed in the halls. Then when we went down into the city
jail the doors were locked, of course, and we were supposed to be
taken out for a walk every day — a half-hour walk — but the place was
so crowded that we got a walk the first day we were there and the last
day. The rest of the time we were locked in the cell.
Senator Overman. You said you were in solitary confinement?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
202 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Lf.oxard. They gave you a cell in solitary confinement, kept
you alone, and you Mere not supposed to talk with anybody.
Senator Oveebiax. You said that you were with three or four
other prisoners.
Mr. Leoxaed. "\Alien we were first in Tsaritzin we were all to-
gether, biit when we were brought to Moscow we were placed in
solitary confinement.
Senator Xelsox. Each man by himself?
Mr. Leoxard. Yes. sir.
Senator O^T.E:\rAx. How did you finally get out?
Mr. Leoxard. The Norwegian legation was exerting pressure all
the time. But. for one thing, the Bolshevik government wanted us
to get out. There was a fight all these months between the Bolshe-
vik government and the extraordinary commission. The extraordi-
nary commission had been created by the central Bolshevik govern-
ment, and it had tried to assume all the power to itself, and
declared that it was mider no control ; that it was not responsible
to anybodv. They fought for about six weeks or two months as to
that question, as to whether it was to be independent or not. The
ministry of the interior maintained that the extraordinary commis-
sion was responsible to it, and that if the commission refused to do
what it was directed to do it would be made a separate commissariat
and have its own people's commissar. This extraordinary commis-
sion refused that.
The local s(i\"iets were opposed to this extraordinary commission
because it had its headquarters in Moscow, and tlien its branches in
every city, and commissioners would come to a city where they did
not know tlie situation, did not know the people, did not know the
Bolsheviki, and would start to make investigations, arresting whom-
soever they pleased. The Soviets claimed that this extraordinary
commission should be placed under the control of the Soviets; and
they also put forth this demand, that before executing a man, the
extraordinary commission should report to tlie soAiet, and the soviet
could then look into the matter, and, upon application, could demand
a stay of execution for 24 hours for further consideration, and if at
the end of 24 hours the extraordinary commission Avanted to shoot
him, they could do so. But the commission refused to entertain that
idea, and as I said, when we were in prison at Tsaritzin the Bolshevik
minister for foreign affairs, Tchitcherin, telegraphed down demand-
ing our release, and they ignored it.
At the same time in this jail there was a Bolshevik commission
that had been sent clown to see about bringing ovTt oil from the Cau-
casus, as thei'e was an oil famine in Russia. At the head of it there
V, as a man who had charge of the distribution of oil in Eussia.
The oil industry had been nationalized, and he was in charge, and
his associate was a man detailed from the commissariat of ways and
communications as an expert adviser. In Tsaritzin these members
of this oil commission were all arrested. There was some bad feeling
between the big Bolsheviki in town and the head of this oil commis-
sion, Makrovsky, I guess, and they arrested them. About two days
after they arrested them they shot Alexieff, who was the railroad
adviser, and his two sons, and about three days after that they re-
ceived a telegram from Lenine — signed " Trotsky by Lenine " — de-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 203
manding that Makrovsky and Alexieff be sent to Moscow imme-
diately; that he kneAv them and would answer for them, and de-
manded that they be released. They had already shot Alexieff, and
they kept Makrovsky there for at least another three or four weeks,
just ignoring this order from Lenine. So there was this fight be-
tween the government and this extraordinary commission. Finally
the government won out, and when the government won out we were
released.
Senator Nelson. At Moscow.
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Then where did you go from there?
Mr. Leonard. Then we went up to Petrograd and remained there
for approximately two weeks, as the border was closed at that time,
and we left Petrograd on the 16th of November.
Senator Nelson. What occurred while you were at Petrograd?
What did you see of the Bolshevik government and their operations?
Mr. Leonard. They had their big celebration, tlieir anniversary of
their coming into power. A very interesting thing happened. In
the first days of November the Bolsheviki became very nervous and
panic-stricken. The situation on the west front before the armistice
was signed was such that they knew that the allies were winning, and
they were afraid that Germany would be used by the allies, that the
allies would join with Germany and march into Eussia and over-
throw the entir^ Bolshevik movement, and there were rumors in
Petrograd that the Germans were marching on Petrograd, and were
alread}!' coming. Tliey were just panic-stricken, and tlie head of
the extraordinary commission in Petrograd asked protection of
the head of the International Eed Cross. That was a very small or-
ganization, a new organization which had been established when, the
American, British, and French Red Cross If ft. They had formed
this International Eed Cross composed of the Scandanavitui, Dutch,
and Swiss, and gave the supplies over to them for the relief of for-
eign citizens in Russia, and they came and asked permission to carry
on their work; and this man was panic-stricken and excited and he
said that he would give this permission if they would in return give
him safe conduct. So he was under the protection of this Interna-
tional Eed Cross, which indicates how panic-stricken they were.
Yet the same people a few days before had refused to obey the orders
of Lenine.
Then when the revolution broke out iii Germany, they were con-
fident that the Bolshevik revolution had come in Germany, and
they were going out to lick the world. So they came from this
one day when they were absolutely panic-stricken, to two days after-
wards when they were very cocky, and then they learned tliat it was
not a Bolshevilf revolution and they set about to make it a Bolshe-
vik revolution and telegraphed to Liebknecht that they were sending
a trainload of flour to the Bolsheviki in Berlin, and the Bolshevik
leaders had daily long-distance communication with the Bolsheviki
in Berlin ; and then they sent a commission of the ablest agents, the
best speakers and best propagandists, into Germany with Bolshevik
money.
Maj. Htjmes. Mr. Leonard, will you tell the committee what you
saw during the time that you were confined in these jails witli refer-
204 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
ence to the operations of the extraordinary commission, as to the way
they wtre handling prisoners — that is, disposing of them.
Mr. Leonard. The}' went on the theory that any man against whom
. there was any accusation was guilty until he was proved innocent and
they would receive anonymous letters charging, or some one would
send warning, that a certain man was engaged in counter-revolution-
ary activity, and upon that they would arrest him and hold liim for
months, maybe, before his case would be brought up ; and if they had
nothing against him they would dismiss him without any explana-
tion. He was guilty until proved innocent. They were very prim-
itive in their methods. I know the first room we were in when
arrested we shared with an Italian, who was guilty, all right, but
they tried to press the inquiry, and they would take him out about
midnight or at three o'clock in the morning and take him and beat
him up with their revolvers. He would tell us about it afterwards
and show the scars. They were shooting men against whom they had
some proof, some of whom undoubtedly were guilty and others were
not. They would come in there and say that they were going to call
the roll, and that these men were going to be sent off to prison — that
they had been tried and were to be sentenced to two, three, or four
years in prison — and the next morning the head of the guard, who
was quite a friend of ours, would tell us where the bullet went in.
Instead of taking them to prison they would line them up against
the ditch.
They brought in one workman vrho was supposed to belong to the
social revolutionary party, one of the original socialist parties of
Russia, and told him to sit down and write all he knew, for he was
to be shot that night. They waited until the next day.
Senator Nelson. Did they shoot him ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Did he have a trial ?
Mr. Leonard. None that we knew of.
Senator Nelson. Was there any trial at which he was present?
Mr. Leonard. None that I know of. He may have had something
in the last hour or so.
Senator Nelson. They tried men without their being present?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
This Makrovsky, this big, very prominent Bolshevik, told me this,
and he and I shared a cell for a time. He was fighting with the head
of this extraordinary commission.
Senator Nelson. What is his name?
Mr. Leonard. Makrovsky.
Senator Nelson. What was his other name?
Mr. Leonard. That was his original name.
Senator Nelson. Did he not have an}' other name ?
Mr. Leonard. None that I knew about.
Senator Nelson. Go ahead.
Mr. Leonard. Some people were asked if they knew this man Mak-
rovskv. A whole line of people were asked, " Do you know this
mnn ? '" They all said, " No." He turned around in a curious way
and said, " I know none of these people." And then he asked me,
" Suppose one of them had said that he knew me, and the others had
all denied it? " I said, " What would have happened if one had said
he laiew you? " " I would have been shot."
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 2,Q)'5
Senator Steeling. What was the charge against this man with
whom you shared this cell ?
Mr. Leonard. He was accused of participating in this counter-
revolutionary plot. He made this statement. He said that the heads
of this commission were degenerates ; that they were not typical Rus-
sians. I remember that he said the head of this commission was
nothing but a degenerate, and that if he ever got to Moscow and he
sa^^" him tliere he would shoot him on the spot, and nobody would say
anything to him about it. This man also said that the people in the
center did not know what was going on in the provinces; that they
had no idea what this commission and people were doing in the
various cities and provinces. He said, "Why, if Lenine knew this
he would shoot them all."
Senator STEELl^G. What did he mean by that; namely, that in the
various provinces and cities they were not revolutionists'^
Mr. Leonard. He meant this, that these people who belonged to the
Bolshevik part}', who held the Bolshevik offices, and who were doing
exactly as they pleased, were not obeying the orders or the instruc-
tions or the spirit of the central government.
Senator Steeling. The central government as represented by Len-
ine and Trotzky ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes ; by Lenine and Trotzky. This man Makrovsky
had a revolver when he came down there and had a permit signed by
the head of the all-Russian extraordinary commission for combat, etc.
The local committee took this revolver away from him. He said,
" I have a permit here signed by Peters, the head of this commission,"
and they said, " Do you mean to say that we have no power here?"
yi&j. Hl^ies. Did j'ou ever know Peters? Did you ever come into
contact with him?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir.
Maj. Hujies. Do you know whether it is a fact that he formerly
was in London ?
Mr. Leonard. I never heard that he Avas in London. I know his
wife still is in London. He speaks English very well.
Maj. Humes. Is he a Russian?
Mr. Leonard. A Lett. Most of the extraordinary commission in
Petrograd are Letts. I could speak better Russian than most of tlie
extraordinary commission in Petrograd, and that is poor enough.
They could not write. They got a list of prisoners there, and when
they came in to take them out, they could not read the names, and one
of the prisoners would have to stand beside them and read the names.
Senator Overman. They did not give you any trial ?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir.
Maj. Humes. How many constitute that extraordinary commis-
,sion?
Mr. Leonard. I do not know. The all-Russian commission in
INIoscow is a ^ er\' elastic structure, and this man Al Peters is the
actual head. There was another man who was supposed to be the
head, but Al Peters does all the chair work. It is an extraordinary
commission for the government of the state. There are no require-
ments— no specifications.
Maj. Humes. Now, Mr. Leonard, during your travels through
Russia did you come in contact with actual examples of terrorism
and brutality?
2W. BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Leonard. I had been in Astrakhan. I had been sick. Just
before I was arrested I came up to Tsaritzin, hoping to get better.
During the first days after we were arrested occurred the attempt on
the life of Lenine, and just before that two or three of the prominent
Bolsheviki had been shot and attempts had been made to kill others,
so the Bolsheviki were getting nervous. There was also a plot in
Astiakhan to overthrow the government. They had some fighting
there, and it was while we were in jail that they received a message
from Astrakhan and published it in the official bulletin, that the mili-
tary commissar there, a man whom I had known and had dealings
with, telephoned up and said they had shot 300 officers as retaliation
for the counter-revolution plot, and as a retaliation for the attempt
on the life of Lenine.
Maj. Humes. Those were officers of the former Kussian Army^
jMr. Leonard. Yes. That is almost a caste, now. The Bolsheviki
just say •■ an officer " and that classifies him as belonging to that caste.
Then in July, down in Tsaritzin, they were taking out men who
were distinctly of the proletariat but who belonged to this other
party, the social revolutionary party, as we could see from our cell.
We did not know how many they were shooting, but the ditch there
in which tliey were buried grew every night. They were shooting all
the time.
Maj. Humes. Do you know anything about looting; did you come
in contact with any of that?
Mr. Leonard. You can not stop it. When they come in to take a
town they just take things.
Maj. Humes. What did they do with reference to looting houses
and going through houses after they had taken a town ?
Mr. Leonard. They do not loot. They say they own all the prop-
ertj of the nation, that it is all public propertj-, and they just take
what they want.
Maj. Humes. All the personal property is the common property
of each individual in the nation?
Mr. Leonard. Yes; and then they go in and help themselves. I
got acquainted with a Jew who had been in New York who was a
commissar down there; I do not know just what kind. His first act
on taking office was to distribute all the silk stockings they found
there to all the peasant women and working women — to all those who
belonged to labor unions or whose husbands did. The Jew was very
scared at this time because the Cossacks were coming, and he was
going to use his American library card as an American passport to
get out.
Senator Nelson. What was his name?
Mr. Leonard. I can not remember.
Senator Overman. Did you see many of these New York and Chi-
cago Bolshevik sympathizers?
Mr. Leonard. I was in the provinces all the time. People who
came over had an opportunity to get the good jobs, and they were
in the center.
Senator O^^erman. They were in with the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Overman. Did you talk to anv of them ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 207
Mr. Leonard. I talked with just this man. That is the only case
I knew.
Senator Nelson. Where had he lived in this country ?
Mr. Leonard. In New York.
Senator Nelson. On the East Side?
Mr. Leonard. Xes, sir.
Senator Overman. His idea in going over there, Mr. Leonard,
Avas that he ijiought it was going to be a good time, I guess.
Mr. Leonard. Thought it was going to be a good time. He
boasted that he had never done a day's work in his life.
Senator Nelson. A Hebrew?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And had never done a day's work in his life?
Mr. Leonard. And did not intend to.
Senator Overman. And he wanted to come over to this country
and do the same thing.
Mr. Leonard. No ; he was worried about his life, and he was going
to come over here where he would be safe.
Senator Overman. Did you know Lenine? Did you ever see him?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir.
Senator Overman. Or Trotzky?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir. It might be interesting to quote this man
Makrovsky, a man who ought to know, as he was in the people's
council in Russia.
Senator Nelson. Who?
]S[r. Leonard. This man with whom I was in jail, this oil commis-
sion man. He said that everybody trusted Lenine — that is, of the
Bolshevik party — that everybody trusted and respected and admired
Lenine. They admired Trotzky. He is their best orator, the most
brilliant orator in Russia to-day, but they have not the same faith in
him that they have in Lenine. Lenine, they think, is absolutely
honest — he is an idealist, a fanatic, but he is honest — whereas Trotzky
is capable and brilliant, but they think he has personal ambitions, and
very many of them think that he is getting an army — you see he is the
minister of the army and minister of the navy — and that he is try-
ing to make this army loyal to him as an individual rather than to
the government, and that he is seeking an opportunity to rise. I
just hand that out as the opinion of a very intelligent, educated, and
an ideal Bolshevik.
Senator Overman. He is a man of property and yet a Bolshevik?
Mr. Leonard. He has no property. He is a man of education.
He had been a revolutionist all his life, and had been wounded in the
revolution of 1905; was a student, I think, in Italy and a student
elsewhere, but a man of no property.
Senator Nelson. Trotzky lived in this country for a while, did he
not?
Mr. Leonard. Trotzky has been here.
Senator Nelson. You refer to Lenine?
Mr. Leonard. I was referring to this man who gave me these data.
Senator Overman. Did Makrovsky tell you what they propose to
(Jo — what the plans are of these Bolsheyiki ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes ; he told about their ideals, and all of that. As
near as I could compare them, it was to bring into operation the
208 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGAJNUA.
Golden Enle ; they had fine ideals. But it was very interesting to see
that he changed absolutely there in prison. It was not for fear of
personal danger, though there was that — he was not afraid of his
life — but he had sacrificed everything for the revolution, that had
been his religion, and now the revolution had come and as long as he
was in Moscow he was fairly well satisfied, because something was
happening there, but the minute he got off in the provinces and saw
what was taking place, it was a pathetic sight to see him. His faith
was broken, and although he came to prison a Bolshevik, when he
left he was a Menshe^'ik, absolutely. He said, " The time is not ripe.
We can not put the thing through. It must come by evolution and
not by revolution.''
Maj. Humes. Can you think of any occurrences that you have not
related along the line of the activities of the Bolshevik government?
If so, just proceed and relate them.
Mr. Leoxard. I will trj- to emphasize this, that Bolshevism is a
rule of a minority. The Bolsheviki gained their power in N^ovember.
They promised peace and bread, and to the peasants land; peace,
bread, and land — peace, bread, and freedom. By freedom they
meant giving the workman a chance to nationalize industry, to social-
ize industry, to take complete control, and with those three slogans
they captured the Russian Army, and everybodv was a good Bolshe-
vik as long as it meant getting his land or getting his factory.
Then when the government tried to take his wheat from the peasant
at a fixed price — a much lower price than he could get in the open
market — and when the price of manufactured articles was rising
every day, the peasant said it was unjust and that this was the gov-
ernment of the factory men. They said, " The first thing they do is
to form their committees and lessen their hours of labor, and then
they raise their wages and make them retroactive, so that they get
this increase of wages for a year or more back, and the result of it is
that the prices of goods must rise, and at the same time they are
lowering the price of wheat; so we are getting it both ways." That
caused the great split between the peasants — the farmers — and the
workmen.
Then there was a plan in Petrograd and in Moscow to arm these
men and send them down into the provinces to take the wheat by
force, which, of course, did not appeal to the peasants.
The peasant is conservative, more conservative than the industrial
worker in Russia, and in a local soviet of peasants sometimes they
would not elect a Bolshevik soviet, but would elect a social revolu-
tionary soviet, belonging to the social revolutionary party. Then the
Bolsheviki would send down and by force of arms would expel that
soviet and either restore the Bolshevik soviet or create a new Bolshe-
vik soviet.
But still the conditions did not satisfy them, and so this last fall
Lenine put in the program of these committees of the poor. These
are committees made up of the riffraff of the peasants, those people
who have not any land or have not any property, people that drank
up all the money they ever made, people without any ambition. He
put them in control of the Soviets, or to control the action of the
Soviets ; and so they have a combined function, they are executive and
administrative ; and, of course, that does not appeal to the peasant.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA- 209
The peasant wants to elect his committee and have liis soviet have the
power. Then here come these people, the riffraff, and try to take
what they want. I know in some villages they could not elect any
committees of the poor because they did not haxe any poor peasants.
Then they would import them from some place.
Senator OvEinrAx. Did the officers take any part in this Bolshevik
novement ?
Mr. Leonard. Not what you would call reoular officers. Some of
the students who had always been I'evolutiouary, and who since the
war liad come through quick training camps, came back in the low
>-rades as commissioned officers, and also some who had risen from
:he ranks, and some men Avho saw a chance to make a career for them-
selves, took part in it.
Senator Oveuman. Where was the German army while all this was
3'oing on?
Mr. Leonaed. The Germans were transferring their ai'my from' the
eastern front to the western front. During all this time there was
hardly any fighting. After that advance of June, 1918, came a re-
treat, and then fighting practically stopped. There was desultory
fighting.
Senator Nelson. And the German troops were sent to the western
front.
Senator Oveejian. Did they fraternize with the Germans at all,
while 3'ou were there ?
Mr. Leonaed. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. The Germans were encouraging the Bolshevik
movement?
Mr. Leonard. Very much so.
Senator Nelson. Did you see any of these Bolshevik troops?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. I mean the troops of the army.
Mr. Leonard. Of the Bolshevik army?
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Did they have German officers among them?
Mr. Leonard. None that I ever saw, except in this, that they had
what they called international battalions of the red army, made up
for the most part of prisoners of war. But there were very few
officers among them. There were noncommissioned officers, but very
few commissioned officers.
Maj. Humes. You mean German nonconmiissioned officers?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir. They had this international battalion com-
posed of Germans, Austrians, Hungarians, and Chinese.
Senator Nelson. Did they have any sailors there — Russian sailors?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Were they in the Bolshevik army ?
Mr. Leonard. They were at first. But they are not idealists, by
iny means. They are not fighting for any ideals. The sailors are
the roughnecks of Russia. They terrorize. For instance, 30 sailors
3ame to Suma and held up the town, held it for two days, and arrested
ill the government officials. They went into the port towns of
Novorssiisk and other towns, and they tokl me that when they came
to Odessa none of the sailors had less than 40,000 rubles. They had
210 BOLSHEVIK. i-KUi-AUAJNUA.
looted the banks. A crowd of 20 to 40 would come into a town and
take the hotel and insist they were going to live there. In one town
one of the government officials tried to get me a room in the hotel
and he could not do it. They did not dare throw the sailors out.
Senator Nelson. These were Black Sea sailors?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir. They were all the same, Baltic or Black
Sea.
Senator Nelson. Are the Baltic sailors bad ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir: they are more of the regular sailor type.
Most of the regular army of Russia was killed, but the navy, of
course, did not suffer, so they have the old men, still, men who are
not afraid, and who have been harshly treated and are out for re-
venge and a wild time.
Senator Nelson. What was your experience in getting out from
Petrograd ?
Mr. Leonard. Why, there was no experience, except that when
the way was open they gave us permission and we went to a Finnish
port.
Senator Nelson. Did you have to buy your way across?
Mr. Leonard. We had to buy our baggage through the customs
and have it carted down, and we went out with a Norwegian courier.
Between us we had a good deal of baggage, enough to fill a little
handcart, and they carried our baggage through the customs, about
four minutes' walk, and charged us a thousand rubles, which went
to the government employees there.
Senator Sterling. Mr. Leonard, I would like to ask a little more
particularly about soviet government in Eussia. Can you say about
how many of the soviet governments there are in Russia ?
Mr. Leonard. I left there in the middle of November, and there
have been so many changes, I can not say.
Senator Sterling. The soviet government is an old institution in
Russia, is it not ? Even before the revolution, and for a long time,
they had soviet governments, had they not?
Mr. Leonard. Not to my knowledge. They attempted in the revo-
lution of 1905 to establish, the Soviets of soldiers, sailors, and work-
men. When the revolution was overthrown in 1905 of course those
Soviets were abolished — destroyed — but since then it has been an idea
of their own that if they e\'ei' had the power they would establish
this government of the councils.
Senator Sterling. Coincident with the revolution itself and the
overthrow of the Czar, a number of these soviet governments were
established there?
Mr. Leonard. These Soviets, these councils, were established, but
took no part in the government aside from criticizing. At that time
there was a dual government under Kerensky — or rather, the first pro-
visional government — and thit was really the Petrograd soviet. The
Petrograd soviet wanted to have things done its own way but re-
fused to take the power itself.
Senator Sterling. T^Tiat is the territorial jurisdiction of these
soviet councils or governments? Do they have one for the city?
Mr. Leonard. On the top they have this all-Russian soviet which
meets in Moscow. Then there will be a district of several states
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 211
which has a district soviet, and then each state will have a state
soviet, and each city will have a soviet.
Senator Sterling. What do you call a state now, in Russia ?
Mr. Leonard. One of the old provinces we would call a state. It
is a geographical division. They will have a soviet for a state, and
then a city will have its soviet, and then a ward will have its soviet ;
but they are all tied up together.
Senator Sterling. They have the federal supreme soviet, then the
district Soviets, then the state Soviets, and then the city and village
=oviets ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, and then the agriculturalists will have the
county Soviets.
Senator Steeling. On the establishment of those Soviets were they
in the hands of the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir.
Senator Steeling. Did the Bolsheviki succeed in capturing them
later?
Mr. Leonard. The Bolsheviki captured them by propaganda, and
the Soviets as first established were more radical than the first pro-
visional government ; but at that time they were not Bolshevik, and
it was only about in July that the Bolshevik movement got to be seri-
ous in Petrograd. Then they were electing their members into these
Soviets, so gradually by absorption most of the Soviets became Bol-
shevik, and it was only when they found that they had the Soviets in
this mariner that they attempted to overthrow the government. The
Soviets were not captured by force; it was by absorption.
Senator Sterling. Are there any considerable number of soviet
governments or councils not in the hands of the Bolsheviki at the
present time?
Mr. Leonard. At the present time I would say none whatsoever
in bolshevik Eussia, because such do not exist.
Senator Steeling. What do you understand by bolshevik Russia?
I want to know what part of Russia, if any, is not under the domi-
nation of the Bolshevik movement?
Mr. Leonard. The Ukraine, part of it, is not under Bolshevik gov-
ernment. But I see by the papers that the Bolshevists are advancing
into the Ukraine.
Senator Steeling. How about that territory captured by the
Czecho-Slovaks and the Little Russian armies in Vologda for 200
miles along the Volga River? Is that under Bolshevik rule?
Mr. Leonard. I think it is, now. It has been recaptured. They
drove the Czecho-Slovaks out of Samara in September, I should
3a^^ but for a time the Czecho-Slovaks had control of the Volga River.
"Senator Wolcott. Would it be a fair statement tO' say that the
Bolsheviki rule over the greater part of European Russia now ?
Mr. LroNAPD. ^>Y;>'"!"oul" a map it would be hard to sa'''. hr.t I should
iaj it would be a little more than a half. Finland is out, part of
Poland, and part of Ukraine. The Caucasus is in, and then the
Don Cossacks; so that it leaves Big Russia, what they call Big Russia,
in their hands. So I should sav it would be pretty evenly distributed ;
perhaps a little more than half.
Senator Steeling. How about the government in northern Russia,
iround Archangel?
212 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Mr. Leonard. Of course, that is not Bolshevik.
Senator ISteiujng. But thev liave there the soviet councils, do they
not?
iSIr. Leonard. I reallj^ do not know — I have never been there — but I
do not think so. I tliink they hav,e some other form of government.
Senator Xelson. That northern part of Eussia, north of the Si-
berian Eailroad, around tlie ATliite Sea and Archangel, and up in
that country, is very thinly settled?
Mr. Leonard. A'ery sparsely settled.
Senator Nelson. It is a country of vast swamps and heavy timber?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.'
Senator Xelson. And there are few people there, comparatively?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Xelson. The settlement in Russia is south of what j'ou
call the Siberian Railroad t
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Xel.son. Xorth of that it is practically what wo would
call largel}' a nonsettled country, is not that the fact?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Sterling. Were you in the northern part at all?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir ; I was not. I gained this information from
a British major who was in jail in Moscow with us.
Senator Xelson. Have not some European capitalists built a road
up to the Kola Peninsula, on the Murman coast?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Xelson. It is 600 or 700 miles long?
Mr. Leonard. About that distance.
Senator Nelson. Then there is an older road from Vologda up
to Archangel?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Xelson. And a road connected with Viatka, east of that,
a station west of Perm?
Mr. Leonard. I passed through there in July.
Senator Xelson. How did you go out?
Mr. Leonard. I went by the railroad through Ii'kutsk.
Senator Sterling. How far east from the European Russian
boundary is Irkutsk?
Mr. Leonard. It is just about half way across Siberia.
Senator Sterling. Where, from Lake Baikal?
Mr. Leonard. About 40 miles west of Lake Baikal.
Senator Sterling. How about that region in there, is that under
Bolshevik rule, along the trans-Siberian road?
Mr. Leonard. I can not say now, because it is changing so often.
Mr. Storey came from there after I did.
Senator X'elson. I think the country from Vladivostok up as far
west as Omsk in western Siberia, and perhaps across as far as Perm,
is practically under the control of the anti-Bolsheviki, under the con-
trol of the Czecho-Slavs, the Japanese, the French, and the Enghsh.
Mr. Leonard. I think that for a time the eastern part, near Vladi-
vostok, and then the Urals, Avere in the possession of the anti-Bol-
sheviki, whereas around Irkutsk they were Bolsheviki.
Senator Xelson. But they have been cleaned out of there. Irkutsk
is near Lake Baikal and is the capital of eastern Siberia ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 213
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Sterling. What has become of the Czecho-Slovak Army
that was fighting there and holding for a time the Trans-Siberian
Eailroad ?
Mr. Leoxard. They have had to retreat because tliey had no sup-
port at all. It was meant to serve as a nucleus I'or a Siberian' g-ov-
ernment, but instead of having one government they had over a hun-
dred there. The army of the Czecho-Slovaks were underfed and un-
derclothed and had tremendous losses, out of 440,000 troops their
casualties Avere 40 per cent, and when no support came they had to
withdraw to save themselves.
Senator Sterling. Did you meet Col. Lebedeff?
Mr. Leonard. No ; I did not meet him.
Senator Sterling. You have heard of him '''. He was very much
interested in the Czecho-Slovak Army and helped in the raising of
a loyal Russian Army.
Mr. Leonard. I do not know whether — he M'as across the line, evi-
dentlj'. We got very little news thei-e. We got new^s from across the
line only once in a while.
Senator Xelson. Part of the Ukraine is now held by the Bolshe-
viki, is it?
Mr. Lkonard. If you can believe the newspapers, they have taken
almost as far as Kiev.
Senator Nelson. That is in the western part of the Ukraine ?
Mr. Leonard. It is in the northeastern part. The Ulcraine runs
like that [indicating], and it is in the northeastern part.
Senator Nelson. They claim clear from the boundary?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir; but the line runs like that [indicating].
Senator Nelson. How^ is it with the Cossacks on the steppes back of
the lower Volga? Do not the Don Cossacks hold that?
Mr. Leonard. Yes. sir.
Senator Nelson. Then that is not under control of the Bolsheviki,
is it ?
Mr. Leonard. When I left it was not.
Senator Nelson. That country up aroimd the Dvina River, is that
in control of the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Leonard. No; that was in control of the anti-Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. So that the center of the Bolshevik power there
is in what they call (rreater Russia, and a part of Little Russia, and
a part of LTkraine. That is about it?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir. Its big center is in Moscow. It is an
industrial movement. It is a movement of the armed minority of the
industrial classes — the factory worlmien.
Senator Nelson. Ho that, roughly speaking, they have got about
half of Russia proper under their control?
Mr. Leonard. It would show approximately a half, I would guess.
I -would make no definite statement without a map.
Senator Nelson. And they have practically lost control of Siberia?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir. A question has been raised here about
food. I would say that there is sufficient food in Russia, provided
there could be distribution. In the northern Caucasus there are
tremendous supplies of wheat. They have not touched the crops for
two or three vears' back. They have the crops stored there.
214 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Xelsox. They have poor transportation facilities?
Mr. Leonard. Very poor. During the summer they can transport
by the river. One railroad was absolutely cut off and the other
railroad was cut off a good part of the time ; and it is only a single-
track road, anyway.
Senator Xelson. Is that railroad from Baku cut off ?
Mr. Leonard. When I was there it was cut off by the hill tribes.
Senator Xelson. That is in the oil fields on the southwest side of
the Citspian Sea?
jMr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Xelson. I believe vou said that the Bolsheviki had control
of Astrakhan?
Mr. Leonard. They had when I was there. I see by the papers
that the British are supposed to have entered Astrakhan.
Senator Xelson. Ancl a British fleet is outside of Odessa, in the
Black Sea ?
Mr. Leonard. So the papers say.
Senator Xelson. That is the principal town in southern Russia, is
it not?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Xelson. It is their greatest wheat market?
JNIr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Xelson. Eight face to face with what they call the Black
Belt in Russia?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Xelson. And the country immediately around Odessa is
not under the control of the Bolsheviki?
]Mr. Leonard. Xo, sir.
Senator Xelson. How is it down in the Crimea ?
Mr. Leonard. When I was in Russia nobody kiiew what was hap-
pening down there. They had different governments down there.
Senator Xelson. The Bolsheviki did not have control of tliem?
Mr. Leonard. That was a part of Ukraine, so the Bolsheviki were
not in control there at that time.
Senator Xelson. The country around the north side of the ."^ea of
Azov, that is, where the Don enters into it
My. Leonard. That is in the hands of the Don Cossacks.
Senator Xelsox. And the Bolsheviki have no control there?
Mr. Leonard. Xo: they were driven back by the Don Cossacks and
by the Germans.
Senator Xelson. The Don Cossacks — that is, the older element-
are not with the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Leonard. Their loyalty is wavering because they have not
any money or supplies.
Senator Xelson. But if thej^ had monej' or supplies, they would
be all right?
Jlr. Leonard. T'nless they are all tired. There is that feeling, and
there was that split between the Don Cossacks and the younger Cos-
sacki, who had been to the front and came back strongly tainted with
Bolshevism. For a time they were widely split, and then they came
together. The younger Cossacks wanted their own land.
Senator X^'elson. Do you not have an idea, Mr. Leonard, that the
outcome will be this, that the Russian peasants and the Cossacks and
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 215
the remnants of the old Eussian Army will by-and-by unite and be
able to stamp out the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Leonard. Provided they can unite. That has yet to be
proved. That has been the trouble over there. That has been the
reason the Bolshevik party has been able to hold its position, he-
cause not of strength of its own but because of the weakness of its
opponents.
Senator Nelsox. Do you remember the name of that Eussian ad-
miral who has assumed control of the Siberian Eailroad?
Mr. Leonard. Admiral Kolchak.
Senator Nelson. He is anti-Bolshevik?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir; very much so.
Senator Nelson. And he seems to have done pretty well lately in
the neighborhood of Omsk?
Mr. Leonard. You get more information about that than I do, be-
cause when I was in Eussia we got absolutely nothing over there, as
to anybody.
Senator Nelson. But you have kept track of the papers since you
have come here?
Mr. Leonard. I gather from the newspapers that he has been a
reactionary.
Senator Nelson. Naturally, the tendency of the Cossacks would
be toward the conservative side, as toward the Eussian side — anti-
Bolshevik — would it not ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes. The feeling of the Cossacks was that they
would defend their own territory, but they were opposed to invading
Bolshevik Evissia in order to overthrow the Bolshevik government.
Senator Nelson. But they would never submit to the Bolshevik
government ?
Mr. Leonard. Some of them have done so.
Senator Nelson. They would not allow their lands to be taken
away from them?
Mr. Leonard. Some of them have done so. The trouble in the
whole situation was that they would not unite. They would fight
among themselves until the Bolshevik party came in, and then when
they were powerless and their arms had been taken away they would
begin to think about getting together; and eventually they did, but
at tremendous cost.
Senator Nelson. Do you not apprehend that ultimately there will
be dissension among the Bolshevik leaders, and they will break up
into sections?
Mr. Leonard. They probably will.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Leonard. That is very probable, except for this, that they
are pretty keen men, and they know that their only safety lies in
sticking by each other; that the minute the}' start fighting among
themselves, the whole thing falls.
Senator Nelson. Are there many of those Bolshevik leaders that
have lived here in this country?
Mr. Leonard. I do not know. In the provinces where I was most
of the time there were very few. My friends who have been in Petro-
grad and Moscow say that there are a great number of them there.
216 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The foreign minister of the Petrograd government is n man who has
been in America.
Senator Xelson. AAliat is his name?
jNIr. Leonard. Zorin.
Senator Xelson. What is his real name '.
Mr. Lec)Nakd. I do not know.
Senator Xelson. Is lie a (xerman or a Hebrew?
Mr. Leonakd. Xo; he is a Kussian, so far as I could say.
Senator Xelson. He is a real Russian!'
Mr. Leonard. He is neither a German nor a Hebrew.
Senator SaisRLiNG. What is the thought, among those opposed to
the federal movement, in regard to allied intervention, and the use
of a sufficient military force ''.
Mr. Leonard. At first they said " All we need is a nucleus." They
said, " Wliy, with a regiment of American, or British, or French
soldiers we could take Moscow. AVhy not send us just a nucleus?''
Thej could take the town, but they could not hold it, of course.
They now no longer asked for such help, but the people I knew
wanted the allies to come in and save them. For instance, the Finns
"were asking for help. But the people I met throughout Eussia, as
recently stated, had been through the four years of war and suffer-
ing, and were apathetic, and they were expecting the allies to come
in and save them.
Senator Sterling. With a small allied force they could at one time
have taken ]\Ioscow and prevented the establishment of the Bolshevik
government there?
Mr. Leonard. I do not know about that. With all these counter-
revolutionary plots that I saw it was easy at any time to take a city.
But what is the use of it ? You can not hold it. There is one com-
munity there, and all around you are the enemyl You have no way
of getting ammunition, and that is the whole trouble. But as to put-
ting a nucleus of a military force there, it has been tried in three
places and has not been a success anywhere. They gave them 40,000
to 60,000 C'zecho-Slovaks, troops than whom there are no better fight-
ers in the world, and the army did not materialize. The Czecho-
slovaks for several months fought against overw'helming numbers
and finally, because of luck of support, had to Avithdraw.
They tried the same thing down in Baku. They asked the aid of
the British to come over fi-oni Ensili, which is about 18 hours by boat,
and they asked them to send up a small group of British, with British
officers and some armored cars, and some guns and ammunition. The
British responded. They sent up about 50 officers, if I remember cor-
rectly, and several hundred men. and I think vrere to have about 2,000
men and some armored cais in Baku. They could not hold the town.
The people did not rally around them. At the same time that the
jieople were asking aid of the British they were making Turkish flags
as well as British flags in their homes, so that they would be ready
to hang up t1ie right flag, whichever side won. There came up a small
force, and they fought for about two weeks and then had to go back.
The conditions were not very favorable for trying out anything
at Archangel, because there were not many troops there, and it seems
that the allies had to do most of the fighting there.
Senator Nelson. Where is that?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 217
Mr. Leonaed. Archangel. So that at three different, places where
it has been tried — two places Avhere it has .been tried under good con-
ditions and one place where conditions were not so good — the at-
tempts have failed.
Senator Nelson. So that more than a mere nucleus of an army
would be required to maintain order and keep the Bolsheviki in
check ?
Mr. Leoxakd. Yes, sir.
Senator Xelsojj. "With the port of Archangel and that jjost on the
Murman coast, on the Kola Peninsula, and with all the ports on the
Black Sea under the control of the allies, and also the ports along tlie
Baltic under the control of the British and French fleets, those Bol-
sheviki are cut off from the sea in Petrograd, are they not?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Xelson. And Avill not that ultimately lead to their coming
down from the high tree ?
Mr. Leonaed. It may lead to it ultimately. But on the other hand,
Avith a population 85 per cent of whom are peasants who have not
any very great demands, they can exist on what they have and what
they can raise.
Senator Xelson. Xo; but those industrial workers have got to get
raw materials.
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. To carry on their manufacturing ; and if they do
not get to work and earn something, where will they be ?
Mr. Leonard. They will print more money.
Senator Nelson. The last that they got printed was at Leipzig, I
believe ?
JNIr. Leonaed. They may have gotten some there, but now they
print it in every town. They have commandeered practically all of
the lithographing establishments, and are printing the money.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know a man by the name of Harold
Kellock?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir ; I do not.
Senator Wolcott. Are you in position to say what acreage was
planted in spring grain and in spi'ing wheat in 1918, as compared with
ordinary years?
Mr. Leonaed. The men of whom I asked that question down in the
northern Caucasus, which is a very rich countrj^, said that it was
about 75 pel' cent they thought. The big estates have been taken and
divided up. On that stretch southwest of Tsaritzin there has been
very little j^lanted because of the civil war — fighting all the time.
Some Avas planted, but there Avas no har^-est, as there was fighting
all the time. In Tsaritzin, they sent out the women into the fields.
They gathered all the women and sent them out to do Avhat harvest-
ing they could behind the armies. I should say that there is no ques-
tion of shortage — of dire shortage — of grain in Eussia, provided they
can get it to Moscoav and Petrograd ; provided they haA-e the trans-
portation necessary, or can stop the fighting to let the trains go by.
I Avas talking with a man Avho had been detailed from a Petrograd
factory to get some wheat to Petrograd last spring. At that time
the railroad was not cut ; but his preparations for g;etting that wheat
consisted of a special train, carrying armed men Avith machine guns.
218 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
They had all the cars and orders to get the grain, but they had to
have that protection in order to get the grain through to protect it
from the other Bolsheviki.
Senator Wolcott. Here is a statement which I will read from a
magazine.
Senator Steklixg. From what are you going to read ?
Senator Wolcott. This is from an article written by Harold Kel-
lock in the Good Housekeeping Magazine of February of this year,
entitled "Aunt Enuny wants to know who is a Bolsheviki, and why."
I read as follows :
But in spite of tliese terrible tilings the spring planting was done, and a
bigger acreage was sown than at any time since the war. The peasants were
working for themselves.
Xow, he must have referred to the spring of 1918. "What have
you to say as to the accuracy of that statement?
Mr. Leonard. I would say, from my knowledge, that it is in-
accurate. There are three things opposed to it. In the first place,
there has been a lot of civil war — civil fighting. The men were
under arms and could not work. In other places where it had been
planted the harvest could not be reaped because of the fighting.
Around Samara, which is a fertile place, they could not plant
because of lack of seed. The seed was gathered up from old estates
and distributed, but because of the famine the peasants took the seed
grain and ate it. The fact is that the peasant is a hard-headed fel-
low. He is not sure who is going to reap the grain that he plants.
Under those conditions he does not see any good in jDutting his money
into the grain and the seed and his time into the cultivation of it.
Still another thing- is that the peasants have more paper money
than they want. They have literally thousands of rubles. Ever
since the war started, since the prohibition of vodka, the peasant
has been putting money into the savings banks and buying things
for his house and buying phonographs. Even in 1916 this was true
out in Siberia, that a peasant who had 20 acres, and licfore that had
planted and cultivated the whole 20 acres, was able to make a living
and had been making a lot more money than he did before would
say, '' AAliat is the use of planting 20 acres? I can live just as well
if I plant only 10 acres." So that he has been planting 10 acres and
letting- the other 10 acres lie. Xow, the same thing holds much more
when his crop is taken from him at a price which he considers unfair,
and when at the same time with the money which he is given in
return he can not buy anything that he wants. He is paid for his
crop in paper money. He does not know who is going to harvest that
crop, anyway; so he is going to plant just enough to keeji himself.
Senator Wolcott. You spoke of one district, I think you said, it
was down in the Caucasus
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Wolcott (continuing). Where there are abundant quan-
tities of grain now, if they could just transport it?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. In the spring of 1918 was that district under
Bolshevik control I .
Mr. Leonard. The district was. The river was in the control, about
May, of the Czechs. The central part of the Volga Eiver was in their
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 219
control. Both the mouth and the source of the Volga are held in the
control of the Bolsheviki, but the center was under the control of the
Czechs, and they could not get anything past. There was a railroad
running from there straight up to Moscow, which ran through the
Ukraine, but that was impossible to be used. There is one other
road that zigzags up
Senator Wolcoit. I am not concerned so much about the trans-
portation problem. I am trying to test the accuracy of the statement
of this article that the author puts in this Good Housekeeping Maga-
zine. That is what I am concerned about.
Mr. Leonaed. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. You said that the statement I read was inaccu-
rate?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Confining the statement to that portion of
Kussia that the Bolsheviki control, would you say that it was just
mildly inaccurate or that it was grossly inaccurate?
Mr. Leonard. I would say that it was mildly inaccurate.
Senator Wolcott. It is not a gross misstatement?
Mr. Leonard. No ; mv estimate would be 75 per cent. He says more
than 100 per cent.
Senator Wolcoti\ No ; he does not say that.
Mr. Leonard. He says more than ever was planted before.
Senator Wolcott. At any time since the war.
Mr. Leonard. My statement is that 75 per cent has been planted.
He says over 100 per cent, whereas I have said 75 per cent.
Senator Overman. Have you noticed since you have been home any
propaganda of this Bolshevik business going on in this country ?
Mr. Leonard. A week ago Sunday I went up on the north side of
Minneapolis, Avhere they advertised a play in Russian by the Russian
Slavic Educational Society — under the auspices of that society. It
was a little one-act play put on by amateurs, which was a tirade
against capitalism and the injustice of capitalism; and after that a
man who had been a delegate to the so-^'iet congress in New York
came out and delivered a speech in favor of Bolshevism, and
rather
Senator Nelson. Was that in Russian?
Mr. Leonard. In Russian — and he rather sneeringly spoke of the
United States and its President; but it was an out-and-out Bolshevik
speech, for he said that the Russians under the Bolsheviki were
living far better than they ever had before, and he held up the
Bolshevik government as tlie ideal governmert.
Senator Nelson. What is his name?
Mr. Leonard. Gregorin.
Maj. HxTMES. Is that his first name?
Mr. Leonard. No, that is his last name. I think his first name
was Alex. The thing that impressed me most was that this audience
was fairlv well dressed.
Senator Hardwick. How was he received ?
Mr. Leonard. He received an ovation. The whole audience stood
in honor of the fallen heroes, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxem-
burg.
220 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Wolcott. In this article that I read from a moment ago.
I find two pai-agraphs which are calculated to leave the impression
on the mind that the chief leaders in this Bolshevik movement are ani-
mated entirely by a praiseworthy sentiment of love for the nation
and desire to educate the people, and that they have no selfish pur-
poses at all to serve. Xow. I want to read you these two para-
graphs and see if your observations over there were such as to lead
you to agree with the impression that these two paragraphs make
upon the mind. [Eeading :]
Some reniiirkiible personalities have lipcn included nmoiig these cninmissars.
They work for workmen's salaries, 600 i-ubles (aliont ^90) a month, with an
extra allowance of 100 ruliles for each dependent. Thus Lenine, wliose wife is
employed in the department of educatiim. Rets 600 rubles, and Trotsky, who
has a wife and tlnve children, prets 000 i-ubles. Both Lenine and Tchieherin,
the Commissar for Foreif;"n Affairs, come of old well-to-do Russian families.
Trotsky is the son of a prosperous .Jewish merchant. In Peti-o.srad Trotsky
and his family lived in a little garret room in Smolny Institute, the soviet
headquai'ters.
Tchieherin serveil as a. diplomat under the Czar before he became a revolu-
tionary Socialist. While commissar of foreign affairs in Petrograd, he lived
in a shabby little lodging liouse in the working qimrter. and members of the
American Red Cross mission who had occasion to call upon him at his office
would find him transacting affairs of state clad in a soiled sweater and baggj-
old trousers.
Xow, that conveys to my mind the impression that these men
were poor men. and, so to speak, hugged their poverty, notwithstand-
ing the,y were in places of power.
]Mr. Leonard. It is both true and untrue. They are very demo-
cratic and do not care hoAv they dress, and they do not care in what
kind of places they work. But Lenine in Moscow has good quar-
ters. The Bolsheviki have taken over the best hotel in town nnd get
it rent free. Trotsky lives in the next best hotel. They all have
Peerless automobiles, those Avho have not Packards.
Senator "Wolcott. They are not living in garrets, then?
IMr. Li:nxAKD. When working they can not keep a room in order:
so that this room, after two weeks under Bolshevik rule, would' look
like a room in a svreat shop: and in the next room, if there was a
pre&s of work, Lenine and Trotsky Avould live, night after night.
So that is true. But they live pretty well, aside from that. As to
what he says about their being idealists, and all of that. I think most
people in Eussia agree that Lenine is actuated entirely by ideal mo-
tives. You can not agree with them; but some of the leaders-
most of the leaders — are, the people say. But most of their workers,
most of their associates, are not idealists. This statement was made
to me by a man who had been in Eussia, and a man who was sup-
posed to know. He says that To per cent of the leaders are honest.
They are fanatics, and you can not agree with what they are doing:
but 75 per cent of the leaders are honest. But 7.") per cent of the men
are dishonest.
Senator Wolcott. Are you in a position to entertain and to express
a reliable opinion, to make a reliable statement, as to whether this
assertion that they are working and getting only 600 rubles or 900
rubles a month is true. Is that all they are given?
]Mr. Leonaed. That is true, officially. It has since been raised
because of the high cost of living. Lenine is now getting 1.200
BOLSHEVIK PnOPAGAIvTDA. 221
rubles. That Avas raisecl by act of law. That is Avhat they are
making officially. What some of them get in other ways is' hun-
dreds of thousands. Others do not take a cent in that wav.
Senator Wolcott. It is well known that they are getting a lot on
the side?
Mr. Leonard. Some of then^ are. Others are not. This man who
was in jail with me, Makrofsky, was getting his 1,000 rubles a
month, and that was all, and there was absolutely no graft ; w'hereas
an old Jewish fish merchant who was doA\-n iii Xavorossisk made
himself minister of finance, and it was not many weeks before he
sent his Avife out of the country with millions.
Senator Wolcott. He was not an idealist?
]Mr. Leoxaed. He was not an idealist.
Senator Wolcott. He was not restricted to his 1,000 rubles a
month ?
Mr. Leonard. Xo.
Senator Wolcott. Here is this statement [reading] :
For the first time a real school system has been formed, and everj' child in
Soviet Russia goes to school.
Mr. Leoxaed. That is the best department they have.
Senator Wolcott. The schools are running, are they?
Mr. Leonard. They are, in a differeiit fashion. Everything is
State. They do not allow the private schools or private gymnasia
to function any more. They are trying to put on great reforms in
feeding the children in the schools, and in playgrounds, and so forth.
On the other hand, they put into the faculties, of their schools jani-
tors and washv'omen, and let them have a vote in determining the
curricula of the institutions. They have clone away with the require-
ments for admission to the universities, because they say that vi^orks
only to the good of the capitalist class. Only those who come from
the capitalist class can comply with the requirements; so they say,
■■ We must admit anybody who comes to the university, equalty."
They have a big program and are doing things. /
Senator Wolcott. I Avas just going to ask, are they doing things?
Mr. Leonard. In several places they are.
Senator Wolcott. In other words, they are teaching the three Ks,
anrl their educational program seems to support their theory, very
largely.?
Mr." Leonard. Yes: but if I may be permitted to say this here, the
thing that this man said in his speech in Minneapolis, this Russian,
was that people accused the Russians of being uneducated. " Tkit,"
he said, '" I call that man educated who has class consciousness."
Senator Nej^son. Was that at north Minneapolis?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Was it on the east or the west side?
Mr. Leonard. It Avas on the Avest side.
Senator Nelson. Were there many there?
Mr. Leonard. About 300.
Senator Nelson. What AAas the character of the people Avho Avere
there? Were they Russians?
Mr. Leonard. They are all Russians. The Avhole thing Avas in the
lano'uage. And that is one thing they are trying to do in this
school, nahielA-. to inculcate class consciousness.
222 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overman. Now, carrying out the idea of this revolution,
3'ou have told us about one meeting; do you know of any other
propaganda in this country ?
Mr. Leonard. No; I know of
Senator Overjian. In magazines and papers?
Mr. Leonard. None ; except that the New Eepublic print, it seems
to me, is as one-sided as the stuff of the so-called tools of capitalism
print.
Senator Overman. This article from which Senator Wolcott has
read here, does not that sound a little bit like it might be
Mr. Leonard. It seems to me too optimistic. The trouble is that
a good many of these writers go to Petrograd and Moscow and meet
the most intelligent Bolshevik leaders, who make themselves very
nice to them, ancl they can make a very good impression, because they
are educated. They talk about this great ideal, and nobody can op-
pose them. Then those people come home and say that it is a
fine program. I know one magazine writer that came over there
and was personally conducted through some of the prisons, and came
out in an article saying that the prisons were better than they had
been, and were not bad. Well, I was never personally conducted
around, but the only good things that I saw were what was left over
from the old regime, in the prisons.
A.nd this same writer met Al. Peters, " one of the nicest men she
ever met." He was assigned as interpreter for the Bolsheviki. He
was a man who was shooting people without trial all the time.
Senator Nelson. He was the lord high executioner?
Mr. Leonard. He was the man who told the Norwegian attache
that he was going to shoot us. He said that we were all counter-
revolutionists. He said that without looking at our papers. When
we got back these papers had not been touched.
Senator Nelson. He AViis the kind of man that Byron speaks of
in his poem " The Coreair," of whom he says :
He was tlie mildest-mannered man that ever scuttled ship or cut a throat.
[Laughter.]
Senator OvER:\tAN. Their government looks prettj' good on paper,
but their actions do not correspond with their theory. It was testi-
fied here this morning that these fellows feel that they have a right
to do as they please and take what they please, and do as they-please
generally. Do you believe that?
Mr. Leonard. Do I believe in that?
Senator Overjian. Do you believe that that is so ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes; that is their program.
Senator Nelson. Did you come across Albert Rhys Williams over
there ?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir.
Senator Nelson. You never met him?
Mr. Leonard. No, sir ; I knew- that he was there ; but, as I say, I
was in the provinces most of the time.
Senator Nelson. Did you know anything of his activities?
jMr. Leonard. Nothing; no, sir.
Senator Nelson. You lost a good deal.
Mr. Leonard. I guess I did.
BOLSHliVIK PROPAGANDA. 223
Senator Wolcott. Do you know anything about their program
looking forward to socialization of women?
Mr. Leonard. I was in Samara at the time that came out in the
papers, and I have in my possession, some place, their placards deny-
ing that. They say that is not true. They say that was put up
by the counter-revolutionary element in order to discredit them, and
that it was done by a group of anarchists who have since been
arrested by the Bolsheviki.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know Avhether that placard was put up
in their buildings ; or have you knowledge of that ?
Mr. Leonard. I have no knowledge on that subject. It was not
put up in other places where I had been.
Senator Wolcott. Was that the only thing you saw over tliere that
indicated, or that gave any justification for the idea, that tlie so-
called program for the socialization of women was in their minds?
Was that the only piece of evidence you saw ?
Mr. Leonard. That was the only piece of evidence I saw. They
are aiming toward free love. They are doing away with the marriage
ceremony, and they have, of course, adopted a civil ceremony; and
in some places they have it for a term of years.
Senator WoLcott. I want your opinion on that, because this writer
winds up with an article and says that after all the test of it will
be this, " How will it ailect the Ijabies of young married folks, and
folks who do not get along very well? " You say this is a part of
the doctrine of these leaders, that they want to reform the marriage
relation and make terms of years for the married state, and inaugu-
rate free love?
Mr. Leonard. Yes ; that is in their program.
Senator Overman. How did you find their morals there, among
the men and women ?
Mr. Leonard. They have a different moral standard from what
we have in America.
Senator Overjian. Are they bad?
Mr. Leonard. They have more of the oriental attitude.
Senator Xelson. That man, Maxim Gorky, I believe his name is,
whom they have taken into the fold, is about as immoral as they can
make them.
Mr. Leonard. There was great rejoicing when he came back to
the fold.
Senator Xelson. He is bad enough to leaven the whole Bolshevik
mass.
Mr. Leonard. I do not think they need much leavening.
Senator Overman. But they rejoiced when he returned?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. He was over here in New York for a while.
Senator Wolcott. Who is his assistant?
Mr. Leonard. —■
Senator Wolcott. Commissar of education?
Mr. Leonard. Yes. For a time he withdrew from them and was
bitterly opposed to them, and scattered editorials against them, and
then he came back.
Senator Nelson. My recollection is that he was over here in New
York a while, and that he left the country in disgrace, because they
did not approve of his having a bereft wife with him.
-24 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAXDA.
Senator Overtax. Do you know anything about their taking over
a lot of young girls in a seminary and putting the Bolshevik soldiers
in with them ;
Mr. Leonard. I never knew of that.
Senator Overman. Is there anything else, ^lajor?
ilr. Leonard. I will say that the program and the spirit of the
Bolshevik party i.b directly opposed to religion and to what we know
as the home.
Senator "Wolcott. "What is their argument for declaiming against
the home?
Mr. Leonard. They say the home does not give the children a fair
chance. They have not had a happy home experience, and those
who have lived in the poorest quarters say it does not give every-
body a fair chance; that everybody ought to start e(jnal, and the
children ought to be taken and put in government institutions and
given the same education. They say this has grown up from capi-
talism : that true love does not enter into marriage ; that now it is a
sj'stem of barter for social position and for wealth, and all of that, so
they are going to have love, and provide for the children in govern-
ment institutions.
Senator Wolcott. That is to say, the children will not grow up in
home surroundings *
Mr. Leonard. No.
Senator AVoLcorr. If they cari-y out their program, then, the future
men and women will have no recollection of home life or of the home
fireside, with their parents there.
Mr. Leonard. Xo; the_y are opposed to that.
Maj. Humes. The theoi'y is that the children are to be taken care
of by the State.
]\Ir. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Xklson. They are to be nationalized?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Maj. HriiEs. Yes; nationalized in that way.
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Xelson. And they do not believe in marriage, because it
is a part of the creed of the capitalist class, is not that it?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. Are they in favor of divorce?
jMr. Leonard. It is very easy to divorce.
Senator Overman. They do not have to go to Reno? They have
no Eeno?
Mr. Leonard. Xo.
Senator Xelson. You do not have to go into court to get a divorce.
The man just makes a declaration or writing to the woman and says,
"' I divorce you," and that is all there is to it.
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
vSenator Overman. Has the woman the same right to say that she
divorces the man?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. So the women have got equal rights over there?
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Do you think, Mr. Leonard, that these prin-
ciples appeal to the ordinary Russian peasant very much, or is this
the doctrine of the leaders who are pre:iching it?
iJOJLSHBVIK PROPAGANDA. ^'^0
Mr. Leonard. I do not think that it appeals to the Eussian peas-
ant ; but the unrest has come from the peasants who have been abroad
in the industrial cities in Eussia, where they have had poor surround-
ings and have been ill paid, and where "the propaganda has lieen
going on among them for years, and they have been taught that they
are the degraded class, the exploited class, all of them. So there is
where the ti^ouble is coming from, and from the industrial workmen,
rather than from the peasants. The peasant had one need. The
peasant really needed land, and wanted it, and when he got land he
was satisfied.
Senator Xelsox. They have one advantage now, that they do not
have to go to Nevada or any of these western cities to get a divorce.
They can get it at home.
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
Senator Overman. What about the churches? Do they attend
their churches?
Mr. Leonard. Yes ; the peasants still attend the churches. But the
church, of course, has been disestablished, and the Bolsheviki are
carrying on an endless propaganda against the priesthood, against
the clergy, and they are playing up everything they can against the
clergy, and they publish tliat in the papers.
Senator Overiman. Can you give any reason for that?
Mr. Leonard. To ' discredit the church because the church has
been a department of the state. It has been a very conservative in-
fluence and has not given the spiritual leadership to the people that
the people needed. They call that party opposed to the church the
Black Hundred.
Senator Wolcott. I supjDOse they recognize the psychological fact
that if thej' can destroy the faith of any people they get the people
into a condition where the}^ can overthrow anything they want to
overthrow ?
Mr. Leonard. Yes; and that is just it. The peasant did not know
what he Avas fighting for .in this war. He Avas fighting for one
reason, because the Czar told him his duty called him ; and the Czar
and the church were very closely united, and when the Czar was over-
thrown most of their faith fell aAvay. If now the Bolsheviki can
discredit the church, the poor peasant is absolutely helpless. He has
nothing to cling to.
Sena^tor Wolcott. He is driftwood, so to speak?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir.
Senator "Wolcoit. He must move the Avaj' his leaders Avant to move
him?
Mr. Leonard. Absolutely.
Senator Nelson. The Eussian Church Avas the backbone of the old
Government, and Avas the one connecting link that kept the peasants
attached to the GoA-ernment, Avas it not, to a large extent?
Mr. Leonard. Yes, sir ; to a very great extent.
Senator Nelson. Has the church lost the influence that it had
in the past ?
Mr. Leonard. It has lost its influence among the industrial classes.
Senator Nelson. But among the peasants?
Mr. Leonard. The peasants still go to church. Where their priest
has been bad, they have gotten a new priest there, but they have not
85723—19 15
226 BOLSHE\^K PROPAGANDA.
turned agiiinst the church, and even as hxte as August there was a
decree gotten out i:)i-ohibiting the hanging of icons in any public
building or any building belonging to the state. Before the war
with Germany, in every building there was a little icon hanging up
in the corner. Down in the department of the Bolshevik Cossacks
they still had all their icons hanging up, because they said they were
called for. The soldier commissar tried to make them put them out,
and they said they could not do it, for if the Cossacks believed that
they were anti-Christian they would not have their support at all.
Senator Xelso>'. In the great chaos that prevailed after the death
of the imbecile son of Ivan the Terrible there was an interregnum
of 29 years in Eussia, and it was through the church that they
finally gathered themselves together and elected INIichael Romanoff
as the Czar, supplanting the old line of rulers, and it was through
the church that they succeeded in rallying the new government
together. Xow, do you not believe that in the pi'esent emergency the
church will be a great help
Mr. Leonard. I have faith to belie ve-
Senator Xelson (continuing). In the rallying and gathering to-
gether of tlie Eussian people against this Bolshevik system?
Mr. Leonard. If the church can help itself and produce a leader
who can unite Eussia.
Senator Xelson. You recollect that in the French Eevolution they
attempted to destroy all religion, and the church altogether, but they
failed in it ; and they will fail here in making war on the Eussian
Church. Do you not think they will ?
Mr. Leonard. That is my opinion.
Senator Nelson. The peasants and the church and the Cossacks
and the conservative element will get together, and inside of six
months they will eliminate that Bolsheviki crowd?
Mr. Leonard. Once the}' can all get together. That is the question.
Senator Overman. ]\Ir. Leonard, hoAv many of this middle class—
the bourgeoisie, as you call them — have fled Eu.ssia on account of this
terrorism ?
■]\Ir. Leonard. I could not estimate it, but a gi'eat number. These
Scandinavian countries are filled with them. They have not fled
Russia, but fled Bolshe-^ik Eussia. Kiev was crowded with them,
and Eostov. and the territory of the Don Cossacks; and then, to a
somewhat smaller extent, the northern Caucasus, after the anti-
Bolshevik forces cleared out of the place.
Senator Oversfan. When you left there what was the difference in
the population of Moscow from what it was when you first went
there ?
Mr. Leonard. I do not know about ]Moscow. I was brought up
under guard.
Senator Overman. How about Petrograd?
Mr. Leonard. Petrograd has a population of about half a million
now.
Senator Overman. How much had it in normal times I
Mr. Leonard. Away over a million.
Senator Overman. It has been stated here that it was nearly
2,000,000.
Mr. Leonard. Yes.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 227
Senator Nelson. In normal times it had about 2,000,000?
Mr. Leoxaed. Yes ; the population was told me bv several men.
Senator Nelson. At Moscow they had about 500,000 or 600,000 in
normal times?
Mr. Leonard. I do not know. I should say the population was
lario'er than that.
Senator Steeling. What has become of some of the revolutionary
leaders there — the leaders in the Duma at the time of the breaking
out of the revolution — like Miliukoff ?
Mr. Leonard. Miliukoff was down in the Ukraine, down in Kiev.
One was down with the Don Cossacks, with Gen. Krostoff. I under-
stand they have scattered around. Another remained in tlie north-
ern Caucasus.
Senator Overman. What became of these great generals?
Mr. Leonard. Brussiloff was wounded, while lying in bed, by street
fighting. Alexieff died last August, and Demetrius
Senator Overman. What became of Brussiloff? ,
Mr. Leonard. He was wounded, and I have heard the rumor that
he has since been killed.
Senator Overman. What became of Korniloff?
Mr. Leonard. He was killed.
Senator Overman. Where is Kerensky?
Mr. Leonard. He is over in England some place, is he not?
Senator Overman. How about Nicholas — what became of him?
Mr. Leonard. He was down in the Crimea when the Ukraine was
taken by a force of Germans and Austrians. I think he is still in
the Crimea — still in Kiev. The Germans said they were going to take
him a prisoner of war, but he Avas in the Crimea at that time. Since
that I have heard nothing.
Senator Nelson. Wliat became of Nicholas?
Mr. Leonard. The grand duke? He is the man I Avas just speak-
ing of.
Senator Overman. He was one of the greatest generals the war
has produced, in my opinion.
Senator Nelson. Yes; he was a great general.
Senator Oatseman. What has become of these first revolutionary
leaders?
Mr. Leonard. They have gone down to these other regions which I
have named, where the class is bourgeois. Some have gone out
into the Scandinavian coimtries, but very few. There are none of
them in power. Many of them are in Siberia.
Senator Overman. The banks have all been taken over, have they
not?
Mr. Leonard. The banks have all been nationalized, and all the
private banks have been reopened as branches of the national bank.
When I left all bank deposits had been arrested : and then for a time
you could get out 100 rubles a month on check, which was later
raised to about a thousand rubles a month by check, and then the
people objected to that. Of course there were no deposits under such
conditions, and then they put in a condition that of any money you
deposited after a certain date you could draw as much as you
wanted. Then people deposited money, but when they tried to draw
it out the banks said they did not have any money, which was the
truth.
228
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGAJJDA.
Senator Overman. I suppose everj'body that had money on de-
posit took it out ?
Mr. Leoicakd. Most of them could not get it. The turnover came
too quick.
Senator Xelsox. Tliey commandeered all the money?
iMr. Leoxaed. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. Did you hear any talk there about doing away
Avith all money and not having any money at all?
Sir. Lkoxard. Xo; but they might as atcU do something like tliat,
because the present money does not amount to anything. In each
little district there are a dozen making counterfeit money. Some of it
is made in Austria, some is made in Germany, and a great deal is
made in Eussia itself.
Senator Xelson. No specie circulates there?
Mr. Leoxard. Xo, sir.
ilaj. Ht::mes. Gentlemen, I have here for the record — I do not know
whether you want it all read or not — an excerpt from the official
Bolshevik newspaper detailing their state budget for the second half
of the year 1918, showing that the total amount of expenditures of
the republic for 1918 is estimated at 48.000,000.000 rubles, or about
$23,000,000,000. Do you care to have it all read?
Senator Overman. No; just put it in the record.
(The matter referred to is as follows:)
THE STATE BX'DGET FOR THE SECOND HALF-YEAR 1018.
The work in connection with the drawing up and examinntion of the budget
of the Republic for the second half of 1938 and the general balancing of same
has been completed.
The total amount of State expenditures for the euri-ent ha!f-vear is estimated
at 29,000,000.(100 (17,000,000,000, or 70 per cent above the previous lialf year).
The total amount of expenditudrcs of the Republic for 1918 is estimjitetl at
40,000,000,000 rubles.
The first place, in proportion to the amount of expenditures, is occupied b.v
the military rommissariat, the total amount of the expenditures of which
!s set at 9,500,000,000 (7,700,000,000 ordinary expenditures and 1,700,-
000,000 e>:tra(jrdinary). Comparing this with the total for the 0rst half-year
(5,800,000.000). the expenditures of the commissariat increased by 3,700,000,000,
that is 63 per cent.
The second iilaee is held by the expenditures in connection with the organiza-
tion of economic and trading conditions of the State and the exploitation of
the State enterprises. The expenditures are distributed among the depart-
ments as follows : To the commissariat of ways of communication and the
chief management of waterways is apportioned 4.2 billion rubles ; to the com-
mittee of the State constructions — 1 billion ; to the Supreme Council of State
Economics — 1.6 billions ; and 800,000,000 for operating expenses and for the.
cover of excess expenditures in connection with the nationalization of enter-
prises. The total amount of expenditures of this character entered in the
budget is estimated at approximately 8,000,000,000 (27 per cent of the total
amount of expenditures).
The following place in the budget is occupied by the expenditures for edu-
cational purposes. In comparison with the first half-year the apportionment
for the commissariat of national education is 5 times greater and is estimated
at 2.4 billions (against 0.5 billion for the first half-year.) In general the total
amount of expenditures for educational purposes reaches 12.5 per cent of the
total budget.
The fourth place in the budget (10 per cent of the budget) Is occupied by
expenditures which are created by the extraordinary economic conditions of
the nation, i. e., expenditures foi' organization of food supply. For this pur-
pose, according to the estimate of the commissariat of food supply, the latter
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 229
is apportioned for the current half year 3.1 billions — that is, two and one-half
times move than in the first half year.
Especially noteAvorthy, in comparison with the budgets of previous years,
are the separate estimates for health conservation, social insurance, regulation
of labor and insi'iranc« of same. Are insurance, and for work in <M)nnection
with different nationalities. The total expenditures, according to these esti-
mates, equal 1,000,000,000 (3.5 per cent), having increased five times in com-
parison with the amount of the first half year.
Other departments in proportion to their expenditures are as follow.s : The
Coirmissariat of Finance, 1.2 billions; the Commissariat of Interior, 618,000,000;
the Commissariat of Justice, 236,000,000; State Control, 64,000,000; the Cen-
tral Shitistical Department, 48,000,000; the Commissariat of the Property of
the Kepublic, 40,000,000 ; the all-Russian central executive committee of Soviets,
32,000,000; and, final].>% the last place is occupied by the Commissariat of For-
ei.gn Relations, with an apportionment of 5,000,000 roubles.
AVith all its advantages the budget has vital defects, namely, its deficit ; the
total of State revenues for the second half year is estimated at about 12.7
billion rubles. Consequently the difference between the expenditures and the
revenue is above 16.000,000.000. Takins into consideration the fact that out of
the 12.7 billion rubles of the State revenue, 10,000,000,000 rubles are derived
from special taxes, that the ordinary revenue of 2.7 billions Is only approxi-
mately estimated, and that according to the first half year the income does
not come up to expectations entertained when compiling the budget of reve-
nues, the deficit of the budget appears to be still of a most serious character.
TESTIMONY OF ME. ROBEET M. STOEEY.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Senator Overman. Where are you from?
Mr. Storey. Urbana, 111.
Senator Overman. How long have you been back from Russia?
Mr. Storet. I got back in AugTist.
Senator Overman. How long were you in Russia?
Mr. Storet. About a year and four months.
Senator Overman. What position did you hold over there ?
Mr. Storey. I went over as the representative of the American
Young Men's Christian Association. I was in European Russia for
about eight months and in Siberia for the balance of the time, in
charge of the work there.
Senator Overman. Go on and state in your own way the conditions
over there.
Mr. Storey. The impression made upon me when I went into
Russia was cumulative, to the effect that we were entering a country
which had been very seriously worn out by the war. The condi-
tions in Siberia were not so bad.
Senator Nelson. Did you enter from the Siberian end ?
Mr. S'torey. I entered from Vladivostok.
Maj. Humes. Where were you with reference to the revolution?
^Ya.s it before the Bolshevik revolution?
Mr. Storey. It was after the March revolution, yes; but as you
got further into Russia it became more and mere apparent tliat you
were in a country that had been at war and the resources of which
had been seriously drained.
Entering Moscow early in November, I was there daring the strug-
gle between the cadets and the supporters of the Kerensky regime
generally against the Bolshevist movement. The fighting there
lasted for about a week. It wavered back and forth. Troops which
were bronp-ht in from the outside to help support the government
230 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
were in almost every case turned to the support of the Bolslievist
group, and finally, about a week after the fightinp; started, and after
considerable damage was done and perhaps 2,000 lives had been lost,
the Bolsheviki were able to take command of the city.
Senator Steeling. What influences were brought to bear on those
troops to win them over to the support of the Bolshevik movements
Mr. Storet. My judgment there is that they probably had been won
over before they were brought into reach of the city. Certainly the
morale of the entire Eussian Army had been thoroughly rottecl out
long before any American visitors reached Russia. Mj own judg-
ment is that the damage had already been done before the first revolu-
tion took place, and that at no time, probably, after the fall of 191(1
was there any expectation that the old army could be rehabilitated
and made into an effective fighting force for any of the causes or
appeals which could then be made to them. Certainly at no time
after the Your.o,' Men's Christian Association became active in the
field Mas there any such opportunity.
Senator SteeluvG. That disaffection among the troops at that
early tirhe was clue to Bolshevik propaganda?
Mr. Stoeey. No; it was not, altogether. It was due to the circum-
stances of their life. They were poorly armed, poorly equipped, and
they did not know why they were fighting or what they were fighting;
for, particularly after they had lost confidence in their leaders, as
the.y did. The stories of corruption of the old regime during the war
almost paralleled anything that I have met with since. The fall of
Riga, I have heard it said many times, Avas the result of a dicker for
millions of rubles' worth of supplies.
Senator Steeling. The old regime having fallen and the Czar hav-
ing been deposed, did not the troops have faith in Kerensky?
Mr. Storey. No; I think not. At one time it seemed as though
he might rally them. No part of Russia wanted to fight after the
revolution. A certain part of it felt under obligation to do so, but I
have not encountered any enthusiasm in any part of Russia for con-
tinuing war.
Senator Steelixg. Did you hear anything of the failure of Ker-
ensky in the matter of discipline? Did he not relax the army dis-
cipline to such an extent that it aided this Bolshevik sentiment?
Mr. Stoeey. I have heard two sides to that. One was that the pro-
visional cabinet was responsible for that famous edict, No. 1, which
did relax the discipline, and the other was that it was a spurious
document that had been sent out and which they did not have the
courage to combat quickly enough.
Senator Steeling. The soldiers got to understand that they did not
have to salute their superior officers?
Mr. Stoeet. Certainly; that was true.
Senator Steeling. Anct claimed that they stood on the same foot-
iiif exactly as an officer ?
Mr. Storey. Yes, sir.
Senator Steeling. And were entitled to the same privileges and
the same accommodations and everything?
Mr. Storey. They did not go to that extent all at once, but that
was a gradual development as they felt their power. The tendency,
as they became familiar with their officers, was to become more so.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 231
Senator Overman. It has been said here that the Bolsheviki had
great antipathy to the Yoimg Men's Christian Association. AVhy
was that?
Mr. Storey. Their attitude toward the Young Men's Christian
Association, I should say, was twofold. I ought to say that up to
the time the Young Men's Christian Association definitely allied it-
self with the Czechs, it Avas tolerated in liussia and was permitted
to do considerable work, and was giA en some facilities for its work ;
but there came a time when, owing to the fact that it was working
also with the Czechs who were fighting the Bolsheviki, they de-
manded that it make a choice. As a matter of fact, I think that
choice never actuallj- had to be made, because the American Govern-
ment ordered its subjects out of Russia; but certainly the association
was on the eve of having to make such a choice. The two reasons
are, in the main, these, that owing to their past knowledge and con-
ception of Christianity as exhibited in the Eussian Church, an
instrument of the old regime, they were anti-Christian. To them
that was what Christianity represented. The second reason was that
they were suspicious that the American Young Men's Christian Asso-
ciation "was in Russia for the purpose of assisting to keep Russia in
the war, and was an instrument of the American Government and the
capitalistic grou^js who supported the association in helping to re-
store the moi'ale of the Russian Army, and the soldiers did not want
that, nor did, of course, the Bolsheviki care for it; and I think it
would be truth to say that the utterances of some of the association
leaders as to the reasons for sending men to Russia and for sending
men to make the effort there were that it was in order to hold the
Russian Army on that front. Whether those utterances ever reached
Russia or not I do not know. Certainlj' we had that to combat
constantly.
Senator Overman. When was it that you left Russia ?
Mr. Stoeet. I left there the last of November.
Senator Overman. After the signing of the armistice?
Mr. STOiiET. Yes; after the signing of the armistice. I was in
Siberia the latter part of the time I was there.
Senator Overman. Can you go on and give us your judgment of
the condition of things over there, the terrorism, and so on ?
Mr. Storey. In the main, I think I could summarize the situation,
as I looked at it, substantially as follows. May I preface that by
saying that my interest was rather that of a student of the Govern-
ment, because that has been my teaching field, and I was interested
in it from the standpoint of politics and political science as mudfi
as any other. During the time that I was in Russia I spent some
time in Moscow, some time with the troops, and some time in Petro-
grad. I was in Finland during the revolution in Finland and dur-
ino- the period of the German occupation there. I was back in Russia
and in Petrograd some time after the allied embassies left it, and in
Moscow at the time of the peace conference, and have been in
Siberia with the Czechs during the greater portion of their stay there,
and was there prior to their arrival a. short time.
In my dealings with the Bolshevik leaders I have generally had a
courteous and, I should say on the whole, a frank reception and
treatment. There was that satisfaction in dealing with them, in the
232 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
main. If you were at the source of authority, they did not mince
words about what they would do or what they would not do. One
of them told me frankly that they were tolerating our activities
until they would be able to take over that kind of work. They did
not propose to tolerate us anj- longer. One of them said frankly
that they were anti-Christian, and said why, pointing to the past
history of the Eussian Church as an illustration.
I think this is a reaction, from talking with them and reading their
pamphlets and their papers, and hearing them speak. They aspire,
undoubtedly, to a world-wide rule of the proletariat. They do not
stop at means which it is necessary to employ in order to achieve those
ends, but on the other hand, there is this to be said, in part, for that.
They have lived under a regime which knew no exceptions to the
processes by which it attained its purposes, either, and I am disposed
to think that a great many of the excesses and the outrages which un-
doubtedly took place were the result of nervousness on the part of un-
trained and ill-disciplined soldiers, or of armed groups, from an army
many units of which were disbanded with their arms. ^lany of these
soldiers wandered about over the country for weeks. They did not
know where they were and did not know how to get to their homes.
It "was also true that a great many of the men who took up with the
Bolshevik movement were poor adventurers, unscrupulous, and went
in on it because that was the way the tide was running.
Senator Steeling. Did not that class of men have a good deal of
influence among the poorer classes ?
Mr. Storey. Undoubtedly. There were some very clever men
among that group. A great many of the old secret police, I have
heard, were actually in this movement, men of training and men of
influence, although I know that a great many of the men who are in
the movement are idealists of the most sincere type.
Senator OvEpaiAx. Did you know Trotsky?
Mr. Storey. No; I did not. I have heard him speak. I do not
know him personally, however.
Senator Overman. What was the character of his speech? What
did he preach ?
Mr. Storey. Well, he was making an address to a company of
about 400 Lettish soldiers who were quartered in a prince's palace or
clubroom in Petrograd, and the speech was largely inspirational.
Senator Overman . Is he a fine talker?
Mr. Storey. Yes; he is a rather striking man to see, and certainly
a very imj^ressive speaker. I, of course, had the extreme disad-
vantage, which a great many of us had, of having to hear him
through an interpreter, and that is not always an accurate and satis-
factor}^ method of getting the substance of what is said.
Senator Steeling. In talkin.cr Avith those leaders, Mr. Storey, and
with the more intelligent of them, did they seem to have the idea
that they could form a. permanent society and government on the
class principle, in which the proletariat should rule alone, without
reference to what thej' termed the bourgeoisie, the tradesmen or
middle-class people?
]Mr. Storey. Their conception, of course, of social organization
was radically socialistic, and while I got the impression from them
that for the present their attitude toward these groups was uncorri-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 233
promising, yet in theory they did recognize differences in ability
between men. They would not under normal circumstances, I think,
have objected to a teacher soTiet. for example; in fact, they had one
in Vladivostok when I reached there, and it sent its delegates to the
assembly of the city just as did the ditch diggers and the factory
workers, and other groups of workers. I do not have personal knowl-
edge of the facts, but I understand that there has since been made
a classification of workers which recognizes that there are some
people Avho must do inside work, so lo speak, cluur work — that
is, work of a sedentary character. They recognize, in other words,
brain work, although it is not permitted to claim thereby a larger
proportion of the total production of society. Does that answer your
question ? I think there is no question that they had that idea.
Senator SteeliiSig. The three classes which the Soviet constitution
recognizes, as I understand it, are the laborers, the peasants, and the
soldiers.
Mr. Storey. Those are all member's
Senator Steelixg. And they further declare in that constitiltion
that no one belonging to the bourgeois class, the traders, or anyone
making a profit on any in^•estnlent or receiving an income from in-
vestments, shall participate in an election, or be elected to any
position or office.
Mr. Stoket. Substantially, I think that is their attitude to-day.
Senator Sterling. They clo not say that their government is a
democracy.
Mr. Stoeet. Oh, no. I would say that it was quite a shock to me
that I did not meet in Russia anyone, high or low, who had been in
the United States, Bolshevik or non-Bolshevik, who cared to see
American civilization duplicated in their own countiw. There was
a very unfavorable impression as to our Government on the part of
Russians that I met with.
Senator Sterling. They really do not believe in representative
government ; is not that true ?
Mr. Stoeey. Their objection was not so much to our representative
system as to our industrial system.
Senator Sterling. Well, if carried out into government, politically,
they did not believe in a government that would represent other than
these three classes ?
Mr. Stoeey. Their expectation is that they will soon reduce
all to those three. They are, for example, achieving that purpose.
Undoubtedly certain sections of the middle classes are having to sell
themselves to the Soviets. Men with brains and wits are hiring out in
order to live. I saw officers sweeping the streets. I have seen refined
women selling newspapers. Their quarrel is not with the ability, but
with the utilization of that, as they feel it does deprive others of
something.
Senator Oveeman. They have no respect for the educated lady of
property ?
Mr. Stoeey. She is forced into this, not by physical violence, as I
know, but by necessity. If the funds of a doctor's household or a
lawyer's household run out, they have to get out and make their
living.
Senator Oveeman. They have to do manual Avork?
234 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAUAXDA.
Mr. Storey. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Well, if they desire to or find it necessary to
utilize those who are educated and who are intelligent, do they recog-
nize any proportionate reward for services of that kind i
Mr. Storey. They would claim, I think, that the reward >houkl be
substantially equal.
Senator Wolcott. Let me understand that. May I ask a question?
I can understand things in concrete terms better than in any other
way. Let me see if I understand that proposition. Is it this, that
some lazy fellow who is just driven to make a .slight contribution in
the way of work, who will not improve himself in anywise, who does
not care whether he lives in a pig pen or a comfortable home, but yet
does a little work. gets as much for it as a hard-working, eonseientitius,
frugal individual (
Mr. Storey. Well, in practice that is the way it would work out.
In theory, they do not recognize the human element in it.
Senator Wolcott. They go on the theory that everybody does his
best and everything should be equal, overlooking the fact that some
who are forced will not do their best, but will do as little as they can.
Mr. Storey. I have heard it said that it was not necessary for any
man to work until his back ached; that enough could be produced
without that. I have heard that remark in Russia.
Senator Overtax. I want to ask you a question that I have asked
others. To what extent have vou noticed anything of a Bolshevik
movement in this country? Have you observed anything going on
in this country as propaganda ?
Mr. Storey. I have not taken particular notice of it since I re-
turned, because I have been here on a rather highly specialized mis-
sion, and have concentrated upon that. I have noticed in the circn-
lars and other articles a keen and active desire to know about it.
Invariably, wherever I go, I am questioned about it. As for evidences
of organized activity, I simjily have not encountered it. if it exists,
probably because I have not been circulating.
Senator Sterling. Have you seen any of the publications made by
the I. "W. W.. or under the auspices of the I. W. W., in this country,
and do you know from them how they regard Bolshevism ?
^Ir. ST()Rf:Y. Xo : I have not. I met a former I. W. W. — I beheve
in Siberia — who said he had been in the lumber camps of the West.
He was apparently not as extreme as some of the gentlemen who
are in authority over him. But my impression about the relation
between the I. W. W.'s and t-he Bolsheviki from the other side ^vas
this : The Bolsheviki were appealing to all discontented elements in
other countries, irrespective of who they were. Beyond that I woidd
not be able to make any direct connection between them.
Senator Over^ian. They have the same flag?
Mr. Storey. They recognize in them a protesting element — some-
thing in common.
Maj. HtJ3iES. ISIr. Storey, did you see any of the terrorism in
Russia for the purpose of perpetuating control, at any of the places
where you were ?
Mr. Storey. I saw two sides of it. It was equally evident. I think,
in Finland, where the reds had control, and on the other side of the
line where the whites had control. I can not sav that I have a
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 235
feeling that any one group of the Russian population is moi'e fero-
cious in its attitude toward the other than another group is.
Maj. Humes. In other words, a state of civil war existed?
Mr. Stoeet. Yes.
Maj. HuMKS. Everyone is armed, and they are fighting ad libitum.
Mr. Storey. Russia demobilized 7,000,000 men within a short
period of time, and those men took thair arms with them in a great
many cases, thousands, tens of thousands of them, and how much
of the terrorism that exists is due to the want of a strong central
authority, and how much of it is due to deliberate planning, I can
not say ; I do not know.
Senator Overman. We want to hold an executive session for an
hour. We will excuse you.
(Thereupon, at 4.55 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee went into
executive [secret] session.)
executive session.
The following testimony was taken by the subcommittee in execu-
tive session, and the name of the witnes.s is not disclosed because of
the fact that the lives of his relatives in Russia might be endangered
thereby :
TESTIMONY OF MR. .
(The Avitness was sworn by the chairman.)
Maj. Humes. Mr. , suppose you go aliead and state the con-
ditions in Russia as you found them, and especially conditions under
the soviet government.
Mr. . I have been in Russia close on to 15 years. I was
located there with a factory, where we had about 2,500 workmen.
Our factory is running to-day, and even last year, by our last jJ'ear's
production we filled all our orders. But nobody can explain — I could
not myself — just exactl_y how that was done or why it was. We
seemed to have unusual control over the men there, and because of
the fact that we were making machinery which was necessary for the
country the workmen stood by us and we ran through.
I have heard and read the statement that the present government in
Russia is a Avorkmen's government and all that sort of thing. In my
estimation that is absolutely false. I have been with the workmen.
That is all I have done; I have been with the workmen and peasants.
I never met Prof. Dennis there, or anj^ other of these gentlemen
here, because I never had time. I was always with the workmen.
The workingmen in Russia, in the factories, are not Bolsheviki, al-
though they do not dare to say they are something else.
Senator Steeling. Do you mean to put it so broad as that?
Mr. . I do not mean to say that there are no workmen
who are Bolsheviki. I am taking the workmen as a whole. It is
the worst element out of each factory, the Avorst element out of the
country, that has come to the top, and they are supporting the gov-
ernment. They are supporting this government, being paid, of coui'se,
large sums, and being given the privilege to loot or anything that
they wish. It would not do to question a Red Guard. If he said
something — told you to do something — you would not dare to ques-
tion it. If you did that it would l)e as much as your life was worth.
236 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
And now, as I say, the government over there is made up of the
loafers of the industrial and the peasant vrorld, and all the outsiders
have come running in from other countries. If you go into Moscow
to do any business with the Bolshevik governmtnt and you come
upon any of the people higher up in the government, j^ou never
meet anybodj^ that was born and brought up in Eussia up to the
date of the revolution. You' meet a man that was born there, prob-
ably, and went out and came in from the outside after the revolution
was on. Those people are supposed to be worldng at salaries that
are often to-day, I believe, below what the workingman was getting,
below what it would take a man to live on, a decent living wage
that he was supposed to be getting. In fact, they are getting much
more money on the side and lots of them are making fortunes.
In regard to the industries there, when the revolution started, tlie
Bolshevik revolution around the 1st of November, 1917, the worlmien
all went with the Bolsheviki. They were all Bolslieviki then, or
nearly all, because the Bolsheviki told them '' Everji:hing is yours.
Just take it. You have been opj^ressed.'' They sang such songs to
those men that it certainly did turn their heads.
Senator Sterling. But since that time?
Mr. . Since that time things have changed. Three or four
or five months after the revolution took place the workmen began
to open up tlieir eyes, and saw that things were jiot as they thought
they were. Thej^ are afraid to say so. You will very seldom get a
workman to say tliat he is not a Bolshevik, but he Avill tell you in
secret that he is not a Bolslievik. " But wliat can I do? " he will say.
"I do not dare to say anyihing. I can not do anytliing." They are
all terrorized, just as the peasants are.
Maj. Humes. What are the means used to terrorize them?
Mr. . Shooting them.
Maj. Humes. Are shootings frequent?
Mr. . Yes.
Slaj. Humes. Tell us any incidents of that sort.
Mr. . I can tell lots of incidents of jDeople disappearing
by being shot. You know they are shot, because of the number of
persong disappearing. In Russia they have no place to put them in
jails. Tliey are just sliot, that is all.
Maj. Humes. "Was there an eifort made to seize vour factory?
Mr. . Yes.
Maj. Hu:mes. ^'\'hat was the manner in which they undertook to
seize it? What was tlie method used?
Mr. . There was a decree put out that all factories were na-
tionalized ; that the factories must be under the control of the work-
men's committees, etc. We had a worl^men's committee in our
f actor3% but our worlnnen's committee said to us, " We do not want
to control this factory. We are perfectly satisfied as it is." Now.
tliat is about the only factory in Russia where they have acted in tliat
way. Why it is I can not tell you. It is possible that it was because
of this. I would aslv, '" How is it that the workmen do not take our
factory? Wliat is the difference between the other factories and our
own case ? '' Tlicy would say, " In the other factories the owners do
not work. They jnst come around occasionally. But here it is differ-
ent. You are on the job before I am."' They would say to me, "We
find the superintendents on the job before we are. You leave after
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 237
US." In that way we had their confidence and we were able to carry
the. thing through. Xow, it wa,s not true in other factories in Russia
that the managers were ahvays on the job. They were sometimes
never onthe job. It is true that they were not as strict as we were
about being around. Some of them would come around for an hour
and look around and go away. So they took those factories, and ours
they did not take.
Senator Overmax. Where is your factory?
Mr. . In European Eussia.
Mr. Dennis. What happened to the factory?
Mr. . I was at the factory in September. It shut
down — absolutely shut down.
Senator Steeling. Those were not the factories, were they, where
the committee visited the manager and told him that they had come
to take over the factory, that they were the owners of it now, and
the manager just said, "All right, gentlemen; I must pay out 30,000
rubles next Saturday. Here are the pajjers, etc.; take them"? And
thev replied to him, saying, "That is your job."
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Sterling. And he told them in reply that if they wei-e
going to take the factory they must take the responsibility.
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Sterling. And that changed the color of things.
Mr. . That is true in many, many cases.
Let me tell you what I saw at one factory. The factory was shut
down. They had a lot of good men that had worked for years, and
I tried to get some of them. I was sitting with the manager talking
as one of the men came in and left a note on his table. He said,
" Just a minute." In a few minutes the same man came back and
said, " They will not wait. They Avant you right away." He said,
■' You see I am busy. What can I do? " " It is the committee." " I
can not do anything : it is the workmen's committee and I can not do
anything with them." I said, "What is up now? " He said, "I do
not know. Let them come in." So I said good-by and went away.
He told me afterwards, " They came in and ordered me out of my
house, took mj household furniture and everything, and I am out in
the street." He was cleaning up papers and things. That is what
happens to 90 per cent of the factories.
Maj. Humes. How long did they operate that factory?
Mr. . They never operated it.
Maj. Hu3iES. Just closed it down?
Mr. . Just closed it down.
Senator Oa'erman. What became of the operatives, the workmen?
Did they go into the army?
Mr. — . The workmen just scattered, looking for food.
Senator Overman. Looting, I suppose.
Mr. . Yes.
Well I will say, in regard to why our factory was not nationalized,
that the workmen, Avould not allow the government to nationalize
it sayino", " If 3^011 nationalize this factory you will close it up the
same as the others, and we want ' our ' factory to work."
Senator Sterling. Because of the goods produced?
Mr, . Possibly. And we had kept telling the workmen right
alono-, "Do not jump at these things. Keep back, and let the other
238 BOLSHEVIK propaga>:da.
fe]lo\\-s try out their experiments, and if it is good perhaps we wil]
do it." So when they saw what the other factories did, that they
Avere all shut up in a week or two, our workmen thought that they
had better not do this. The government sent down to a committee
to say they would shoot our workmen's committee if they did not
take over our factory, and oui' workmen's committee came to us and
said, " "What can we do '. They are going to nationalize the factory
and shut us doAvn." '" Well," we said. '" hold on, and let us stand
together and we can probably do something."' We fought it out with
the government and the workmen said that they would not work
for the government, and that if they touched any of us they would
go out on strilve and woukl not work. They said that the gov-
ernment could never turn out a macliine. So, in that way that affair
blew over. AYc went into that matter pretty well with our work-
men's committee and found out what the cause of this was. and
what started it. It had gone ^long 8 or 10 months without talk of
nationalizing our factory, they had kind of gone around us. but
suddenly it came uf). After we went into it we found it was about
the same as in other case-., somebody looking for the job of manag-
ing the factory. When they find a factory they will go to the
Bolsheviki and say, '" Here is a job. Give me this f jictory and I will
run it."
Senator Overman. Does he run it or not?
Mr. . Whether it ^-uns or not, he gets his pay ; and if it does
not run, if they do not manufacture anything, the government gives
him money to pay the men Avith. I know an instance of a factory
a few miles fi'om ours where the gOA'ernment spent 60,000,000 rubles
to run the factorv for three months, and in that time they produced
goods Avorth 400,000 rubles. Xoav. if it took 60,000,000 rubles to pro-
duce goods Avorth 400,000 rubles, that explains the Avay factories are
run under Bolsheviks.
Senator Overman. What sort of a factory Avas it I
Mr. . A locomotive Avorks.
Senator Sterling. If that is a fair sample of the Avay in Avhich
the goA ernment runs them, nationalizing them is not an entire suc-
cess.
Mr. . Yes: they have failed to keep the workmen satisfied
and they have killed the hen that laid the golden egg. In order to
keep the Avorkmen quiet tliey pay them, and the workmen drink tea
and read newspapers and smoke cigarettes in the shops instead of
Avorking.
Senator Sterling. What about the value of that money?
]Mr. . It is the only means of purchasing they have got — that
money.
Senator Sterling. It is paper money representing rubles?
]Mr. . Yes, and Avith that they buy AA'hat they can. But they
can not buy much.
Senator Sterling. Has not that money been depreciating all the
time ?
^Ir. . Certainly: you can go and buy something to-day that
would cost 30 rubles and to-morrow it Avould co-t 80.
Senator Sterling. Do you knoAv Avhat the extent of the deprecia-
tion is in the Eussian ruble ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 239
Mr. -. I do not know. Let lis take it this way. I used to buy
a suit of clothes for 60 or 70 rubles. Now, I doubt if you could get
one for 2,000 rubles.
Mr. Dennis. And you would hare to hunt for it to buy it at that.
Senator Steeling."^ Two thousand rubles for that which thereto-
fore cost 60 or 70 rubles ?
Mr. . Yes ; almost forty times.
Senator Overjeax. When did you leave Russia ?
Mr._ . I crossed the frontier on the 7th of October.
Maj. HiTMES. What experience did you have with fines — as to
being fined '.
Mr. . The g'overnment tried to fine us in every way, shape,
and manner — that is, to levy taxes. We refused to pay. The govern-
ment used to get at the workmen's committee and ask, " What kind
of a revolutionary shop are you running? " We told the committee,
"Do not be hard on us or we will get out." In most cases they did
just the opposite ; but they tried to put taxes on us in every way.
They were afraid to use force on us, and our committee backed us
lip by refusing to do what they wanted it to do ; and then we had 300
armed men at the factory. We had 300 men fully armed and trained,
so that if anything happened they would start a little row. It is
pretty close to the city, and they would not want anything started
there.
It went along for a long time, and I left Eussia, and it was not paid.
None of the taxes were paid. One tax was 900,000 rubles. In one of
the reports that has been made since I came back one of the men
writes that they are being pushed pretty hard to pay.
Senator Steeling. The taxes were imposed by the Bolshevik gov-
ernment ?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Overiman. Nine hundred thousand rubles ?
Mr. . Altogether, about four and a half million rubles;
that is, in ordinary tax. If they think a man has anything at all,
they will tax him for all he has got.
Senator Sterling. Were you taxed pretty high under the old
regime ?
Mr. . Xothing like that. If we paid a tax of .50,000 rubles,
we thought that was pretty big. The figures now run into millions.
Now, if you pay this tax to-day, in two weeks maybe they will come
around to collect the same tax again. We pay that into the local
soviet, but we do not know Avhere it goes to. AVe have not any idea.
Before I came over from Eussia I tried to get out by way of
Siberia to the Czecho-Slovak front, and I was in Nijni Novgorod,
where Prof. Dennis was. I even called to see him, but he was gone.
I had about a month going from door to door with peasants, go-
ing right through the country, just knocking on the door and asking
them to let me in at night. I spoke Eussian well, and I used to have
some pretty good talks with the peasants, and I tried to get their
idea of the Bolsheviki situation. The peasants in Eussia are abso-
lutely opposed to the Bolsheviki. Before they would let me into the
house they would ask. "Are you a Bolshevik?" And when I told
them I was not a Bolshevik but that I was an American, then they
would open everything and give me anything that I wanted, when
they knew that 1 was an American. But they Avould not let me in
240 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
until they knew that I was not a BoLhovik. They treated me very
fine.
Now, as to elections in Eussia. I will tell you of an election that
I saw in this town. I talked with a man that participated in it. At
one place they had a soviet which was elected just at the beginning
of the Bolshevik revolution, and it ran along for a whole year. Thev
were in jDower, but the Czecho-Slovaks were coming up and the peo-
ple, the peasants all around, would say. "' When are they coming?
Why do they not come ''. ^Vhy do the allies not come I The allies
are right close up." They used to point to some place where you
could say that the allies were. I do not know how they used" to
find it out, but it passed from mouth to mouth. In the city which
is the capital of the state of Xovgorod, where there was a soviet,
they heard that the soviet in this town of Xijni Xovgorod was not
as Bolshevik as it should be, and the ]:)eople around there were pretty
anxious that the Czecho-Slovaks shoulcl come in; so one day they
sent their men down there, three delegates, to meet and talk with
them, and the soldiers rounded up as many of the members of the
soviet as they could and shot some of them, but some of them got
away.
Senator Sterling. Just for the reason that they were not Bol-
shevik, they were shot?
Mr. . That is all. Then they called a meeting of all the
peasants who were elected to represent the diiferent villages around—
this was a county' seat; that is what it Avas.
Senator Steeling. A county soviet?
Mr. . They called them in to hold another election and
one of the men told me this story. Here are the very words that they
used at this election. They called these peasants in and one of these
men from the capital said to them, "' We have got to elect a new soviet.
This soviet is going to be Bolshevik. If you elect any man to this
soviet that is not a Bolshevik we will shoot him. Any man who is
here that is not a Bolshevik can get out."
Well, they pretty nearly all went out. A few stayed around. 1
do not know whether they were Bolshevik or what they were. They
had some elections, but they did not elect enough men. Whether
they could not find enough candidates or whether there were not
enough If^ft in the paity I don't know. So one of them just went
around the village asking who were Bolshevik, and they went over
the village and picked out men for that soviet. I looked into the
character of one man protty well and I found that he was a drunk-
ard, had never owned, you might say. the shirt on his back; just a
thug. He was one of the representatives. He was called in there
and put in, and told " You are elected." That is the way they car-
ried on the election there, and I think you will find that that story is
typical of how they elect their Soviets all over Eussia.
Senator Sterling. How are those members of the soviet appor-
tioned among the population ; what is the ratio ?
Mr. . TJiat I have forgotten. I think it is 1 to every ^.I.OOO
workmen and 1 to every 42.">,000 peasants. There has been a com-
plaint about it on the part of the peasants.
(Thereupon, at .5.30 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee adjourned
until to-morrow. Friday, February 14, 1910. at 2.30 o'clock p. m.)
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
FRIDAY, rEBRTTAKY 14, 1919.
United States Senate,
Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, D. G.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 2.30 o'clock
p. m., in room 226, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman
presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman), King, Wolcott, Nelson,
and Sterling.
Senator Overman. The committee will come to order. Maj.
Humes, will you please call the next witness?
Maj. Humes. I will call Madame Breshkovskaya.
TESTIMONY OF MES. CATKERINE BEESHKOVSKAYA.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Maj. Humes. When did you leave Eussia?
Mrs. Breshkovskaya. I left Russia two months ago.
Maj. Humes. When you left Eussia what was the condition of the
schools in Eussia ? Were they in operation ?
Mrs. Breshkovskaya. We had no schools, we had no teachers, we
had no pencils, no inks. Even when I was in Moscow, for months
we could not get ink. When you did get it, it was very bad.
Maj. Humes. Do you know whether the schools are in operation
in any part of Eussia?
Mrs. Breshkovskaya. There were schools last year, but now they
are empty. The teachers were thrown out by the Bolsheviki, and
many had nothing to do, because they had no furniture, no materials
to teach the children. There were also no books. I was asked by
my teachers to come to America and to pray, and pray very deeply,
to bring some millions of books back to our peasant children, for we
had no books.
Maj. Humes. When you loft Eussia, were any of the factories in
Russia running?
Mrs. Breshkovskaya. Perhaps you have read in your papers and
perhaps you have learned from your own people in the Eed Cross
and the Young Men's Christian Association in Eussia that there is
no clothing, no food, and no goods. Even our cooperations have noth-
ing to sell to the peasants, for we have no industry now at all. The
factories are destroyed, and there are no importations, for we have
no transportation ; no railroads for transportation.
Eussia gives the privilege to every American to come there, and
it is our custom and habit to give preference especially to the Ameri-
85723—19 16 241
242 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
can people. For many years we were accustomed to treat the Ameri-
can people as our friends. Up until this time the Russian people
were fond of the American people, and they were not afraid of their,
intervention.
Industry is quite destroyed, and we have no furniture for the use
of our schools. We have no machines ; we have no tools, no scissors,
no knives, or any of such things. We have here many merchants who
came to beg something for Russia, some goods ; but nothing is running
to transport them.
Senator O^^erman. Where is your home, madam ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskata. My home, sir, is Russia.
Senator Overman. What part of Russia?
Mrs. Breshkovskaya. All over. I have no home of my own; no
house, no home.
Senator Nelson. What part of Russia were you born in ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskata. You know, perhaps, that half of my life I
spent in prison and in Siberia.
Senator Overman. How long were you in prison ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskata. Thirty-two years.
Senator Overman. Thirty-two years in prison ?
Mrs. Breshkovskata. Yes; in prison, in exile, and at hard work,
altogether, in the hands of our despotism, for 32 years ; that is all.
Senator Overman. What is your age now ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskata. Seventy-five.
Senator Wolcott. For what were you in prison ?
Mrs. Breshkovskaya. For socialist propaganda among my people.
We have had a dynasty of moiiarchs, who were terrible despots, in
Russia.
Perhaps you have all heard that 15 years ago I was in America,
and I told all that to your citizens.
Senator Overman. How does the condition of the Russian people
to-day compare with the condition when you first came over here?
Mrs. Beeshkovskata. We Russian socialists and revolutionists
were so happy to see Russia free two years ago, and we hoped when
we got quite free to get excellent laws for her freedom all over
Russia, under the government of Kerensky. We got political free-
dom and personal and social freedom, and we hoped to begin to
build the Russian State on a new form. We could do it, for the
government was in the hands of the people, and all the peasants
and all the workmen and all the soldiers were together and accepted
those laws. We hoped to get land for all, and the Kerensky govern-
ment wrote many times in the papers and announced that the people
ATOukl get the land, but that we should wait until there could be a
national assembly which would confirm all these new laws. So I
say that for six months the Russian people were free, and had in their
hands every possibility to have order and to have freedom, and to
have land.
Senator Overman. Have you freedom there now?
Mrs. Breshkovkaya. Perhaps you know, sir, that many years
ago the German Government sent her spies over to Russia and pi'e-
pared this war ; and not only the Germans, but many Russians who
were abroad. When the revolution Avas on and everybody was free,
and Russia was about to have a constituent assembly, out of Germany
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 24 £
came Lenine and Trotsky with their group, and all these traitors of
Russia came to begin their propaganda. Perhaps you will say it was
the fault of our provisional government not to take them and put
them into prison. Perhaps you will say it ; but the government was so
liberal and hoped to see our people so happy with new possibilities,
that it would not make any arrests. It was too liberal. And, as vou
will remember, it was a time of war, and Russia was weary of this
war, and there were 20,000,000 Russians, grown up boys and men, who
were sent to the front, and for three years Russia was forced to work
only for these 20,000,000, making nothing for herself. The people
were tired and weary, and our soldiers, when they got the propaganda
from Germany and from the Bolsheviki who came into Russia, were
very glad to hear it. They believed that the German population were
brothers of our Russian soldiers, that the German soldiers and the
Russian soldiers were brothers, so they had no reason for continuing
the war.
Then Lenine and Trotsky, with the aid of German money, over-
flowed Russia with their propaganda.
We also have now many, many millions of paper money printed
by Lenine and Trotsky, and it is a great misfortune for Russia. All
the people who served our tyrants in Russia, the old bureaucratic
class, the gendarmes, all those of the old regime, became Bolsheviki,
and they made a large company who would overthrow the regime of
Kerensky in Russia.
After October of 1917, when we saw that the Kerensky govern-
ment was overthrown, with all faithful servants of our people we
immediately addressed our hopes and our prayers to our so-called
allies. I myself, 14 months ago, wrote a letter to the ambassador ot
America, Mr. Francis, exposing to him all that was done; that we
had no national assembly in which people could express their views ;
that it was overthrown by the Bolsheviki, and instead we came under
two gendarmes, Lenine and Trotsky. Our people, believing perhaps
at first that they would do some good, even listened to them. Lenine
said himself, " Nothing will be of us. There will be another czar
after the Bolshe^'iki. But a legend will remain in Russia after us."
But now, these days, all say Russia is in fault. I wrote to your
embassy in Russia that if you would be so good as to give us some
support (from 50,000 good soldiers of your armies) the Bolsheviki
would be overthrown. Yet I got no answer.
Meanwhile in Siberia, and over all Russia, the criminals were set
at liberty, and after the Brest-Litovsk peace we got in Moscow two
mighty rulers, Lenine, and Gen. Mirbach from Prussia. He was
there, and he was all over Russia. He asked to get all the Germa.i
and Magyar prisoners to be gathered and armed, to malce new troop.i
against Russia. He asked, too, to disarm at once the Czecho-Slovaks,
who forced their way to Vladivostok to get to France. Lenine obeyed
these orders and sent troops to do it. The Czecho-Slovaks had no
more desire to remain in Russia. They wished to go to France. Rus-
sia, after the Brest-Litovsk peace, could not use their forces, so that
they tried to get to Vladivostok, and their little army of 80.000 troops
were dispersed over the Volga and awav about Siberia. Mirbach
understood that this was so much good for those soldiers to j::3i ">
France and come back against Germany, so he gave the order to^
244 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
disarm them. The first troops, who were nearest to ^Moscow, were
disarmed. Yet they left some arms with them. Then IMirbach
ordered to disarm tliem all — every Czecho-Slovak soldier.
Then came some Eed Guards from the part of the Bolsheviki out
of Moscow, with some oificers, and they asked the Czecho-Slovaks to
be disarmed. The Czecho-Slovaks understood that if disarmed they
would be as prisoners and left in Siberia, and that Mirbach would
make of them all he wished ; so they decided not to go to Siberia and
not to he disarmed, but to turn toward the west, and they began to
fight — these gallant soldiers.
First, they took the town of Nicolaievsk, and then Omsk and then
Tobolsk.
All the time Lenine and Trotsk}' and all the so-called Bolsheviki
were entertained and given support from Germany by the German
Kaiser and liis Government. I do not know if the German people
were in this complot. Certainly German soldiers, many of them,
were, for they would make show of their brotherhood to our soldiers.
After disorder grew, after all our factories and mills were de-
stroj'ed in Moscow and Petrograd, all our depots and supplies which
had been provided by our zemst^'o, by Kerensky's government, all that
was given to the Germans. The Bolsheviki could not oppose in any
wav. They were quite dependent on the German Government and
Mil-bach and the other German generals, for we had no army, and he
would have the support of the German Government.
Senator Steeling. Were German soldiers helping the Bolsheviki
against the Czecho-Slovaks ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskata. Help themi Against the Czecho-Slovaks?
Certainly, and the Czecho-Slovaks combated vtry well with the Ger-
man people and the Magyars. They hated them, yes. Now they are
entirely for themselves, and as they have their own republic, they
would go back. Now Russia will be left quite alone. Yes ; if we had
our own forces ; the Russian forces against the Bolsheviki. We had no
organization to fight with them. The Bolsheviki grew and grew in
forces. Idle men, who did not have any work, for all the factories
were shut, nolens volens became Bolsheviki, too, because there was
nothing to eat. The industries were all gone. The factories were
shut, and there was no material to work on and no desire to work on
the part of the workers. They said all the bourgeois had to be over-
thrown, and the workmen would work alone to make our industries.
Not so many, but a few, of the Bolsheviki gave the example of giving
the factories into the hands of the workmen. In one or two months it
all was destroyed. Nobody worked, and they could not continue be-
cause they were inexperienced in these matters.
Our peasants alone are working in the villages. There is not any
industry since then. For instance, take the coal mines; it is so easy
to use them. But they could not use them. You must feel, yourself,
the need of the Russian people.
We ask you for everything. We ask you to give us paper, to give
us scissors, to give us matches, to give us clothes, to give us leather to
make boots. We ask everything; not because we are so poor, but all
our riches are under the ground. Russia is destroyed in industry and
husbandry. There is no industry at all. What'we need is to" have
handicrafts in Russia, to have schools, and to spin and weave, and to
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 241
make boots; because we are naked. I am ashamed to expii^ss myself
that we are like mendicants now; that ^^'e must ask everything,' ever
things like this [indicating a penholder], but it is so. Vou'know
when you send your Eed Cross you send your medicines and (•vi>r\
sort of necessity. If you came without your own medicines and othei
things, without your clothing, you would do nothing, because there if
nothing to work with. '
Also I assert that the Bolsheviki destroyed Enssia and divided h
and corrupted the people of Russia. They turned loose on the peo-
ple all the criminals that were out and in the prisons. They are mm
with the Bolsheviki. They have ne\-er a yoA ic-< com|:0£;:;;l ^,J all h ,.:. ji
people. They are the refuse of our people in Euasia.
And now you ask, how does the people support such conditions '(
Dear me, our people supported for 300 years our desj^otism, and
when 15 years ago 1 was here in America I was asked '' If youi
despotism is so bad, why do you people stand it? " Our peoi^le arc
illiterate. Our people never had access to the government ; never hac
sense to deal with the political questions; ncA-er were pei'mitted tc
read papers where was stated the truth. Our people are like children
There is a person here who has spent three years in Russia, ami he
■says to me, " Oh, yes ; to understand the psychology of your people
one must understand the psycholog}' of children." They are good-
hearted and openhearted, and they ha^■e confidence in everv'.ue
especially in those who after so many hundreds of cycles of repres-
sion and poverty and suffering will promise them to ha^o peace, as
did the Bolsheviki ; to have bread, to have schools, to have everything
They did believe it. Now. they do not believe anyone. But thcic i;
nothing now to have. And after that, I do not hope that any of oui
allies will be so generous — I will say so bold — as to give us armed
help. I do not hope.
I see everybody" is so much involved with their own affairs and in-
terests, that Russia is left alone. Yet the Russian people woidd be
raised up by those who would give them help, Avho would give them
tokens of their friendship not only with words and not only with
promises, but with real help ; to secure our railroads, for instance; tc
have for us school books ; to have for us merchandise and several sorts
of machines; for our peasants began to be accustomed t" have
machines out of Germany and out of America. Now, we have none
at all. All that wc had before is used up, now. For five years we
have not been working for ourselves; for five years, three years with
Germany and noAv two years in civil war. Lenine and Trotsky prom-
ised to make peace and to have peace in Russia, a'^d after their peace
with the Germans in Brest-Litovsk they said. " We will rec-.niSLruct
Russia "; and when German troops came into west Russia, and made
every sort of disorder, then Trotsky exclaimed, " We shall have a
crusade against Germany: " yet in tw,o weeks Lenir.c made a decla-
ration, " We are not so "foolish as to begin again to make vrar with
somebody, for certainly otherwise our efforts to deepen and dcoi)en
the revolution would fail," and instead of beginning to make war
with the German people, they began to make civil war in Russia ;
and instead of having one front, between Russia and Germany, we
have now, I will not say five, but I will say hundreds of fronts all
over Russia, for everywhere we have gangs and bands. Now. the
246 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
people, being starving, being naked, they will go and serve Trotsky
or any leader or any general, who will make them brigands. Here
they turn around, and Avith Germans, and others, prisoners of Russia,
all Eussia is robbed, and all Russia has nothing now, and all Russia
will fight, perhaps, for many years among themselves, before they
get out of this boiling pot, and will find out an issue for themselves.
1 will not say anybody is in fault, no; but we are left alone, and
we do not now hope to get any support from any side. It will be
very hard for us to fight in our own countiy for five, six, I do not
know how many years, before we begin to be reasonable and strong-
minded, and understand our own interests.
Yes, the people is depressed, morally and spiritually depressed ; and
it is not so fresh, you know, not at all. Depressed, the people is. And
now bolshevism will not be finished in Russia so soon, for we see now
that it spreads more and more around Russia. When I was talking
to one member of our elected government. Gen. Boldoreff, he said,
" See. in some years we are going to give help and restore order in
Europe." Certainly, Russia shall help herself, and have rest and
order, and then it is quite sure that this venom of Bolshevism will die
out. You in America, you mix together Bolshevism and socialism. I
have been a socialist for 50 years, and 1 wished to get my people free,
and have all political rights in Russia;' and when two years ago we
got them, then I would say to myself, '" Now we will construct, and
not destroj\ We will construct; we Avill raise our people and build
and construct and create, to make a beautiful place out of Russia."
And the Bolsheviki are now saying, " We must destroy, and destroy,
and destroy."
I have a letter from one of m}'' young partners who brought his
wife from Petrograd to ^Vladivostok. Everywhere where the Bolshe-
viki are, there are no intelligent people; there is no intelligence; all
killed or hidden, for they destroyed not only our factories and our
mills, and not only our schools, but they destroyed, they killed, all the
intelligent people, the best professors, the best professional men, the
best men we had in Russia, hundreds of them; and I myself was
hidden for two months in Petrograd, and for six months in Moscow
before I left it. Thousands of old socialists, revolutionists, are killed
by the Bolsheviki as being reactionary and counter-revolutionists.
Senator Overman. Why did you hide^
jMrs. Breshkovskava. Oh. dear me ! I was illegal in Eussia. I
have friends who hid me. I expected to live in Russia, in this part
where there are not Bolsheviki, and to work with my iDeasants. Our
peasants aie everywhere; and evcrj' peasant is so tired of tlie Bol-
shevism that he only says. "' If only some good people would come and
rescue us ! " Very oiten I have said, " For shame ! You ask help of
them, and you ask the American people. Why do you not help your-
selves? " " Oh, we are so tired; and we are disarmed." You see, the
(yerman Government was so clever, had so much foresight ; and all
our soldiers who were discharged were disarmed before this coup
detat.
Senator Sterling. So that the peasants had no arms '.
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. \o ?rnis, no powder. They were without
anv arri-s. And the Bolsheviki have all things.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 247
I will finish my speech by repeating what I have said, if you
Americans could help us and aid us to have in Eussia a national con-
stituent assembly, it would appease all the people. When it is said
that you Americans do not know how you can act, it is not essential, to
my mind. You could act ; and in Eussia you can not understand how
it is. It is quite simple. We are an original people, perhaps;
but we need what all other people need. We need order ; we need to
work ; we need political freedom ; we need all that is due to every free
nationality; a quite democratic government; not, as they claim, any
Lenine and Trotslcy, but a government elected by the people.
We must have good transportation. We have now none. Also, we
must have schools.
Maj. Httmes. Which government treated the i^eople of Eussia the
best, the old regime government or the Trotsky-Lenine government ?
Mrs. Bkeshkovskaya. Ah, perhaps many people are now, espe-
cially among the peasants, calling for the Czar again. They were
denied paper and newspapers and education, but they could work;
and that is now impossible. Everywhere we have fighting fronts, and
everywhere the people are persecuted, and everywhere we have Sov-
iets, and the Soviets are composed of people sent out from Petrograd
and Moscow, that rule the district. Certainly the mindful would
never have a tsar again; never, never! Even the most of the
people never would have him again ; and we will fight until we have
a democratic government. But when we compare this view with the
conditions under Lenine and Trotslcy, if it would endure twenty
years, for instance, Eussia would be dead. The people would be kept
corrupted.
Senator Nelson. Do you believe that Lenine and Trotslcy were the
tools of Germany ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. I do not believe it ; I am sure of it, sir.
Senator Nelson. Do you believe that they received German money ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. Yes. They also make this paper money and
flood Eussia with it. Every pood of our rye bread now costs 500 or
600 rubles.
Senator Nelson. Do you believe that the bolshevik government of
Lenine and Trotsky is a tyranny and a danger and a menace to
Eussia ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. It is. But more than a danger, it is destroy-
ing Eussia. It is on the verge of being quite destroyed.
Senator Nelson. Do you believe that this government will be de-
tructive of the liberties of the Eussian people ? _
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. Alrea,dy we have no liberty in Eyssia. No
newspapers except the bolshevik newspapers are permitted, sir, and
therefore you read only bolshevik newspapers. There are no universi-
ties no colleges, and no schools. All of them are shut. Certainly
Eussia will struggle and will shed her own blood for many, many
years to become free. We have no freedom in Eussia.
Senator Nelson. Is this government by Lenine and Trotsky worse
for the Eussian people than even the bad government of the Czar ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. What a question do you ask, sir ! I, for in-
stance would suffer for twenty years not to have a czar; but simple
people' who work for their bread would certainly prefer a czar to
248 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Trotsky and Lenine. I can not believe that 180,000,000 people
\TOuld have to suffer and struggle without any peace. It is impossible.
It will be finislied. And if Eussia will have a czar, if Eussia will
have dictators, if Eussia will have bolsheviki, it will be the fault of
our allies, because they do not help us.
Senator Nelson. What is the feeling of the Eussian peasants to-
wards the bolshe^•ik government? How do vou stand with reference
to it?
^Irs. Beeshkovskaxa. They are all against the bolsheviki. When
the bolsheviki come to the village and ask for bread and grain and po-
tatoes and meat, they fight with them. They fight with sticks against
them. They will not be robbed. They have been robbed by German
troops and robbed by the bolshevik troops, and robbed by Magyar
troops. The bolsheviki consider the peasants bourgeois if they have a
cow, some grain, and some potatoes. Only proletariat, only those who
have nothing at all, can go about Eussia and rob everyone. We have
no banks, we ha^-e no stores or shops, we have no ships, we have
nothing now, and we have thousands and thousands of people without
work, who join the troops and go all over Eussia.
Senator Steeling. I would like to ask what you think of the
withdrawal of the allied forces from Eussia — the French, British,
and American troops, that were there?
Mrs. Beeshko^'skaya. You ask only about the American troops?
Senator Steeling. All allied troops.
Mrs. Beeshkovsivata. I shall be frank and say that the French
and British troops, especially the British troops in Omsk, were in
fault for the last coup d'etat. Certainly if thej^ had not had those
troops they would not have made us appoint dictators instead of
electing people.
Senator Steeling. I do not quite understand.
Mrs. Beeshkovskata. The French and British troops in Omsk are
responsible for the coup d'etat which put a dictator in in place of an
elected assembly, and of course we are not in favor of such kind of
troops.
Senator Steeling. But aside from that, do you think the presence
of allied troops, American, French, and British, aside from the cir-
cumstance that you name, would be helpful to Eussia ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. If they should fight with us against the
bolsheviki they would aid us, but when they leave the bolsheviki
to do what they wish to do, it will not help us. Eussia has no arms,
no munitions, nothing, and the allied forces are coo few; 1,000
British, 2,000 French, and 1,000 Italians. Already our neighbors,
the Japanese, are sending in their troops, and instead of having in
Eussia the American intervention, American aid, we will have the
intervention of Japanese troops, with very selfish intentions. And
perhaps some dictator will be able to use them to give the whole of
Siberia to the Japanese people and to keep Eussia for some years
more in civil war. I assure you, sir, there will be a time when the
Japanese and German people will have an alliance; and certainly
the first who will suffer will be Eussia. You will not help us unless
you keep out such invaders as the Japanese, and help us to get rid
of the criminals such as the Bolsheviki. Of that I am sure.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 24 {
Senator Sterling. Do you think a sufficient allied force in Russis
would help to restore the constituent assembly to power and giv(
you a democratic government?
Mrs. Beeshkoyskata. Not only a lai-ge force of troops would help
but if committees would come to Russia and ask to have an assembl]
formed in Russia, it would help. If you had come to our help i
year ago, perhaps 20,000 of your troops would have been sufficient
Now it will take 50,000; not less and perhaps more. Fifty thousanc
armed troops that would fight would help us to reestablish the con
stituent assembly.
Senator Sterling. Do you think, Madame, that an army of 15,00(
or 20,000 allied troops would have prevented the establishment of i
Bolshevik government in Moscow?
Mi's. Breshkoyskaya. I am sure of it. Even yesterday a Czecho
Slovak said to me that if they were not supported they could not hole
out; they could not fight alone. The Russian people have no arm
and the BolsheYiki would be sure to get through into IJkrainia, anc
with the aid of the German troops they would go straight througl
the country. When you ask how many troops would be needed, r
depends. If you put a million troops in a place and they did noth
ing, they would not be as good as 50,000 troops who could fight. I
you get 50,000 troops that will fight, that will be enough.
Senator Steeling. Do you think such troops would be welcome(
by all but the Bolsheviki?
Mrs. Breshkovskay'a. Certainly, if they asked for them a year age
They are crying, " Sa^•e us. Come and defeat the Bolsheviki, for w
can not exist. There is no work in Russia."
Senator Steeling. Suppose this BolshcY-ik rule goes on, and as ;
result of Bolshevik rule there is disorder nnd chaos in Russia, will i
not lead eventually to the domination of Russia by Germany ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskay'a. Certainly.
Senator Steeling. You think it would?
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. If Bolshevik rule ctmtinues, Japan and G;er
many will cut Russia into pieces. That is quite plain, for havini
no forces to fight against them, and always occupied with her in
terior disorders, certainly those two neighbors will come in and mak
of Russia their own colonies. The Japanese have already begun t'
make them. They already have bought houses and materials an(
goods in the east of Siberia, and have openly confessed that it is t
their interest to have Siberia in their hands, to keep for themselves
and they say, " We can not permit anyone, including the America]
people, to ask us to take a subordinate position."
Senator Steeling. Is there any possibility of America helping in
dustrially as long as the Bolsheviki rule?
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. While the Bolsheviki rule ? Would you as.
us to sit at the table with criminals and deal with them? If all Rus
sia is "destroyed, and all the people shot or hung, it means nothiuj
to them. All they want is to sit and rule, after they have corruptei
our people, corrupted our soldiers, and corrupted our sailors am
corrupted our workers. Only peasants they could not corrupt, be
cause in every village there are only a very few Bolsheviki.
Senator Steeling. And on that question you feel that you can no
treat or deal with the Bolsheviki?
260 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mrs. Breshkovskata. Certainly not; not when they deceive every-
body and destroy e\ eryone, especially honest people. Honest and in-
telligent people are destroyed in Russia. I say to you that for the
head of Kerensky they promised 100,000 rubles — only to have his
head.
Senator Sterling. Madam, have you read the appeal of the Eus-
sian Economic League to the people of America in regard to the
withdrawal of American forces from Russia ?
Mrs. Breshkovskata. No, I have not.
Senator Sterling. It is an appeal by five or six whose names I do
not now recall.
jNIrs. Breshkovskata. I do not remember. I read, sir, two months
ago that your good President wanted to give from your American
bank $5,000,000 to aid commerce between America and Russia and
Russian corporations and people. That is very well. But I ask you
what will be the use of this proposition if we have already Ameri-
can goods in Vladivostok, many millions of tons, and we can not
move them, and speculators get hold of them and hold them for
high prioi'S, and thej' can not move them because there are no rail-
ways^ Sugar costs 20 rubles in Kharbin, and they sell it for 800
rubles in Omsk. It is impossible to get goods from that place. We
have no sugar. To'day- some lady asked me Avhy we had no sugar.
A short time ago we had no grain, and we had no oil — no kerosene
;;il. We have no bread. There is some bread in the villages, but in
Moscow tliere is not. Neither is there any in Petrogracl. They have
no grain. \\\ of our provinces are depending one upon another, and
will have to do so until we have railroads and communication on the
rivers. Until then we Avill always be depending upon one another.
All improvements in husbandry and in agriculture have been stopped,
and any improvements in industry have been stopped. We have none
now.
Bolshevists got their principles mainly from the socialists, and
misused them. Instead of creating in Russia they began to destroy
and overthrow what was done until now.
I am surprised that you, who are so clever and so mighty, you do
not go and see yourselves what has happened to Russia. But do not
see only the Bolsheviki, in some towns, but go thi-ough all towns and
ask our people and our workmen what is their idea. Russia is 12,000
miles long and 6,000 miles broad, and it can not be known by any
except those that spend all their lives, as to what is there, what
is their people, and what is their country, and what are their suffer-
ings, and what are their needs. For 2.5 years I had to learn and for
50 years to struggle against every evil and every misfortune which
our people suffered.
Senator Sterling. To what extent, madam, are there soviet gov-
ernments in Siberia?
Mrs. Breshkovskata. There are none. Perhaps somewhere there
^re, but I do not know of any in Siberia.
Senator Sterling. In European Russia are there any soviet gov-
ernments that are not controlled by the Bolshevik element ?
Mrs. Breshkovskata. Every soviet government now springs up
controlled by brigands, like bubbles out of the water.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAWDA. 25
Senator Steeling. They do not have to be residents of the town o
•district in order to beccane members of the soviet?
Mrs. Breshkovskaya. Now, they come with guns and take posses
sion of the Soviets. If the Eussian people could have been organizec
they -^^ould have overthrown the Bolsheviki and the Soviets long age
But there has been a collapse of forces, a collapse of spirit, and w
can not accuse our people. They have suffered all through the cen
turies, as serfs under a despotic government, and now in this terribl
v.ar they ha-^-e suffered much. Many mothers had six boys at th
front. They are quite ignorant of their country. The people in th
provinces have no conception of what is going on around them
Every peasant knows only his village, his district, and nothing more
Yet we will work, and we will learn, and some day we will be
strong, religious people. We are religious.
Maj. Humes. Is there a greater amount of crops planted unde
Bolshevik rule than under the old regime ?
Mrs. BRESHKovsiiAYA. Planting is diminishing. The landlords ar
not so bold to risk, and the peasants are not so sure the land will b
for them, and thei-efore they will not even attempt to cultivate mud
land, and without horses they can not, so the planting diminishe
and diminishes. "We have not exported any grain for five years. Al
was left in Russia. Nevertheless they are quite near starvation
What does it mean? It means that for instance in many province
the peasants are hiding their grain. They will not sell it into th
towns. They are always saying, " Give us goods. Give us machinery
wares and goods, sugar and tea, all Y>e need, and we will sell you ou
grain. Otherwise, you give us some paper money, and what shall w
do with it? Nothing at all." And they think, too, that they must sel
at the price fixed by the Bolsheviki where there are Bolsheviki. am
this price is not high ; but when they 'want to get anything in town—
to buy anything else — thej^ must pay for a pound of sugar 40 rubles
Therefore they will not sell their grain to the Bolsheviki, an(
brigands are going over Russia and robbing them, so that they ari
hiding their grain in the ground — making great holes in the grounc
nnd putting the grain in — and much of the grain is x'otting. All ove:
Russia it is destroy, and destroy. There is no order, no industry
and no work.
Senator Steelinc. Do you have any idea, madam, how man;
people have been killed by the Bolsheviki? Has there been an}' esti
mate made?
Mrs. Breshkovskata. It is said that the war against the German
took only half of those who are killed now. Twice as much as w(
Irad in casualties during the war have been killed by the Bolsheviki
It is not imaginable to you. They shoot, for instance, thousands anc
thousands of them at once. Ever}' man and every woman who ii
against them, as they believe, is shot cr hanged.
Senator Over^iax. How many people have fled the territory oi
account of this terrorism ?
Mrs. Bkeshkovskava. All the provinces are overflowed with refu
'"■ees. There are refugees in every town now, and we have committeei
for refuo'ees. They come out of the towns quite naiked. They comi
in durina"the night, women with children, and old women, and man]
252 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAI^DA.
of tliem come from the towns quite naked. And of sickness, there is
ty]^hiis everywhere.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know of any agents who are spreading
the Bolshevik propaganda in this country?
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. I have lieard of them. I have heard that
you have 3.000,000 Eussian Bolshevik refugees. Perhaps it is not
quite ^o much. But I am sure that all the Bolsheviki, all these
criminals who are making propaganda in Russia, will make the same
propaganda everywhere. They will not work, but they always have
means to put out this propaganda. Here in America your democ-
racy could be so well organized against Bolshevism. I am sure there
is liberty of association here, of assembly, of unions, and so we
socialists hoped to have such an organization in Eussia during the
first three or four months after the revolution; but until now man-
kind has many bad instincts, it is true; and when one comes to the
poor people and demonstrates his worst side of nature, certainly they
will find things pretty bad. And so it was in Russia. But I am
glad to say that all the Russian people are not corrupted. Yet it is
quite enough to have some 100,000 of such corrupted people, to In-ing
misfortune over the whole country. It is quite enough. We have no
navy, we have no factories, we have no guns, we have no transporta-
tion. All of those which we had the Bolshe-\-iki have sold to the
German people. ^A'hen I spent six months in hiding in Moscow, every
day there was a train going to Orsba, a town down near Germany.
Every day they sent down cars loaded with goods from Moscow to
Germany. Every day goods were carried out. So that our national
riches, our best art productions, and all of that, has gone to Germanv.
All of that they sent to Germany and nothing was left for the people.
Ask anybody if the organization of the Bolsheviki is for the welfare
of our people, and nobody will answer you that it is. We have no
schools, no colleges, no universities. You will read in the papers that
everybody is working and learning. But the fact is that there are
no factories, no mills, nor anything.
TESTIMONY OF ME. ROGEUS SMITH.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Maj. Htjmes. Mr. Smith, where do you live?
Mr. Smith. Brooklyn, N. Y., at present-
Ma]'. Humes. What is your business? What are you connected
with ?
Mr. Smith. The National City Bank.
Maj. Hr^iEs. Were you connected with the National City Bank
in Petrograd?
Mr. Smith. I was.
Maj. Htjmes. When did you leave Petrograd?
Mr. Smith. September 2.
Senator Wolcott. What A^ear?
Mr. Smith. 1918.
Maj. Humes. In September, 1918?
Mr. Smith. Yes.
Senator Ovehmax. Did you come away with this American colony?
Mr. Smith. Yes, I came out with Mr. Lee's party.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 253
Senator Ovehjiax. Why did you leave there?
Mr. Smith. Why, tlie American consul, Mr. Poole, had received
word from the Government to get all the Americans out, and we
look the opportunity to get out. Conditions were certainly get-
ting worse and there was no good in our remaining.
Maj. 'Humes. Mr. Smith, will you just describe in your own
way the condition of affairs as you found them in such parts of
Eussia as you visited, commencing with the November revolution
and the events leading up to that revolution, through to the time you
left?
Mr. Smith. I came in there in June, 1917, in the early part of
June, and was present at the time the Bolsheviki in July first tried
to take power and were put down by Kerensky, who brought up
forces from the front. I was there during the summer, and at the
time when the Bolsheviki wore finally successful, when Kerensky
was forced to flee. They had the provisional government in the
Winter Palace — that is, the ministers — and the final taking of the
Winter Palace took place in the early morning, and the following
morning we saw prisoners being led out by these sailors from
Kronstaclt, after the Bolsheviki were in full control of the city.
Maj. Humes. What were they leading the prisoners out for?
Mr. Smith. "\'\1ien they had gathered them in the palace, they
brought the ministers over to the fortress of Sts. Peter ancl Paul,
The Bolsheviki had really obtained control then. They had this big
program — land, peace, and bread for everybody — and they brought
over all the troops in Petrograd, the soldiers that were stationed
there, to help them. Of course it was really started by the workmen
of the factories, and they had managed to convert the soldiers gar-
risoned in Petrograd to their ideals, with this platform.
Maj. Humes. Now, what was that platform?
Mr. SstiTH. Land, peace, and bread. Peace with German}', land
for everybody — the peasants — and bread. I do not think that any oi
this has really been successful. It is quite evident.
Senator Overman. Did they get bread and peace?
Mr. Smith. They haven't much bread. They give bread to those
that work. Those that were against them they did not permit to
have bread.
Senator OvEiorAX. Did they divide up the land among the people?
Mr. Smith. They did not exactly divide it, or at least there was nc
special plan of division. They simply took it. If a man next dooi
had any more land than they had, they would simply take it. There
was constant strife, as far as I could determine. And as soon as one
got a little more land than his neighbors, he was declared to be bour-
geois.
Senator Wolcott. It went up and down all the time?
Mr. Smith. Yes; constantly.
Senator Wolcott. If a man got up, the penalty was that he had to
go down again?
Mr. Smith. Yes.
The food conditions were getting terrible in Petrograd. especially
in February, 1918. In addition to that, the Germans were within
50 miles of the city. No one could tell whether they could get up
there or not. Contradictory reports were printed in the newspapers.
254 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
In fact the Bolsheviki themselves did not know. They were com-
ing so near that people were getting out of town. A German
commission took real control of the city. The troops, of course,
neA'er entered, as is well known. At the time Mr. Treadwell, Mr.
Brown, ]\Ir. Stephens, ]Mr. Welsh, and seveial others, the last Ameri-
cans in Petrograd, it was said, evacuated on March 19, ]\Ir. Treadwell
Went to the bureau where they are supposed to get passports
Senator Wolcott. That was when ?
Mr. Smith. March 19. 1918. He was unable to make himself
understood in English or Eussian. The clerk spoke only German.
They got on the train, and in the station the train was held there for
some time. The usual thing is for the commissar of railroads to
come through and collect the passports. The commissar came
through and he looked into the apartment in which these men were,
and he said in broken English, " Well, boys, are you going to take a
little trip ? " This man was named Shatoff. He was known by ilr.
Brown. He was a Jew from the East Side of New York.
Senator Nelson. What was his other name ?
Mr. Smith. That is the only name I know.
Senator Nelson. What was his official position ?
Mr. Smith. The commissar of the Nicolai Kailroad — ^the chief
commissar.
Senator Nelsox. He was a Hebrew from the East Side of New
York?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
Senator Wolcott. As the commissar of that railroad, what were
his duties? Was he what we call a superintendent of the railroad?
Mr. Smith. No; he was supposedly the Government control officer
appointed for the railroad. He had no knowledge of the technique
of the railroad, or anything of that sort. It was up to him to con-
trol more or less the operation of the railroad.
Senator Wolcott. Was it a large railroad system, or just a little
short line?
Mr. Smith. It is the line between Moscow and Petrograd.
Senator Wolcott. A very important line, is it?
Mv. Smith. It is the best operated line in the country at this
present time.
Senator Steelixg. What had this man's business been in New
York?
Mr. Smith. I do not know what he did. We did not get any per-
sonal history from him. Mr. Brown can tell you if you get in
touch with him.
Senator Nelson. Could he talk English?
Mr. Smith. Perfectly.
Senator Overman. Continue with what you were about to say when
you were interrupted.
Mr. Smith. He collected the passports, and went through the train,
and later came back and said, " Well, boys, I am afraid you will have to
stay in Berlin to-night ; you can not go over to Brooklyn to-night.'' I
said, " What is the matter " ? He said, " There are only about five or
six passports of the people on the train that are in order." That was
his announcement at that time. We were moved partly out in tiie
yard, and held up for a long time, but finally tlie train did actually
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 255<
go through. That was a little incident that I wanted to bring in.
I have noticed several inquiries here before as to whether Jews are in
control of the Government, or in the government. That is the only
incident I directly know of.
Senator Overman. Did you see any other East-side men over there?
Mr. Smith. I saw no other men from New York, or from America,
myself. I have heard many stories, but I do not remember them. I
have heard plenty of stories, and I have seen plenty of Jews in tli£
government. The man that arrested us on December 26, 1917, the
man in command of the party, was a red-headed Jew, a Russian Jew.
Maj. Humes. You say arrested. Do you mean at the time they
undertook to take over, or did take over, the National City Bank ?
Mr. Smith. Yes ; when they took over all the banks.
Senator Nelson. Did they take over your bank?
Mr. Smith. They did not take it over in the way they did the
others. On the morning when they were to take over all the banks,
they sent a squad of soldiers down, and the chap in command who
entered the bank said we were all arrested, that the bank was arrested
and belonged to the people. The manager and the assistants con-
ducted negotiations witli this man who was sent down there, and got
him so confused that he did not know just what his orders were, and
we telephoned quite a lot. Finally we succeeded in getting him tO'
take the manager and the secretary to the State bank of Russia to
see the chief commissar of finances, and the man in charge up there
took them under arrest. They went up to the State bank.
Senator Oveeman. Did this fellow speak English?
Mr. Smith. No : not this one that came in. He was quite Russian..
They went up to the State bank and wished to enter the offices of the
chief commissar up there. There was a big line of people waiting,.
and they started to go in ahead of the line, and the people all ex-
claimed, " No; go down at the end of line." They said, " We are ar-
rested." They said, " That does not make anj^ difference ; go down
to the end of the line."
They finally saw this chief commissar, and after consideiable nego-
tiations, we arranged that they should not put a commissar, that is a
special commissar, in charge of our bank ; that we would be permitted
to go on revising our boeks and getting them in order, and taking
care of our clients, under certain provisions.
After five days they withdrew the guards. Our only commissar
was the chief commissar of the State bank at Petrograd. Of course,
he was not in the bank, nor did he directly control us. We agreed to
abide by their decrees, that is, in the matter of paying out certain
sums of money. It was not only our own best policy, but it fitted
Fery well, under the circumstances, to agree to do that.
Senator Overman. How much did they let you pay?
Mr. Smith. They allowed us to pay 150 rubles a week to Russians
and foreigners, with the exception of Americans. Tliere was no
special exemption, but we were allowed to pay 500 rubles a day.
Senator Overman. How much did they tax you?
Mr. Smith. They did not tax us anything.
Senator Steeling. That meant to pay out on deposits ?
Mr. Smith. Yes; the depositors could draw that quantity of
money each day; and as I said, they withdrew the soldiers, and we
were never bothered with them again in the bank.
256 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Sterlixg. AVhat reason was given for restricting the pay-
ments out on deposits?
Mr. Sjiith. Lack of currency ; and at the same time, they had not
settled on the policy as to just what they were going to do. They
wanted to see that nobody drew out a large amount of money and
used it for counter-revolutionary purposes to hurt the government,
which ^^■as a very good reason. The currency stringency had existed
for a long time before that.
Maj. HuiiES. Did you have any way to pay out money except by
currency ?
My. Sjiith. We could issue a check on the State Bank, and then
it was up to the depositor to receive that check and try to get tlie
currency.
Maj. Humes. Was there any specie passing current at that time?
]Mr. Smith. Nothing at all.
Maj. Humes. Was it ever possible for anybody to get specie instead
of paper money?
Mr. S:mith. The current rate, when I first came to Russia, was
10 rubles for 1 gold ruble. Of course, there were no gold rubles, but
5 or 10 rubles in gold amounted to 50 or 100 rubles in paper.
Senator Sterling. Is that true now ?
Mr. Smith. With gold?
Senator Sterling. Yes.
]Mr. S^MiTH. Yes, sir.
Senator Sterling. There is a very great scarcity ?
Mr. SiiiTH. \^erv great : yes, indeed. I did not see any gold in
Russia in a great many days.
Another vei'v interesting thing was what they called the revision
of the safes and safe deposit vaults. The way they acted is rather
amusing. The Bolsheviks declared that all the property which was
in the vaults of the banks — that is, the safe-deposit vaults — should be
confiscated; that is, all the jDroperty, such as gold and silver, and
things of value of that sort.
Maj. Humes. Securities?
Mr. Smith. Securities were exempt. Only gold and silver; and.
of course, coins. It was necessary, however, for everybody to ap-
pear there, who had a safe, and open it in^heir presence, and they
would examine everything in it, and take away what they felt they
were going to confiscate, giving a statenient showing that they had
taken it, but no promise to pay or return it. It was a rather
touching sight. Fortunately we had no gold or anything of value
in these safes. We had securities, that was all, and they could not
confiscate them.
Senator Nelson. Did they levy any tribute in any form on your
bank?
Mr. Smith. Never.
Senator Overman. On the other banks, did they?
Mr. Smith. They did not levy any tribute on the other banks.
They nationalized them.
Senator Nelson. That is, they took possession of them and ran
them themselves?
Mr. Smith. Yes, they ran them to a certain extent.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 257
Maj. Humes. Did they subsequently take possession of your bank?
Mr. Smith. No, they did not take possession of it. They told us to
evacuate our bank. We were in Vologda at that time. We were
forced to evacuate from Petrograd and go to Vologda.
Maj.. Humes. Did you take the bank with you?
Mr. Smith. We took the bank to Vologda.
Maj. Humes. Was the bank afterwards taken over, too — the Peo-
ple's Bank?
Mr. Smith. Never.
Maj. Humes. What is the state of the bank now?
Mr. Smith. It is just closed.
Senator Nelson. You took it over to Vologda?
Mr. Smith. We moved out to Vologda, because of the food crisis
and the imminence of a German invasion. We really never believed
the Germans were coming into Petrograd, because we could not see
how they would dare do it. Further than that, they did not have the
force to run the city; it was too enormous a task, and it would be
• no advantage to them to have the city, except for political purposes
for their own people, to say that they had captured Petrograd.
Maj. Humes. What was the extent of your deposits when you
closed the bank, approximately?
Mr. Smith. The deposits would amount to, including valuables —
you mean securities and so on ?
Maj. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Smith. About 300,000,000 rubles.
Senator Overmax. Was there a reign of terrorism while you were
there?
Mr. Smith. The onl}^ teiTorism 1 could testify to was the searches.
Everybody was in constant fear of search.
Maj. Humes. They were in fear of search. Were they actually
searched ?
Mr. Smith. Yes; plentj' of them. I was awakened one morning
about 4 o'clock by a loud pounding on the door, and, of course,
the rumor had gone around that they were going to make searches;
that was in Vologda in July, 1918.
Senator Nelson. After you moved your bank there?
Mr. Smith. Yes ; this was where I was living. I heard this pound-
ing on the door, and went over to the curtain and looked out to. see
what it was, and I saw another Jew with three soldiers — armed sol-
diers— pounding on the door of the upper part of the house. There
is a stairway leading to the second story, something like a Washing-
ton flat. Finally they were admitted, and we heard all kinds of
rumblings and poundings upstairs. In the course of an hour or two
they went away. The3' had taken aAvay all supplies of provisions.
They did not search the lower part of the house. In the lower
part lived the president of the local soviet of the Bolsheviki. That
was probably the reason. But similar searches went on that night.
I know of 20 actual searches. There may have been a great deal more
that same night. They went across the street and searched, and took
60,000 rubles away from a man, and all his silverware.
Senator Sterling. Were the searches that were made searches for
money and valuables?
85723—19 17
258 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
Mr. Sjiith. Principally for food, but they took anything they
could find. It was the commission against counter-revolution, specu-
lation, sabotage, etcetera, etcetera.
Senator Xelson. Did they take possession of buildings?
Mr. Smith. Yes : they requisitioned buildings wherever necessary.
Senator Xelson. And they requisitioned private houses?
Mr. Smith. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And turned the people out?
Mr. Smith. Yes.
Senator Nelson. xVnd put their own people in?
Mr. Smith. Yes; that brings out a very interesting fact in rela-
tion to the schools in Russia. Of course, it was in the summer time
then, and the schools were not running, and there was no real neces-
sity for keeping those buildings empty. They turned most of them
in Vologda into barracks for the soldiers, and I heard that they had
not decided whether they were going to open those schools or not in
the fall. We left on the 5th of August, and we do not know what
happened later, but everybody seemed to believe that the schools
were really at an end.
Maj. Humes. You went from Vologda to Moscow?
Mr. Sjiitii. From Vologda to Moscow. "We arrived there at mid-
night. Vologda was the first city we had been in where there had
been seeming peace, where we did not hear constant shooting of
machine guns every night. There would be an occasional shot doTvn
near the station where a lot of hooligans, as they called them, con-
gregated.
Senator Nelson. That is on a branch of the Siberian Eailroad, is
it not?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. When we got to Moscow the first exclama-
tion we made was, " We are back home again." There was constant
shooting of machine guns, and everything.
We stayed in the Moscow station for several days. We had heard
that the English and French had all been arrested, but the Americans
had not been touched ; but it was rumored that they might be, and we
felt we would be on the safe side if we did not go into the city, so we
arranged to get a cottage about 30 miles outside of Moscow, where all
the boys went — the boys on the staff. There were some 20 people
in the party at that time, who lived in this empty cottage. We had
no beds or furniture of any sort, but slept on the boards.
Senator Steeling. Speaking of the schools, if I may call your at-
tention to them again, are you acquainted with the conduct of the
schools prior to the time they were closed there ?
Mr. Smith. Not very familiarly; no.
Senator Steeling. What kind of schools were they that were
closed, common schools, graded schools, or higher educational schools.
Mr. Smith. The schools in Vologda which were occupied by the
soldiery were of all sorts. There were children's schools for children
of 8, 10, and 12 years of age, and then there were schools for young
men and women, more or less equivalent to our high schools. But
it is not significant that the schools were closed, because it was in
the summer time, in vacation time, and in Vologda the conditions
were not as bad as they were in Petrograd or Moscow, by any means-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 259
Many of the old local authorities seemed to be holding high positions
there.
Senator Nelson. But the significant thing was that tliey were oc-
cupied by the soldiers?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir; but that can be very avcU explained by the
IlecessitJ^ They had soldiers stationed there, and these buildings
were empty, and not being used for many months. What I wish to
point out is that it was the general opinion in the city, of the people
I talked with, that the schools would not be reopened. The school-
teachers who taught in these schools were tryinf>- to &v.A out whr''hor
they would be opened, and whether they would bo able to secure their
positions back again, and they never met with any actual assurance.
Senator Steeling. Wei'e these Russian schools, so far as you know,
open to all classes?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
Senator Sterling. There was no discrimination?
Mr. Smith. There was no discrimination after the revolution.
Senator Steeling. Do you Iniow as to whether prior to the revolu-
tion there was discrimination or not?
Mr. Smith. I do not know definitely, but I understand there was
discrimination against certain classes.
Maj. Humes. What did you find in Moscow with reference to a^iy
terrorism or machine-grm firing?
Mr. Smith. The machine-gun firing and the rifle shooting that you
heard there at that time, in August, 1918, you could not trace to am^
definite contest bet^.veen different parties. It was more or less out-
breaks in one quarter or another, private quarrels, the result possibly
of forced searches where people resisted. There was no orcler, and
no real police which was effective. Thej' had police to a certain
extent, thej? had militia, but you could not call it an orderly city such
as we have here.
That brings up another interesting thing, if you would like to
hear about it. A man whom I knew quite well in Petrograd was
forced, in order to earn money to get food, to join the Bolshevik
searching parties, and in that way he made his living. These parties
were promised three-quarters of the sjooils when they would make
searches for provisions, valuables, or whatever had been declared
matter for confiscation by the government. These parties would re-
ceive three quarters of the spoils. The other quarter supposedly went
to the city; I do not know Avhere it went. At any rate, this chap was
in one of these parties, and was able to make a livelihood, and I guess
made some money out of it. When we came back to Petrograd this
last time, we inquired for him and found that he had ))ee!i killed.
We wanted to know how it happened — why he had been killed. He
was out searching one night and they met another searching party in
the same house, and they came to blows, and he was killed.
Maj. Humes. How much loot does a man have to acquire before he
becomes part of the bourgeois ?
Mr. Smith. I do not know. The only time that I had special ref-
erence to that was in the case of the peasants. We were brought in
touch with that when we were in this place outside of Moscow.
There was a peasant there who in former days just had his little
cottage and a small piece of land, and he had grown rich and sue-
260 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
cessful, and the other peasants were very jealous of him, and thej
insisted that he was a bourgeois. That is a Russian expression.
Maj. Httjies. You sa.j_ he had become rich. What was he worth?
What do you mean by rich, as riches go in Russia at this time ?
Mr. Smith. Well, it is very hard to tell. You can not get statistics
of any sort in Russia. The man may have had 50,000 rubles right
in his baclv yard under the earth ; but he had food, that was the main
thing, and he was able to buy shoes and clothing. That indicated to
his neighbors that he was wealthy.
Maj. HuJiEs. Then a man who had plenty to eat, plenty of food
and clothing, was looked upon as wealthy, and he was in the bour-
geois class that was to be discriminated against ?
Mr. Smith. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. The possession of what we call necessaries here
was an evidence to them of riches ?
]Mr. S^riTH. Yes. indeed; inasmuch as a pair of shoes cost 400
rubles, or $200 under the old exchange value.
Senator Wolcott. Was that price a post-revolutionary price?
Mr. Smith. It is the price that was current when I left Russia,
400 rubles in Moscow for a pair of shoes.
Senator Wolcott. Was that after there had been a great flood of
this printing-press money?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. It was due to the flood of money, and at
the same time it was the constant shortage of shoes. There were no
shoes coming in. The people who had a few stocks were selling out
at enormous prices ; but they were constantly getting down to the zero
IDoint where there is nothing left.
I have heard in these questionings before us some question of the
crop conditions. I know from talking to peasants and people in
Vologda that they did not plan to plant any more in their own
acreage than was sufficient for themselves, because they knew it «'(iuld
be confiscated.
Senator Nelson. Is that a good farming country around Vologda?
!Mr. Smith. It is a dairy country — and vegetables.
Senator Nelson. Is it a prairie country or timber country?
^Ir. Smith. A timber country. There are a great many places
that are quite open and taken care of under cultivation. That Avas
especially true in sections where the Bolsheviki were not in complete
control. When we went to Moscow, and came again from ^loscow
to Petrograd — when we went from Moscow over to Vologda and then
back again to Petrograd — I noticed that the lands all along the rail-
road were under cultivation, and wheat and rye flourishing, big
crops, and I was very much surprised imtil I questioned some Rus-
sians about it, and I was told that these were all Bolshevik farms.
They were close to the railroad, which, of course, was under the
control of the Bolshevik military ofEcers in the different villages
along the way. and they saw that the land' was tilled and the crops
raised. I suppose there was some understanding with the farmers
whereby they would pay for any surplus, or see that they should be
properly paid.
]Maj. Humes. They made a point of cultivating the land along the
line of the railroad ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 261
Mr. Smith. That is all I could see, of course, and I wondered why-
it should be under cultivation, knowing the peasants were disinclined
to raise crops. Of course, that is a very high section of the country,,
and is not a wheat country, and that does not indicate the conditions
in the rest of Russia.
Maj. Humes. Have you any idea how much gold and silver and
currency was confiscated from the banks or from individuals?
Mr. Smith. No figures were published. I can tell you only from
rumor.
Maj. Humes. Well, in banking circles, among the people that had
some idea as to how much money there was — how much currency
there was for business — can you give us some estimate of probably
how much there was?
Mr. Smith. There was a train which took these valuables to the
State Bank of Petrograd, that is the head office of the State Bank
of all Russia — a train took the valuables, including gold, silver, 'and
securities, to Nijni Novgorod — and it was said that this train carried
74,000,000,000 rubles' worth of treasure. A great deal of that, of
course, was stocks and bonds, and I can not tell the proportion of
gold or silver or valuable coins of any sort in what was on the train,
nor can I tell
Senator Nelson. Do you know the condition about that time of the
Russian State Bank, how much gold reserves it had, and how much
paper currency it had outstanding?
Mr. Smith. I can not remember. I had the figures in Russia.
Senator Nelson. Well, approximately.
Mr. Smith. I could not tell you.
Senator Nelson. My recollection is that they were supposed to
have had the equivalent of $400,000,000 in gold, and I have no idea
how much paper currency. But Avhatever they had was taken away
to Nijni Novgorod ?
Mr. Smith. Yes. That was the time they expected the Germans
in Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. Do you know what became of it after it got to
Nijni Novgorod?
Mr. Smith. No, I do not.
Senator Nelson. Did they take everything from the bank?
Mr. Smith. They did not take everything ; that is, it has not' been
proven that they took everything.
Senator Nelson. But they took the gold?
Mr. Smith. That is what I understand. There may be some left
still in the bank. They may not have been able to get everything
on the train.
Senator Nelson. Were you in the country when the treaty of
Brest-Litovsk was entered into?
Mr. Smith. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Is it not your understanding that the Germans
got a good deal of gold at that time?
Mr. Smith. It was a part of the treaty that they should receive a
certain indemnity.
Senator Nelson. Yes; $200,000,000 of gold, it seems to me.
Mr. Smith. Something like that. It is my understanding that a
great'deal of that was sent over to Germany."
262 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. I remember it because under the terms of the
armistice that treaty of Brest-Litovsk was canceled, and they were
ordered to return that gold. Do you recall that?
Mr. Smith. Yes, that is true.
Senator Nelson. Did you ever come across either Lenine or
Trotsky or any of their followers?
Mr. Smith. Well, I came into frequent contact with their fol-
lowers, but I never came in contact with Lenine or Trotsky.
Senator Nelson. Did you ever see men there who had been over
here in America?
jNIr. Smith. That was the only instance, that I have cited.
Senator Nelson. Who were connected with their government —
government officials?
Mr. Smith. You mean American Government officials?
Senator Nelson. No, officials of this Bolshevik government? Did
you see such men who had been over here ?
Mr. Smith. That is the only case that I know of, the one that I
mentioned of Mr. Shatoff.
Senator Nelson. That railroad commissar?
Mr; Smith. I did not see that, but I have it from the testimony
of men upon whom I can rely.
Senator Nelson. And he was from the East Side of New York?
Mr. Smith. Yes.
Senator Nelson. You graduate pretty good commissars there, do
you not?
Mr. Smith. I know that on the day that I went to Russia, in May,
there were 300 Russians, some of them going back to their country.
Senator Nelson. From this country?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir; some of them Jews, but most of them real
Russians.
Senator Steeling. That was in May, 1917?
Mr. S.^riTH. May. 1917 ; yes, sir. There was a very interesting and
nmusir.g incident that took place. One of these fellows was parading
up around the first-elass cabins, on the promenade deck, and he wiis
politely requested by one of the junior officers to go on his own deck
in his own class. He said, "No, 1 am a free man. Russia is free,
and I can go anywhere on this ship."
Senator Sitieling. Did any of those men going back to Russia in-
dicate an intention to take part in a counter-revolution, or a Bolshevik
revolution, against the revolution of March, 1917?
Jlr. Sjiith. I did not come in contact with any of them. They
were in the steerage class, and they were talking mostly in Russian
or some foreign language that at that time I did not understand.
Senator Nelson. Did you come across Kerensky?
Mr. S311TH. I have seen him, but I never talked with him.
Senator Nelson. Were you in any other place in Russia other than
those places you have mentioned?
Mr. Smith. Only three places.
Senator Nelson. Petrograd, Vologda, and Moscow?
Mr. Smith. Petrograd, Vologda, and Moscow; yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Novgorod?
Mr. S:mith. Never.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 263
Senator Sterling. Where were you at the time the Duma was in
session, at the time the revolution broke out?
Mr. Smith. Petrograd.
Senator Sterling. When the Tsar was deposed?
Mr. Smith. When the Tsar was deposed ?
Senator Steeling. Yes.
Mr. Smith. I was m America.
Senator Sterling. You were in America then ?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir. I thought you meant the dissolving of the
Duma by the Bolsheviki.
Senator Steeling. No.
Senator Nelson. The Duma was extinguished by the Kerensky
Government.
Mr. Smith. No.
Senator Nelson. Yes, it was frozen out by that government.
Mr. Smith. That is news to me.
Senator Overman. Were any of the better class of people, the
bourgeois, holding any offices?
Mr. Smith. I do not know of any in the government proper. I
know that a great many of the factory owners and the former direc-
tors of the banks were working with the Bolsheviki, but I do not
know of any in the government.
Senator Overman. Was that for their protection, do you think ?
Mr. Smith. For protection, and from a desire to save their own
properties ; to do what they could by their presence to guide the oper-
ation of the factory, for example, properly.
Senator Overman. They pretended sympathy with the Bolshevik
movement?
Mr. Smith. I do not know how strongly they professed themselves
in favor of the Bolsheviki movement. I think it was more or less a
compromise on the part of both. The Bolsheviki wanted somebody
there who understood the business, and on the man's part, he wanted
to look after his interests as well as he could. He could not get out
of the countrj^, and his family would starve to death if he refused,
so the best thing for him to do was to stay in the concern and
operate it.
Senator Overman. Did many of them get out?
Mr. Smith. A great many of them did. Thirty-six thousand Rus-
sians were supposed to be in Sweden.
Senator Nelson. When you left, had things gotten settled in Fin-
land?
Mr. Smith. In Finland everything seemed to be quite orderly. It
wa,s a complete contrast to Russia.
Senator Nelson. Had the Germans left Finland at that time?
Mr. Smith. No, they had not. We saw Germans marching; and
in every important station — Viborg, for example — we saw German
officers sitting in the waiting rooms.
Senator Nelson. Did you have much difficulty getting out of
Russia ?
Mr. Sbiith. No difficulty. We had difficulty getting across Russia.
Senator Nelson. That is what I meant.
Mi . Smith. Yes. I did not know what you meant.
Senator Nelson. That is, across the border into Finland.
264 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAXDA.
Mr. SiriTH. Yes, sir.
Senator Ovehmax. Did }^ou have to bribe the officers to get through?
Mr. Smith. We paid them — I do not knoAA- the exact figures. Mr.
Huntington, I think, can tell you. We paid the commandant some
nionejr to carry the luggage about 100 feet across the border. Dr.
Huntington can confirm the exact amoimt.
Senator Xelson. Did you have to pay anything for moving the
train ?
Mr. Smith. Yes ; we had to pay the cost of that.
Senator Nelsox. I mean, did they stop at stations and want extra
pay from you?
Mr. Smith. No; not that I know of. If anything like that was
done it was not known generally among the occupants of the train.
Senator Steelixg. When you had to pay the cost of the train, that
was something beyond the usual fare, was it not?
Mr. Smith. I do not know how it worked out, but I do not think
we were cheated in any way on that. We got a special train and
pretty quick service all the way through. They put a dining car on
the train, and were very attentive. This was for the American con-
suls, the American colonj' and the Italian mission.
Senator Wolcott. Were you acquainted with anyone in Russia
who seemed to be very intimate with the Bolsheviki leaders, and who
is now in this country again enlightening the people here about Rus-
sian conditions?
Mr. Smith. Xo; I am not.
Senator Nelson. What did you do with the assets of your bank
=^n you left? Did you leave them in Russia, or take them along?
ivlr. Smith. In Russia.
Senator Nelson. You left them there?
Mr. Smith. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. -Whom did you leave them in charge of?
Mr. Smith. May I decline to answer that question publicly?
Senator Nelson. Yes; I have no objection.
Senator Oveejiax. Were there many people on the streets during
the time you were there, walking up and down the streets?
*>r. Smith. In the early days there were. The last time that I
was m Petrograd, the streets were quite empty.
Senator O^eejniax . Were there any ladies on the streets ?
Mr. Smith. Yes.
Senator Oveejian. What was the Bolsheviki treatment of the
ladies ?
Mr. Smith. I have never seen any cases of brutality or persecution,
but the conditions were such that many women of the better class
were forced to dig potatoes in the field and sell newspapere on the
streets, and do really demeaning work for a woman.
Senator Oveeman. In order to get something to live on?
Mr. Smith. Yes.
TESTIMONY OF MR. WILLIAM W. WELSH.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Senator Oveeman. Where are you from, Mr. Welsh ?
Mr. Welsh. New York City, I should say now.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 265
Senator Overman. How long have you been in this country ?
Mr. Welsh. Twenty-seven years.
Senator Overman. "When did you leave Eussia?
Mr. Welsh. I left Russia at the same time as Mr. Smith, the 1st
of September last.
Senator Overman. How long were you in Russia ?
Mr. Welsh. Just lacking a month of 2 years.
Senator Overman. What was your office over there?
Mr. Welsh. I was in the National City Bank.
Maj. Humes. In what capacity?
Mr. Welsh. As a junior officer; subaccountant.
Maj. Humes. Mr. Welsh, will you just state in your own way your
observation of conditions from the time you reached Russia, during
the revolution, and the conditions as they existed in Russia during
that time, to the time of your departure?
Mr. Welsh. We arrived in Russia in October, 1916, which was
several months before the March revolution, the first revolution.
After we had been thei-e some time, a month or so, and learned a
little Russian, you could hear an undertone of protest against the
Czar, and especially against Razputin and the Czarina. The revolu-
tion was looked for at the end of the war, when the soldiers returned,
but came, though not as a surprise, yet earlier than people had ex-
pected.
The first days of the Russian revolution were perfectly wonderful.
Madame Breshkovskaya yesterday spoke of the wonderful spirit of
everyone at that time. I can confirm that ; that the people,' from the
aristocracy right straight through to the soldiers on the streets,
showed a wonderful feeling of brotherhood which, of course, was
expected to be capitalized for the welfare of Russia, but which seems
to have been perverted by the Bolsheviks.
Senator Nelson., Were you there when Razputin was killed?
Mr. Welsh. Yes. One question that has been asked and wliich I
noted was this : What class of people came to Russia from America
after the first revolution? I met most of the people that came into
the bank, and met a great many of the Russians wlio came from New
York to Russia, and in almost every instance they had been in this
country from 9 to 10 years, from the time of the first Russian revolu-
tion in 1905 until this second revolution. This was not an unusual
statement by many of them, and it was given by one in particular.
When I asked him why he came back, he said, " Because I have come
back to a free country." He asked me, " Do you think America is a
free country?" I said, "I know it is." "Well," he said, "do you
know you can not say anything you want or do anything there you
want to?" I said, " No, not in time of war."
(At 4.55 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee adjourned, to meet to-
morrow, Saturday, February 15, 1919, at 10.30 o'clock a. m.)
BOLSIiE VIK rJiOPA 0 ANDA .
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1919.
United States Senate,
SuBCOMSriTTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JuDICIAEY,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10.30 o'clock
a. m., in room 226, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman
presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman), King, Wolcott, Nelson,
and Sterling.
Senator Overman. The committee will come to order.
TESTIMONY OF MK. WILLIAM W. WELSH— Resumed.
Maj. HrMES. Mr. Welsh, -wiil you take up 3'our statement where
you left off last night and tell us the concutions as you saw them
and found them?
Mr. Welsh. I think I was relating about the influx of the Eussians
from America just after the revolution, and of the fact that as they
came into the bank to bring in their American dollars for exchange,
and to make change, it was not unusual at all to have them interro-
gate you and &a.y, " What kind of a country do you think you have
got over there in America? I suppose you think you have got
freedom. Do you suppose that a person can. like they can in Russia,
go out and say anything that he wants to with perfect freedom of
speech?" I said, "No, the United States is at war, and every loyal
American ought to keep his mouth shut." Many showed very strong
antagonism to the United States. I made it a point to ask as many as
possible how long they had been there. Most of them had come into
the United States in 1905 and had remained in the United States
fl or 10 years. In almost every case none of them had applied for
or taken out any citizenship papers, and they came back there con-
demning the United States.
Senator Nelson. And they were leaving the United States and
coming back to Russia because there was no libertv in the United
States ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes. Because there was no liberty in the United
States.
Senator Nelson. They were coming back to Russian freedom?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, they were coming back to Russian freedom. Of
K'Ourse, Russian freedom to them is freedom, because they are now on
top. Many of them are Bolshevik leaders, like Shatoff. who has been
.■spoken of.
^ 267
268 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGA]S"DA.
Senator Xelson. But freedom to them meant the right to exploit
everytliing and everybody else but themselves.
Mr. Welsh. Yes, sir.
Senator Oveejiax. To take what they wanted, do what they
pleased, and shoot down whomsoever they pleased, if necessary.
Mr. Welsh. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelsok. Were they well supplied with money?
Mr. Welsh. No, not necessarily. They were well clothed, as com-
pared with the Russians, because a laboring man in this countiy
would be a bourgeois in Russia.
Senator Wolcott. You say a laboring man in this country would
be a bourgeois over there?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, according to Russian standards.
Senator Wolcott. What makes him a bourgeois? Suppose he is
not a house owner, but he does own household property, has got a
piano and has a home and comfortable bedding, beds, bureaus and
such things — a home nicely furnished — would that constitute him a
bourgeois in Russia ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Even though he does not own his own home I
Mr. Welsh. Not only that, but if a man is well dressed and wear>
a white collar.
Senator Wolcott. He is a bourgeois ?
Mr. Welsh. To the average hooligan, as they call the Bolshevik
supporters, who are the fough necks there, every man that wears a
white collar, or a woman that wears a hat, is a bourgeois.
Senator Nelson. The Russian worlanan wears a blouse, does he
not?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelsox. With a kind of belt around it?
Senator Oveemax. A woman who wears a hat is in the bourgeois
class ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes. It was not uncommon at all to hear conversa-
tions in the street cars of the peasant women, or working women,
addressing women who had on hats, saying, " You people who
wear hats, you think so-and-so," and then going on in a tirade against
them ; but the distinction was, " You women who wear hats."
Senator Wolcott. What I am trying to get at is this. When Ave
speak of the bourgeoisie, many people have the idea that they are the
class referred to in this country as the well to do, the people who have
laid up some substance, saved a little something, and have got a little,
bit invested, but that is not the case, from what you say now. It
simply means a person who is enabled to live in comfortable, decent
surroundings, without necessarily owning any property other than
household goods, comfortable household equipment and so on. Now.
that is the bourgeois, is it, that kind of person?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, sir.
Senator Wolcott. In other words, the typical laboring man would
be a bourgeois in Russia ?
Mr. Welsh. The laboring man in this country, as he lives, with
what he owns and the conditions of his life, that condition of life put
into Russia would make him a bourgeois?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 269
'Senator Wolcott. And would mark him as a person to inctir the
enmity of this ruling crowd there?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, of the Bolsheviks.
Senator Wolcott. And they would take away what he had ^
Mr. Welsh. They might take it away. But what surprises me is
this. There are a great many supposed Bolsheviks in this country,
who, if they were to step on Russian soil, would be immediately
taken as bourgeoisie, and before they had been there very long would
be considered counter revolutionists?
Senator Wolcott. They would soon find themselves in the class
marked for starvation?
Mr. Welsh. Yes ; they would be in that class.
Senator Nelson. Did these Americans that came over to Russia —
I mean these East Side fellows that came over, that you have de-
scribed— actively enter the ranks of the Bolshevik crowd ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And become officials among them?
Mr. Welsh. Yes. There were some — not many, but there were
some — real Russians ; and what I mean by real Russians is Russian-
born, and not Russian Jews.
Senator Nelson. You mean Slavs?
Mr. Welsh. Yes ; people who had been really political exiles, who
came over in the hope, as Madam Breshkovskaya expressed it yester-
day, that they now had realized their revolution. Those people are
now in Russia, and if they have not starved, they are starving, be-
cause they can not work with the Bolsheviks, and with the Bolsheviks
there is no compromise ; j^ou are either with them or against them.
Senator Nelson. There wei'e a few there that were real Russians,
you say. What were the balance? Were they Russian Hebrews?
Mr. Welsh. There were many, yes.
Senator Nelson. Did the Hebrew element predominate among
them?
Mr. Welsh. I can not say it predominated, but it was very notice-
able.
Senator Nelson. They joined the Bolsheviki, did they not?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. They were not like the others that jon have de-
scribed, that were disappointed?
Mr. Welsh. No. It might be Avell to explain a little the general
fact that most of the Bolshevik leaders are Jews, in order to avoid
misunderstanding. In Russia it is well known that three-fourths of
the Bolshevik leaders are Jewish. This fact does not prove, how-
ever, that the Bolsheviks are pro-Jewish or that the Jews are pro-
Bolshevik in Russia. In many cases it happens that decidedly the
opposite is the case. The Bolsheviks claim to be first and last inter-
nationalists and anticapitalistic. I know of several cases in which
Avell-to-do Jews have been persecuted in quite the same way as the
other Russian bourgeois. A Jewish factor}^ owner, whom I knew
very well, was hounded for months by the Bolsheviks and spent most
of his time away from his own home in the houses of his friends.
He had iinallj' succeeded, however, in buying off the Bolsheviks. He
recited to me the instance of a friend of his, a Jew, who was arrested
by the Bolsheviks and held for 100,000 rubles. His wife, on the ad-
270 BOLSHKVIK PROPAGANDA.
vice of friends, protested that ^he could not pay that much. They
told her to get Avhat she could, and she returned with 50,000 rubles.
They then said that she had gotten that so easily she could go and
get some more. She returned the second time with 10,000 rubles,
which she paid over. She was then told if she wanted her husband
she could have his body.
Bolshevism can not be explained along racial line,-> alone. The
Bolsheviks are made up of the very worst elements of many races. It
is important, however, that Jews in this country should not favor
Bolshevism because of any liberties or privileges .which they may
think are being accorded to the Jews in Russia by the Bolsheviks.
They should study the facts carefully and not be prejudiced by any
racial feeling, or they are sure to bring the odium of Bolshevism
unjustly to the door of the Jew. The best Jews in this country
would do well to brand the Jewish Bolsheviks in Russia as anti-
Jews, which they really are, for they bring nothing but discredit
to the Jewish race.
Senator Ovterjian. It was testified yesterday that they had search-
ing parties that went into people's houses at all times of the day and
all times of the night, and took food and everything they found.
Were these people that went over from this country who were there,
this crowd you described, in the searching parties, in order to maraud,
raid, steal, and kill ?
Mr. Welsh. No, the searching is done by the soldiers and people
lower down. Tlieso people who come over from the United States,
being intelligent, educated peojole, became naturally the leaders.
As an instance of wlio might make up these searching parties, take
this case: The sweetheart of our maid -nas the son of a Bolshevik
commissar, though he himself was not a Bolshevik, and we had con-
versations many times in our house. He had been working for the
Trayolgolnik Rubber Company, there, which was shut down because
they expected the Germans to come in. That is the largest rubber
company, perhaps, in the world. There was no work. Although
his father was a Bolshevik, he was not a Bolshevik, yet he joined in
with these searching parties; for, as he said to nic, "If I do not do
it, somebody else will, and I have to live."
I have with me some coins that he sold to me that were taken in
these searches. Some of his y^oung Red Guard friends who used to
come to the house and have tea with my^self and the others would
say, " Of course, we are working for the Bolsheviks, because we have
got to live." But I remember in the month of June last, when every-
one was anticipating the overthrow of the Bolsheviks, these same two
were saying that the}'', too, expected their overthrow, and I asked,
"Then what?" "Then we will have a constitutional government,
perhaps the cadets, or social revolutionists, and we will work for
them."
I spoke on a Tuesday night in ]\Iay vrith this particular young boy,
the sweetheart of the maid. On Thursdav morning at 5 o'clock I was
awakened by soldiers coming into my bedroom and asking for my
passport. They were polite and said. " Do you know Victor Stron-
berg? " I said, " Yes." They said, "Who 'is he? " I said, "He is
engaged to our maid." They said. " Have you seen him lately? " I
said, " I saw him two or three nights ago." " Did you see him last
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 271
night ? " I said, " No." " Did you see him the night before ? " " No."
'■ That is all." They went out.
I put on a bathrobe and went out into the kitchen, where woldiers
were stationed. In the dining room they had my maid and another
young Russian who had also been a soldier, but was not a Bolshevik.
They were cross-examining them. I asked the Bolshevik commissar
what it was all about. He said, " These things we do not talk about
in public."
They took the maid and the soldier off at 7 o'clock in the morning.
They were held under arrest until 7 o'clock at night. They were
brought before the commissar and the commissar said to the maid,
"Do you know Victor Stronberg? " The maid answered, "Yes; I
was engaged to marry him." The commissar said, " I simplj' want to
tell you that he was shot last night." There was no reason given,
and, as far as I know, even though the father of the boy was a Bol-
shevik commissar, they had not been able to ascertain why he was
shot. There were conjectures, but they did not give reasons. They
did not need to.
Senator Steeling. Have you reason to suppose that there were
many such executions as that, summary executions without trial or
hearing?
Mr. Welsh. Yes. I want to put in here one statement. A person
that comes out of Eussia and who has been out of Eussia one month
is not in a position to state what is the condition in Eussia at the
present time. You can tell what the trend of events has been. But
for people who have come out of Eussia a year ago to stand wp and
talk as authorities on Eussia is ridiculous.
People might ask me if I personally knew of British or Americans
who were persecuted while I was there. I left on the 1st of Sep-
tember. My answer would be, no. The British were not allowed to
leave; that is, the young British of military age were not allowed
out of Russia. However, a young Englishman who was connected
with our bank succeeded in escaping from Eussia one month later.
TVe came out the week when the terrorism began, when Lenine was
shot at and Uritsky was killed in Petrograd, and the next week
came out the statement, " For every Bolshevik, 1,000 bourgeoisie."'
Senator Sterling. What did that mean ?
Mr. Welsh. That meant that they would stand up against the wall
1,000 bourgeoisie for every Bolshevik that was shot. We, of course — ■
many of us that were leaving there — ^^said, " Why did the\' not get
Lenine? We were sorry they missed him." The Englishman who
came out a month later said, " I know you said that when yon came
out, but we who remained were down on our Imees every night pray-
ing God that they would not get him. knowing that if they did, they
would go through with their threat and stand us up against the wall ; "
and he stated that for 10 nights straight— every night for 10 nights
straight — in Moscow they shot 150 boui'geoisie ; arrested them at 4 or
5 o'clock in the morning and shot them before daybreak. He was a
man that had won the Georgian Cross — the Russian Georgian Cross.
Senator Sterling. What is that cross awarded for ?
Mr. Welsh. For bravery at the front. He had been Avith one of
the correspondents at the Galician front during the great advance
and durino- the retreat. He liad been in Russia during all the revolu-
272 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAIilDA.
tions, and, as he told me aftenviirds, "As you know, we got so that
we did not mind the promiscuous shooting you heard every night
going on, because tliey were holdups, usually, and soldiers shooting
guns off in the air, but the thing that tsot on your nerves was this,
that in the daytime you would see a group of 30 or 40 well-dressed
people surrounded by Keel Guards walking through the streets, and
then at 12 or 1 o'clock you heard the shots going " putt, putt, putt,"
knowing that for each shot some one was being stood up against the
wall, without any question." He said that was the thing that un-
nerved 3'ou. They not only stood them up against the wall, lint pub-
lished their names in the papers: and if such papers could be gotten
out of Russia you could get the names of the leading people who
were shot.
Xot only that, but they published the names of others that they
held as hostages, saying these, too, would be shot if any more attempts
were made on the lives of Bolshevik commissars.
I have gotten away from your question, but I wanted to make the
point that I could not say from what I had gone through personally
that the Americans or foreigners were persecuted, because the Ameri-
cans were fairly well treated: but this Englishman who came out
one month later described a condition that was completely changed.
He himself for five nights did not sleep in his own house, but had to
sleep from place to place. At one time he heard a searching party
come into the courtyard demanding to know were there any bourgeoi-
sie there. He was on the top floor with a Swedish fi-iend of his, a
young journalist and very poor, and the Russian doorkeeper down
below said, " Xo, there is only one family of poor foreigners upstairs,
who have nothing, so there is no need to look for them." But for five
nights he himself did not sleep in his own house.
Senator Nelson. Did you notice any activity of the Germans in
connection with the Bolshevik forces?
Mr. Welsh. As related yesterday, when we came to evacuate from
Petrograd and applied for our permits, Consul Treadwell, who had
come back to see the last of us Americans out — there were five or six
of us, the manager of our bank and his English secretary, the Ameri-
can correspondent, Graham Taylor, and myself — Consul Treadwell,
who had come back from Vologda on what was then a perilous trip,
to get us out, said that when he applied for the permit to get' out of
Petrograd, they spoke only Gerjnan at the commission.
Senator Xelson. "Were there German officers there — military offi-
cers ?
Mr. Welsh. There was a German commission from Germany in
Petrograd at the time. The German war prisoners were at perfect
liberty; and the thing that aroused your enmity was to see them
walking about the streets in groups. And not only that, but the Ger-
mans had sent in and reclothed them with the parade uniform that
had been discarded by the old German army, and they would appear
on the streets with 'fine scarlet red coats, with white braid, and blue
coats, with yellow braid, parading up and down the streets of
Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. With the old German military uniform?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And they were unmolested?
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 273
Mr. Welsh. Unmolested, speaking German on the streets of
Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. There seemed, then, according to that, to be an
affiliation or sympathy between these German soldiers and the Bol-
sheviki ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, at that time. As I say, the embassies had evac-
uated in February, and our bank and a nvimber of the other in-
terests evacuated on the 9th of March, Mr. Treadwell engineering
all of this, taking care of all of it ; and then he returned and came
back with us, the few that I have spoken of that were left.
We were in daily communication as to the progress of the Germans.
As you know, they took Riga, and came on and took Eeval, and came
on and took Narva, and came on and took Luga, and they were
within four hours of Petrograd, and might have walked in at any
time. There was no defense whatever. We, of course, were anx-
ious to stay to the very last minute, but we did not wish to be caught.
We were told by the neutral embassies that if we did not leave on
the next day, which was the 20th of March, we would be caught by
the Germans, so naturally we went out on the night of the 19th of
March.
Mr. Smith yesterday recited the incident of our train being stopped
after we were three-quarters of an hour out of Petrograd, and Bill
Shatoff, the commissar, putting his head through the door, saying,
"Well, boys, you are taking a litle trip?" And we answered in
American slang, " Yes, Bill, we are going down the line." " Well,"
he said, " I've got to look you over." So we gave him our passports,
and he came back in about half an hour and said, " I am sorry,
boys, but you have got to sleep on the Island to-night. You can't get
over to Brooklyn; the subway ain't running." We asked, " What is
the big idea ? " " Well," he said, " you can't run the Siberian express
through to Vladivostok for four or five people, can you? Besides
yourselves, there are only five or six people that have got passports
to go on." " Well, what's to be done? " He said, " I don't see any-
thing to do but to go back to Petrograd."
That was most promising for us, just pulling out, and knowing
that the German Government was already in Petrograd, and German-
speaking people in charge of the department where we got our per-
mits to leave Petrograd, to be told that there was nothing to do but
to go back again. Brown knew Shatoff because he had seen him and
been with him a little there in Petrograd, so he took it upon himself
to take Bill Shatoff aside and see what could be done, and he said he
would see what he could do. Shatoff came back in half an hour or so,
makino- it about an hour that we were held up, and said, " Well, boys,
it is all fixed up. You may run along now. Give my regards to
Broadway." He was then the head commissar of the Nicolai Kail-
road which is the chief railroad between Moscow and Petrograd,
and also the Siberian line.
Senator Nelson. He wanted to be seen, did he not ?
Mr. Welsh. Well, he didn't mind a little side play. I think it
can be verified — I do not know for sure, but he is something like
the chief of police, or the chief of the military forces in Petrograd
at the present time.
85723—19 18
274 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Steeling. Do you Icnow what his business had been before
going to Eussia ?
Mr. Welsh. I do not, but it could be verified easily enough.
Senator Nelson. Did he live in America '?
Mr. Welsh. Yes; otherwise he would not have known Brooklvn
and the island so Avell.
Senator Nelson. He had graduated on the East Side ?
Mr. Welsh. Perhaps you might put it that way.
Senator Nelson. You have a Bolshevik school there, have ym
not?
Mr. Welsh. Well, I have been in Eussia for two years, and I cuii
hardly speak for what is happening here now.
There is one point I would like to make, too, that a great many real
Eussians came back at the time of the revolution. A train was sent
out specially to release Babushka and bring her to Petrograd, and
it was a wonderful feeling that all the Eussians showed. I have a
friend — a friend because she came to work in our bank — the wife of
a Eussian secretary to a neutral country, who returned after the
revolution. She had been always a revolutionist. Her father had
been worth millions at one time. She had been worth several millions
in her own name.
Maj. Humes. You are speaking of rubles, now?
Mr. Welsh. Y^es, rubles; which before the war were worth .50
cents to our dollar here. Her father during the war lost his money.
She lost hers trying to help him. She came back, and there being
no livelihood, the Bolsheviks having confiscated all the sernuitii't
and tied up all the deposits in the banks, she went to work in one of
the banks. I got to know her very well, a very refined woman, from
a family that has been 300 years in the imperial court. She had been
in the Eussian court since her debut ; had been in the neutral court.
She was a very refined woman.
Some of us went back and forth from Petrograd to Vologda try-
ing to attend to our interests. There were only just a few of us
Americans who did that, and going back and forth we used to bring
food. She wrote me in Vologda that she had gone to the doctor,
who had ordered her to have an operation for appendicitis, but, going
home, she had found her maid sick with influenza. She said, "I
am nursing her night and day." I returned on the seventh day of the
maid's illness to Petrograd. This woman, who had been ordered by
the doctors to have an operation for appendicitis, was waiting on
her maid night and day, attending to her. It only goes to show the
fine feeling that is shown by many of the aristocracy and well to do
and educated people for their servants.
The maid died after 12 daj^s, and the woman was practically a
wreck. She had not been able to have her operation, and her condi-
tion was such that she could not have stood one. We had been able
to bring some food from Vologda, and she used to laugh and say,
" The doctor has told me that I should have white bread, that I
should have butter, that I should have chicken broth." She said,
" Just imagine it ! " There was absolutely nothing of that kind
in Petrograd. We brought in some white flour and we brought in
some fresh eggs, and we brought in some butter. I succeeded in
getting a little from the American Eed Cross for her. The Bed
BOLSI-IEVIK PROPAGANDA. 275
Cross supplies were jnst then running out. She regained, not her
health, but some strength, and was able to get up and go around, [(nd
she went back to the bank, working.
When we came out on the special train from Moscow on the 26th
of August to Petrograd, we were in Petrograd five days, held up by
the Bolsheviks ; but on the 1st of September we left.
' Senator Sterling. The first of this last September?
Mr. Welsh. Yes. I got to see this woman again, and to ask her
what she was doing. The Bolsheviks were giving people in the
fourth class nothing to eat at all. Further than that, they had insti-
tuted a house-to-house inspection where they reported if people were
caught buying outside the regular system of cards. If they did that
they were reported as engaged in speculation ; and people buying even
at exorbitant prices were subject to charges of speculation for buying
food, if on the card system they were not entitled to it, the Bolshe-
vik's theory being, " Let them get out and work." This woman, who,
as I say, was highly refined, had been in the imperial court for years,
in answer to my question as to what she was doing, said, " For the
past week I have been digging potatoes, up to my knees in mud, for
a pound of bread and 8 rubles a day." You can know what 8 rubles
means when I tell you that butter was 30 rubles a pound, sugar was
30 rubles a pound and bread was 1'2 rubles a pound; and yet this
woman was digging potatoes for a pound of bread and 8 rubles a
day.
Senator Steeling. What kind of bread was it?
Mr. Welsh. It was a black bread, which at one time almost ruined
our stomachs, but it was the only thing you could get. If you can
imagine a bread made out of the scrapings of the bottom of a bran
bin, you have a description of the bread.
This woman told me she had contemplated committing suicide, and
would have done so except for her son; and while she was nursing
her maid she had said, " Out of my personal acquaintances in the
court, 23 women have committed suicide since the revolution because
of the conditions." She added, " Now, imagine what that would
mean to you if you could pick out 23 women acquaintances that you
knew of that had committed suicide."
Maj. Htjmes. This compensation of 8 rubles a daj' and a pound
of bread, that was paid by the Bolshevik government, was it not?
'Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Maj. Humes. They were paying that?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Maj. Humes. That was their wage scale ?
Mr. Welsh. That was their means of getting the bourgeoisie into
the working classes.
Maj. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Welsh. It is all very well for a Russian peasant woman, who
is as strong as a man, and mucli stronger than the average American,
I dare say. She can go out and dig potatoes and eat black bread, and
things of that kind. But for a highly cultured woman of that class
of people, to demand that she and that class of people go out and
do the same thing is brutal.
Senator Wolcott. You used the expression awhile ago that they
had to get out and work. I want to Icnow what that expression
means when it is used by a typical Bolshevik.
276 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
Mr. Welsh. Digging potatoes. First or second class work. That
is,»manual labor. You can get the most on your bread card for that
kind of labor.
Senator Wolcott. Do they consider, for instance, clerical work as
working?
Mr. Welsh. Yes. that is second class.
Senator Wolcott. That is not favored, then?
Mr. Welsh. It is favored, but a person who does that does not
need as much sustenance as the laboring man.
Senator Wolcott. How do they regard practicing medicine? Is
that regarded as work?
Mr. Welsh. That is in the third class, as far as I remember ; and
the lawyers are also in the third class, or in the fourth class.
Senator Wolcott. What is a school-teacher ; we will say, a college
professor?
Mr. Welsh. I think Madam Breshkovskaya made the point yes-
terday that there are not any universities or schools going except
those run by the Bolsheviks, and that means this, that in all the
universities and all the schools that were going, the Bolsheviks turned
out the teachers, or they were stopped because of the influenza, or be-
cause of lack of funds and things of that kind. Then the Bolsheviki
tried to reorganize these with their teachers, but a great many-
teachers throughout Eussia are not in a position to teach.
Senator Wolcott. Well, do you know how the Bolsheviks regard
the profession of teaching?
Mr. Welsh. Those who are teaching for them as Bolsheviks, of
course, receive their bread allowance, and so forth.
Senator Wolcott. No, but I mean the people who teach the young;
not those who teach them to read and write, but those who go into the
little branches of education a little bit higher — mathematics?
Mr. Welsh. The people who have been teaching the young and
doing that, who could not find it compatible to become Bolshevik,
of course they have, no occupation, and enter into the class — well,
it is open to them to fall into either of the other two classes. They
can go out and work by the day, and many of them do. I know per-
sonally of some who have taken up shoemaking, the sewing of shoes,
the making of shoes by hand — anything to earn a living. But their
old teaching professions, from the old schools, have been done away
with. My Russian teacher, who had taught in one of the universi-
ties— girls' universities — and two or three other places, was turned
out in every case. She had always been a social revolutionist. The
last I heard of her, her brother had come in to visit from Viborg.
She had met him, but his passport had to be turned in when coming
into Petrograd. They were plarming to go to their family in Kiev.
The brother went, a week later, to get his passport, and he never I'e-
turned. She spent a week or ten days going through all the prisons
in Petrograd, and finally located him. She went to Uritsky, the chief
commissar, to find out why he was arrested, and what prospect there
was of his being released. He said, " Your brother was in Finland
with the White Guard, and is a White Guard." She said, " You have
.no proof of it." "Well, he is an officer, and he was there, and," he
added, "if we did to him like the White Guard did to the Red Guard,
you could have his body by now, and I do not see any reason why we
f-hould not do it vet."
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 277
We had brought some flour from Vologda for her, and as urgent as
the need of flour was, she never came for a week to get it, because of
her efforts in trying to get some relief to her brother, and she told
me they had to resort to all the old methods that you may have
heard of, of the Russian exile, baking a loaf of bread and putting
into the middle of it a note, and all such subterfuges, to get com-
munication with her brother. That is one case that I know of.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know whether her brother was shot or
not?
_ Mr. Welsh. I never got to see the teacher again, but the possibili-
ties are that he was, because they were shooting prisoners because
they could not feed them.
One month later, after we came out, one of the employees of our
bank, who was a Serb, who came out later because he could not come
out with us, told me that his landlord was arrested. That was at
night, because they always come in the early morning and the night.
The landlady went to the Bolsheviks the next morning to see if she
could do anything for her husband, bring him some food, or any-
thing, and they said, " What do you think we are running, a hotel ?
If you want his body, you may have it."
Senator Nelson. Did you see any looting or taking possession of
houses and buildings?
Mr. Welsh. I heard of any amount of it.
Senator Nelson. Can you describe some of it?
Mr. Welsh. I did not see it personally, although this happened to
be one of the members of the British Embassy. He was going through
what they call Narodny Dom Park — that is, the People's House
Park — with another friend. He was held up. It was in the late
afternoon. His fur coat and valuables were taken away, and while
he stood there, people passing by within 20 feet did not dare to
give any assistance. They hurried along so that they would not be
stopped.
If this is the time, I would like to give a description of what hap-
pened to the Eussian banks ; but in answer to this other question, let
me say this: Almost all banking in Eussia is done in cash. If it
was a large sum, if the people had the necessary permit for you to
give them a large sum of money, which took three or four days to
get, you would give them a check on the State Bank, and they would
go to the State Bank, and after getting a permit to stand in line
they would go the next day and stand in line, and if successful would
get their cash the next day. The operation would take about four
days. Inside of the State Bank there were spotters.
Senator Nelson. Spotters?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, spotters for hooligans or highwaymen outside,
who would pass the word along, saying, " Such and such people are
coming out with 100,000 or 200,000 rubles in cash." Then as they
would go along the street with the cash, an automobile would drive
up to the curb, men would jump out and hold them up, take the cash,
and drive off with it. It was a constant danger in sending out bank
messengers and if a man stayed out over two or three hours, it was
the thought that possibly he was held up.
In May there were two instances where bank messengers, or fac-
tory messengers, I forget which, that is messengers sent out by large
278 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
factories to get cash to pay the workmen, were held up, or rather,
shot. The automobile drove up to the curb and the men jumped out
and shot the bank messenger and then took the money off the body,
in broad daylight.
Senator Overman. How did they treat the women? Wliat were
their morals?
Mr. Welsh. AVell, I can not say personally, because I do not know.
I should think that Dr. Simons, or somebody who was more or less
interested in the social conditions,' in that way, would be a better
authority. I was interested more in what happened to the banks.
Maj. Humes. Tell about the Russian banks.
Senator Nelson. Eussia has only one central bank, has it not?
Mr. Welsh. When, now or
Senator Nelson. No, they did have?
Mr. Welsh. No, Russia had as many as 35 banks. They have
but one, now.
Senator Nelson. They had 35 banks in Russia?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Government banks?
Mr. Welsh. No.
Senator Nelson. That is what I mean; how many government
banks did they have ?
Mr. Welsh. They had one State bank.
Senator Nelson. That is what I mean; one government bank.
Mr. Welsh. Yes; but besides that, they had 30 or 35 very large
banks.
Senator Nelson. But they were private banks?
Mr. Welsh. They were private banks.
Senator Nelson. They were not state banks?
Mr. Welsh. Not state banks.
Senator Nelson. The government had only one, the Imperial Bank
there at Petrograd ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, sir. Some of these banks were larger than any
we have in the United States.
Senator Nelson. The gold reserve was kept in this state bank,
as you call it ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. For the whole country?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Do you remember what that was before the revo-
lution ?
Mr. Welsh. I am not sure. It could be verified. There are statis-
tics in this country on that. I think it was 1,000,000,000 rubles gold.
Senator Nelson. Yes; about $500,000,000 in our money?
Mr. Welsh. Yes ; $500,000,000.
Senator Nelson. What was their paper circulation at that time—
I mean, before the revolution?
Mr. Welsh. Before the revolution ? It is better to go to the actual
statistics on that, which may be had in this country.
Senator Overman. I would like to know the amount of paper
issued now.
Mr. Welsh. Well, it is reported that the budget for the Bolsheviks
for the year was something like 70,000,000,000 rubles, which must be
printed.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 279
Senator NELso^f. What became of that gold reserve in the State
Bank?
Mr. Welsh. You may have read in the papers that as a part of
the Brest-Litovsk treaty a payment in gold was made to Germany.
Senator Nelson. About $200,000,000?
Mr. Welsh. $200,000,000?
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Welsh. And the actual gold v^as transferred to Berlin.
Senator Nelson. And what became of the balance? Did the
Bolsheviki take it ?
Mr. Welsh. Well, you say the Bolsheviki. The Bolsheviki have
taken over the State Bank and all the private banks.
Senator Nelson. Yes; so that they took it over — the whole thing?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nei^on. Are they running the State Bank now ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Through their officials ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Have they taken it out of the hands of the old
officials ?
Mr. Welsh. Oh, yes, sir; the Bolsheviks came into power on the
7th of November, our style — ^the 25th of October, Russian style.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know who the head man is, on top, of
all these banks, the way they are now ?
Mr. Welsh. He chan'ges. I do not know who he is now.
Senator Wolcott. Have you known any of them?
Mr. Welsh. Not personally.
Senator Wolcott. But do you know about him?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Was he a banking man?
Mr. Welsh. No ; I think he was a lawyer.
Senator Wolcott. A lawyer?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. He became the head of all these banks?
Mr. Welsh. Yes; I think it would make it clearer just to sketch
what happened to the Eussian banks, and then you can question me.
Senator Nelson. Yes ; that is what I would like to know.
Mr. Welsh. When the Bolsheviki came into power they siezed the
State Bank on the 25th of October, Russian style (the 7th of Novem-
ber) . The other banks went on a strike, so to speak, and would not
have anything to do with the State Bank. They were at a disadvan-
tage, however, because their cash reserves were in the State Bank,
and under the uncertainty people would not deposit money — cash.
Therefore the banks soon ran out of actual cash. They were forced,
from circumstances, to come to some kind of an understanding with
the Bolsheviks, which they tried to do. It was unsatisfactory, both
to the bank people and to the Bolsheviks, and the Bolsheviks cut the
Gordian knot by seizing all of the banks on the 14th of December,
Russian style, the 27th of November, our style. On that morning a
group of soldiers entered each one of the banks and seized it in the
name of the People's Bank. They seized the books. All the Russian
clerks went on a strike. Those clerks remained on a strike for six
months.
280 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. In those banks?
Mr. Welsh. In those banks. Now, if you will kindly keep these
facts in mind, you can get a picture of the chaos and try to apply it to
the United States. You can see what happened. These clerks re-
mained on strike for six months. The Bolsheviks, wholly un-
daunted, put in their own men to run the banks. The banks re-
mained closed three or four weeks, and after that the Bolsheviks
announced that they would open four branches of the People's Bank,
Into those four branches they threw
Senator Nelson. Where were those places?
Mr. Welsh. They picked out four of the largest old banks, and
called them the domiciles of the first, second, third, and fourth
branches of the People's Bank.
Senator Nelson. At what points were those located ?
Mr. Welsh. I am speaking only of Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. Oh, yes.
Mr. Welsh. This was only in Petrograd, because the head offices
were in Petrograd.
Senator Wolcott. Just a moment. The 35 banks j'ou spoke of a
moment ago were all in Petrograd ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes; the bank system of Russia is these 35 banks,
having offices, branches, all through Russia. Their head offices are
in Petrograd, and it is not like it is here, where we have thousands
of State and national banks. There were 35, very large banks, with
branches all through Russia, so that the seizure of those banks meant
the seizure of the banking system of Russia.
Into each of those four or five former banks were put branches of
the People's Bank. Now, you can get the picture by imagining that
if the Guarantee Trust Co. was picked as one of the branches, the
books from the First National Bank and the National City Bank,
and, perhaps, from the Chatham Bank and three or four others
would be taken to those premises and put into that bank. Everyone
had to go to the one bank for money.
Senator Nelson. That is, the 35 banks were consolidated into four?
Mr. Welsh. Into four. Many of the books were lost. Many of
them were retained by the old employees, hidden by them. The
Bolsheviks could not get them. Many of them were lost in trans-
porting them, because the soldiers knew absolutely nothing of the
value of those books. In fact, in the former Siberian Bank they were
unable to find one of the current account books for six months.
Senator Nelson. In the Siberian Bank?
Mr. Welsh. Yes. It was literal chaos. You could not get any-
thing done, and every bank transaction that was done, in order to get
it through you had to send some one personally . I have gone many,
many times to the Russian banks to see a transaction put through,
and it would take perhaps three weeks, following it up continuously,
to get a transaction effected which in this country is done through the
clearing house within one or two hours on the same day.
Senator Nelson. How did the public get along under those condi-
tions? How did they manage to get money out of the banks?
Mr. Welsh. They did not get it out of the banks. They made a
ruling that the workingman being unable to live on 600 rubles a
month, no one was allowed to draw more than 600 rubles a month
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 281
from their current account. That meant that people ran out of cash.
They had to sell their valuables and what they could, or go out and
dig potatoes, as I have said, in order to gain a livelihood. In Petro-
grad when we left, all over on the central streets there were, by tens
and twenties, commission shops where you could buy some of the
finest old antiques, gold and silver and everything you could think of,
at ridiculous prices, sold by bourgeois who were selling them for
money in order to get food.
Senator Nelson. There was a perfect chaos then prevailing in the
bank business ?
Mr. Welsh. Perfect chaos ; and the same thing took place in the
factories, in industry.
Senator Nelson. Did these leaders abstract any of the funds of
the bank ? Did they help themselves to the funds of the bank ?
Mr. Welsh. I can not answer that authoritatively, but I can cite
one or two cases which may throw light on it.. No one was allowed
to withdraw money, as I said, over the amount of 600 rubles a month,
except factories for the purpose of buying materials or paying the
workmen, and then only when the committee of the workmen in
charge of the factory gave their O. K. These committees in the
beginning oftentimes would come to the employer and say, " Our
salaries are such and such, and we need so much;" and there was sev-
eral hundred per cent increase in salaries. They would say, " You
draw a check on your account for it and we will get the money."
A manufacturer might protest and say, " We have no funds in the
bank." " That does not make any difference. You draw a check
and we will get the money." Many, many accounts have been
debited with checks, in which there were not sufficient funds to pay,
up, I should say, into the millions. How the bank officials, the Bol-
shevik bank officials, are ever to make the adjustment, a banker can
not imagine.
Senator Nelson. And you can not tell, with regard to these men
who profess to draw money out for manufacturing purposes, whether
they apply it to that or not ?
Mr. Welsh. No. The situation became such that if a manufac-
turer protested they simply came in to him with guns and said,
" Either you do as we say, or get out."
Senator Nei^on. Did the workmen take possession of the fac-
tories ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And they appointed committees to run them?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Did they succeed in operating them ?
Mr. Welsh. They succeeded for perhaps a month or two, until
materials ran out and until funds ran out, and they could not realize
on anything.
Senator Nelson. What did they do then ?
Mr. Welsh. Then they quit.
Senator Nelson. And what became of the workmen ?
Mr. Welsh. They went back to the villages.
Senator Nelson. Oh; in the country?
Mr. Welsh. Yes. In Petrograd at the time of the revolution there
were upward of 3,000,000 people. In Petrograd at the present time,
282 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
or, when we came outj it was stated that there were not over 500,000
or 600,000. The workmen have gone back into the country.
Senator Nelson. Among the peasants?
Mr. Welsh. Yes. The bourgeoisie have tried to find refuge where
they could, and what few people there are left now are starving to
death. There can be no doubt about it.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think those workmen, after they get
back among the peasants, after they have failed in their efforts to
run the factories, will see a new light?
Mr. "Welsh. I think most of them have.
Senator Nelson. And they will be cured?
Mr. Welsh. Most of them are cured. As Babushka pointed out
yesterday, there is very little Bolshevism in the country among the
peasants. There is Bolshevism, if you want to call it such, in so far
as the Bolsheviks promised the land to the peasants ; but that was a
promise which all friends of Russia made to the peasants. When the
peasants, then, were allowed to take the land, they had no further
interest in Bolshevism, and they are anti-Bolshevik.
Senator Nelson. Are you familiar with the land system of Russia?
Mr. Welsh. Well, somewhat ; but I am not
Senator Nelson. As I understand it, and I want to see if I am cor-
rect, after the serfs were emancipated, the lands were assigned to
the village communities — what they call mirs over there — and were
not in absolute, individual ownership, but were assigned to the com-
munities, and then these village communities, through their authority,
allocated lands to the peasants, either from year to year or for a
period; is that correct?
Mr. Welsh. That is correct; yes.
Senator Nelson. Then there grew up a number of peasants who
would buy out their land allotments ?
Mr. Welsh. Buy them out; yes. They now would be landowners
and bourgeoisie.
Senator Nelson. Yes. They would be capitalists.
Mr. Welsh. Yes ; they are capitalists ; and yet born peasants ; per-
haps their gi-andf athers were serfs. They themselves peasants, and
the backbone of Russia, as our American farmers are the backbone of
America.
Senator Nelson. This land confiscation^ mainly, whatever there is
done so far, is to confiscate the estates of the big land owners ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Down in the black belt, in the Ukraine and that
country, there are large landed estates in private ownerships, or were
before the revolution ; is not that the case ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And it is probably those lands they are confiscat-
ing and attempting to apportion among the peasants ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes ; but there is no system. The peasants living upon
a great estate would take it upon themselves to take the estate, and
the way they would take it would be that instead of saving the cattle
and swine, and things of value, they would come in and bum the
houses, and destroy the cattle, chickens, etc., because they have no
conception of preservation.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 283
Senator Nelson. The peasant farmers over there do not, like our
farmers, live each on his own individual piece of land, but they live
in villages, do they not?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And then they go out from these villages each
day and cultivate their patches of land ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And they for many years under the Czar's gov-
ernment have had a sort of local government in those villages, and
have elected their oAvn communal councils, have they not?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. So that they had a sort of local government,
under the old system?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Now, this new system of the Bolsheviki is to
establish what they call Soviets in all these villages, is it not ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And also in the cities ; and have these Soviets elect
delegates to the general soviet at Petrograd, is not that it?
Mr. Welsh. That in theory is it.
Senator Nelson. I mean that is their theory.
Mr. Welsh. It is not the way it practically works out, because it
works out practically that Moscow sends out from Moscow representa-
tives who call themselves and make themselves the Soviets in the towns
and the villages.
Maj. Htjmes. Senator Nelson, I have the land regulations, if you
woxild like to have them read at this point.
Senator Nelson. You have the present regulations?
Maj. Humes. Yes.
Senator Nelson. But not the old regulations?
Maj. Humes. No, but I have the Lenine order.
Senator Nelson. You might put that in the record, if you have it.
Maj. Humes. I was going to put it in the record, but I thought
perhaps you would like to read it.
Senator Nelson. I know something about their present land regu-
lations. I was referring to the old system..
Senator 0^'EEMAN. Is there anything else from this witness ?
Maj. Humes. Did you know Mr. Treadwell?
Mr. Welsh. I got to know him very well and to think very highly
of him.
Maj. Humes. What position did he occupy?
Mr. Welsh. He was the American consul in Petrograd at the time
of the evacuation of the allies from Russia.
Maj. Humes. Was he arrested by the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Welsh. He was not arrested at that time, but under orders
from the consul general at Moscow, he was sent into Tashkend, Turke-
stan, where he took over not only the American interests but the allied
and British interests, and he was arrested there and held by the
Bolsheviks.
Senator Nelson. That is down below the Caspian Sea ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes ; and as far as I know now, he is still held by the
Bolsheviks.
Senator Overman. You say Treadwell is held by the Bolsheviks?
284 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Welsh. Yes; our American counsel at Petrograd is held in
Tashkend by the Bolsheviks.
Senator NELSOisr. Did you become acquainted with Albert Rhys
Williams over there?
Mr. Welsh. No ; personally, I did not.
Senator Nelson. Do you know anything of his activities there ?
Mr. Welsh. Personally, I do not. In fact, he was a stranger to me
until I heard of him over here.
Senator Nelson. He did not do any business with your bank?
Mr. Welsh. Not that I know of.
Senator Nelson. Or with any of these Kussian banks ?
Mr. Welsh. He may have with the Russian banks.
Senator Overman. Where did the Eed Cross keep their money (
Mr. Welsh. Largely in our bank, I believe.
Senator Overman. Who managed the Eed Cross funds over there?
Mr. Welsh. Well, while Col. Thompson was there it was handled
under him as chairman, and under whoever was the authorized rep-
resentative of the Ked Cross.
Senator Sterling. Were you there at the breaking out of the revo-
lution in March, 1917?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, sir; I went to Petrograd four or five months
before that, and remained almost two years during this whole
period.
Senator Overman. Was Col. Thompson over there?
Mr. Welsh. Yes ; he was in Russia.
Senator Overman. Did he affiliate with the Bolshevik people?
Mr. Welsh. Well, it is a question just what you mean by affiliat-
ing. Of course, we all had to work with the Bolsheviks because there
was no other government.
Senator Overman. I got a letter this morning — I do not know
whether there is any truth in it or not — stating that he had con-
tributed funds to the Bolshevik Government. Do you know any-
thing about that?
Mr. Welsh. Personally, I do not; but it can be verified from
other sources — ^that is, verified whether it is true or not.
Senator Overman. I am getting letters from all sorts of people,
and I do not know whether they are true or not.
Senator Wolcott. It can be verified from M'hat sort of other
sources — individuals, or through banking records?
Mr. Welsh. Not through bank records, I do not think.
Senator Nelson. Was he not carrying on propaganda there to
have himself appointed minister from this country to the Bolshevik
Government ?
Senator Overjman. That is Robins you are thinking of.
Mr. Welsh. I do not think Col. Thompson did. I might say
here that when the Bolsheviks came in they came in with their prin-
ciples and promises which, on the face of them, as Breshkovskaya
said, were taken over from the socialists and people who agreed with
the latter, and many of us felt a certain sympathy, you might say,
with the Bolsheviks and what they were trying to do ; but afterwards,
when the best Bolsheviks found that it was incompatible for them
to stay in with the other robbers and people who were at the head
of it, who had begun to pervert all the principles and things they
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.. 285
were standing for, everyone was out of sympathy with them, and
■jnany of the Americans, who may have been in Russia at tiie time
when Bolshevism was in good favor, may have carried away that
impression and still hold it, but it is an erroneous impression which
would have been corrected if they had stayed in Russia and seen ho^
the Bolsheviks perverted these same principles down through the
months that followed.
Senator Steeling. You say you were there at the time of the revo-
lution, when the Tsar was deposed ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, sir.
Senator Sterling. The Duma was in session then, was it not ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, sir.
Senator Sterling. I would like to have your opinion in regard to
that. Was there confidence expressed in the Duma and the leaders
of the Duma at that time, as to the kind of government they might
work out.
Mr. Welsh. There was a wonderful confidence. The spirit of the
Russian Revolution was perfectly wonderful. It was like a great
moment in the life of a nation. And that is the hopeful thing about
Russia, because the Russian people showed at that time what was in
them. They may have gone back, they may be depressed now, and the
people are suffering with melancholia, but that is the great sustain-
ing hope that people like Breshkovskaya have; and the hope for
Russia is, without question, that Russia is going to right herself.
Senator Steeling. Was there faith in such leaders as the president
of the Duma, and Miliukov, and others of that class?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, at that time; and later with Kerensky and the
others. I have heard Breshkovskaya state that they became en-
tangled in their legalisms, as to whether or not a thing was legal
and they lost sight of the fact that the thing to do was to put
things into action. So the people became impatient with them, and
when the Bolsheviks said they could do what the Kerensky govern-
ment and the others could not do, the Bolsheviks succeeded in getting
into power.
Senator Steeling. When Kerensky came in power there was gen-
eral confidence in him?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, there was remarkable confidence. He was the
man of the hour at that time.
Senator Steeling. What was the reason for his failure?
Mr. Welsh. I think Breshkovska^^a stated here that he was lost m
the intricacies of his legal mind. He would debate as to whether a
thing was legal to be done, when the thing to do was to decide
whether it was to be done or not immediately. He hesitated.
Senator Oveeman. I was impressed with what you said as to the
state of mind there now being one of melancholia.
Mr. Welsh. As I said a few minutes ago — going back to that — from
the time we evacuated on March 19th, up until June 24th, I made
four trips to Petrograd, and then again was in Petrograd during the
week from the 26th of August to the 1st of September. Going out
from where we werft in Vologda, where there was a little food, a little
refreshment, and life seemed a little brighter, to come back into
Petroo-rad was terribly depressing. All your friends that were left
there "^all the people that you knew, were suffering from melancholia,
286 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
and you just could not help but feel terribly depressed at the hope-
lessness of the whole situation ; and then people would turn and ask,
'• What is America going to do?" And we, as Americans, would try
to encourage them, and would say that America was going to come to
their help, and we believed it would.
Senator Sterling. In what way did you think that America would
come to their help?
Mr. Welsh. Every foreigner in Russia at that time looked on the
Archangel expedition as a real movement for intervention. We
were at Vologda at the time. There were no Bolshevik troops there
except 300 Lettish troops, and the commandant of the Lettish troops
said himself that they would not fight if the allies came, because they
were there for police duty. In fact, a Lett who was not a soldier,
but had married and was a very respectable man, told us that he
could get these same Letts to take a boat, arm it, and escort us to the
allied lines.
Senator Oveem.an. What would be the result if intervention took
place? Would these peasants that are sad and depressed, together
with the bourgeoisie who are starving, appreciate America's com-
ing in there, and rally to the cause?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, absolutely. They looked forward to it, and we
looked forward to it when we were in Vologda. We expected each
week that the allies were coming down. They had the whole rail-
road, and they might have come on a train right straight down to
Vologda, without any interference at all. We expected it. And the
Bolsheviki in Moscow expected it, and arrested the British and
French embassy officials as hostages. They did not come. Many
of the people who were interested in throwing the Bolsheviks out
showed this, and became marked by the Bolsheviks, and later had to
paj' the penalty with their lives. They expected the allies to come
in and give them relief. They tried to do what they could, and
when the allied help failed them, thej' were taken by the Bolsheviki
and executed.
Senator Steeling. How much allied help do you think would have
been required for the Czecho-Slovaks and the loyal Russian Army,
such as there was of it, to have saved Moscow ?
ilr. Welsh. At that time, when the allies took Archangel, 20,000
troops, we all believed — although we were not military authorities-
might have taken Moscow and Petrograd and established order out
of chaos.
Senator Steeling. Did not the Czecho-Slovaks take several towns
there. Samara among them, against greatly superior forces of Bol-
sheviki ?
]Mr. Welsh. Against tremendously superior forces. They took
Samara ; they took Kazan ; they took Perm ; they took most of those
places.
Senator Sterling. Ufa is one.
Mr. Welsh. Yes ; Ufa — without any resistance whatever. In fact,
while we were in Moscow, Kazan was taken by the Czecho-Slovaks,
and the report of the Bolshevik commandant was, " We have evacu-
ated from Kazan without the loss of a single man;" and he was
awarded a medal for bravery for having a hole put through his hat.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 287
Senator Nelson. And those forces that you refer to there coming
up from Samara, working northward, were expecting to get help
from the allies ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And because they were disappointed in that, they
met with reverses. If we had had a small force then, and met them
there at Vologda, and furnished them ammunition, and cooperated,
they would have gotten the upper hand then, would they not, as what
ihej needed was ammunition and arms?
Mr. Welsh. That Avas the belief of those who were there. They
were moving on, seeking to take Perm, and they were going on to
Viatka, which they could have taken. We looked for them to come in
on the Siberian line through Viatka and make a junction with the
forces from Archangel and Vologda, thus making a front and clean-
ing up the situation.
Senator Nelson. There were two forces, one coming in from the
Siberian line, and the other coming in from the south.
Mr. Welsh. From the north.
Senator Nelson. And then our forces from the north?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And both of those two other forces were expect-
ing to get help from our forces coming down from Archangel ?
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Expecting more ammunition and supplies than
anything else, and they did not get it?
Mr. Welsh. Not only that, but
Senator Nelson. That Archangel move was as fatal a move as the
move of the allies at the Dardanelles. If they had had a force of
50,000 men there, or 25,000 men, with ample supplies of ammunition
and everything else, the Bolshevik government would have been at
an end ?
Mr. Welsh. That was our belief. It was our belief that the
forces they had there were sufficient if they had moved, if they had
come down. As Breshkovskaya pointed out yesterday, a million
troops that stand still are no good to Eussia, but 60,000 that will
fight and move are a help.
Senator Sterling. What would be your opinion as to the effe;:t
of a reasonably large allied force in Eussia to-day, as a stabilizing,
conserving force that would prevent the disorders and excesses of
the Bolsheviki, and enable them to work out a stable government ?
Mr. Welsh. I tried to make the point that it is hard for anyone
who has come out of Eussia a month previously to speak with author-
ity on it. We can speak of conditions when we were there, but you
must consider this, that when at that time we felt that that force of
20 000 could have taken it, we knew the sentiment of the Eussian peo-
ple. Since then the Eussian people have had to submit to the disap-
pointment of their hopes that food would be brought to them and
that the allies would come and take the Bolsheviki off their neck.
That hope has been deferred, and what it has turned into I can not
say. Whether it has turned into distrust sufficient to make allied
intervention a failure now I can not say.
Senator Overman. Mr. Welsh, the Eussian people in all their wars
have been brave fighters and good soldiers. Why, in your opinion.
288 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
does not some leader rise up and organize these soldiers and over-
throw these Bolshevild among themselves?
Mr. Welsh. I think Breshkovskaya tried to make that plain yes-
terday. The people have been systematically starved by the Bol-
sheviki for eight months — the leaders and the people. They have
searched on the streets and in the houses for arms of every kind
for the last six months. There are no arms except in the hands of
the BolsheviM ; there is no food except in the hands of the Bolshe-
viki. Those leaders whom you might have looked to at that time
that I spoke of, when we were expecting the allies to come in, those
leaders came forward, but were seized by the Bolsheviki and executed.
After such drastic measures when people who had the courage came
forward on the strength of the hope of belief in the allies, when that
hope was not realized, how can you expect the people to rise up?
The other point is that the peasants, who are the great body and
mass of the Russian people, are self-sufficient unto themselves. They
are back in the villages, where there are no Bolsheviki. If the Bolshe-
viki come out they fight them with pitchforks or anything they can
get. I, personally, with two other companions, was almost mobbed
in a little village 5 miles from Vologda, because they thought we
were Bolsheviki. We had come out to see an historic monastery
there, and were going through the place. Just before us had been
some Russians who may have been Bolsheviki. At any rate they
were exceedingly impudent to the monks. They left, but we re-
mained in the monastery. Some people came up to us and asked what
we were doing. AVe said, " Xothing, just looking around." They
said, " 'V^1lo are you? " We said, "Americans; allies." They said,
" That is very well. Make yourselves at home."
That was a group of 15 people. We went farther on, and later
the group grew to 50 people. These were not satisfied, and while
some of them were demanding that we should get out, others who had
been there earlier spoke to us and tried to apologize, saying, " Some
Bolsheviki haA'e been here trj'ing to requisition the food of the mon-
astery, and our peasants are afraid that you are Bolsheviks. There-
fore it is best that you should leave." " Well," we said, "if that is the
case, we will leave," and we started to go ; but by this time there was
a very large crowd, of 150 women and men. Luckily for us, there
were no large sticks or stones; but we, not being Russian but being
Americans, tried to take it humorously and if possible make the best
of it, whereas an ordinary Russian might have lost his temper and
fought back, and would have been mobbed by them as Bolsheviks.
This was 5 miles out of Vologda. That is convincing to me of the
peasants' attitude toward the Bolsheviks.
Senator Overman. If some leader should rise up and lead these
peasants against these Bolsheviki, they would have no munitions, no
guns?
Mr. Welsh. What would they lead them with? With pitchforks
and clubs, with the Red Guards having machine guns and all modern
equipment? They have the complete equipment of the Russian
Army ; that is, all that was not given to the Germans.
Senator Steeling. Would not allied intervention in sufficient
force be reassuring to those peasants, and would they not, although
at present not armed, give their moral support to such intervention?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 289
Mr. Welsh. I think a Russian can answer that question better,
but Breshkovskaya answered that question yesterday by saying yes.
For myself, I feel that the great need of Russia at the present time
is food. If the allies could go in with food and provisions and with
enough armed force to see that that food was not given to the
Bolsheviki and did not fall into the hands of the Bolsheviki, but
was given to everyone alike, and if they wanted to give to the
Bolsheviks, well and good — ^because you can not tell whether a man
is a Bolshevik or not by what he says to-day, and I can cite an
example of that — but to go on, you can not expect people to make
an orderly government when they are starving to death. But give
them food, give them clothing, and help them to a self-respecting
position, and they will work themselves out. But if this thing is
allowed to run on, the intelligent and educated people are going to
be systematically starved out and the restoration of Russia is going
to take years and years instead of a few years.
Senator Overman. There has been a great starvation of those
people, has there not?
Mr. Welsh. Breshkovskaya stated yesterday, in answer to one of
your questions, as to how many the Bolsheviki had killed, and said
that the casualties of the war with Germany were only one-half of
what the Bolsheviki had killed. The word " killed " in that sense, I
believe, should be interpreted to mean not only killed by guns, but
by actual starvation.
Senator Overman. You think, if this thing goes on, that thousands
of people will be starved to death?
Mr. Welsh. Thousands have starved to death. There is abso-
lutely no question but that in the city of Moscow to-day there is
absolute starvation. We had been on what you might call starva-
tion rations for eight months, with no sugar, no butter, no white
bread.
Senator Overman. No meat?
Mr. Welsh. Horse meat; and when it is asked if horse meat is
appetizing, it is appetizing, but when you go down the street and
see three or four horses that have dropped dead yesterday, and come
back to-morrow and find one of them half cut away, and go back
the next day and find the same horse still lying there, cut still fur-
ther away — and I have seen one horse lying for five days, to my
actual knowledge, in one place, and being continually cut up — you
do not enjoy horse meat under those conditions.
Senator Overman. I should think that would produce disease
among them.
Mr. Welsh. If you ask a person coming out of Russia at the
present time, " Have you the flu? " he will say, " Oh, yes." The flu
is not anything to them. Over here it is terrible ; but in comparison
to what life means in Russia the flu is a minor thing.
Senator Overman. What will be the result, then, if this state of
affairs goes on for another year?
Mr. Welsh. There is positive starvation in Petrograd and Mos-
cow and, as Breshkovskaya pointed out yesterday, the north of
Russia is not self supporting. It gets additional food from Siberia
and the south. What grain they had coming on was reaped in
August. We left there in September, one month later, and there
85723—19 19
290 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
was already a shortage. If there was a shortage after one month,
how could that crop last through September, October, November,
December, January, and right straight through until spring? And it
will be spring before they can get any edibles at all — any potatoes,
any grain, or anything of that kind. It should be perfectly plain
that under such conditions there can be nothing but starvation.
In the winter of 1917 the American Eed Cross kept thousands of
children from starving to death by the very well-organized and
worked-out distribution of milk — condensed milk. Their supplies ran
out in May, 1918. Since then there has been absolutely nothing of that
kind to be given to the children and babies of Petrograd and Moscow.
There is only one answer, and that is starvation. The mother of my
assistant in the bank, as far back as March, 1918, was making bread,
for which they paid 20 cents a pound, out of meal from which they
make linseed oil that is used to feed to cattle. She was malring bread
out of that meal to feed the family. That was as far back as jMarch,
1918, almost a year ago. People in this country have absolutely no
conception of it. For instance, Breshkovskaya j'esterday was as-
tounded at the ignorance of the American people. We always feel,
'■ Why ask these questions? Do you not know these things? "" It is
terrible that people in this country can not picture or realize what is
happening in Eussia at the present time.
Senator Nelson. The food-producing and grain-producing por-
tions of Eussia are all south and east of these centers of the revolution.
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelsox. That is, around Petrograd and around Moscow
and around Vologda, and all those places there in the northern part
of Eussia, they do not produce enough for their own support.
Mr. Welsh. They do not produce enough for their own support.
Senator Nelson. The food must come either from the Ukraine
country or from Siberia.
Mr. Welsh. Yes.
Senator Nelson. But do you not think that if they had transporta-
tion facilities and could distribute what there is in Siberia and south
Eussia, they could supply themselves?
Mr. Welsh. They could ; but the key to the situation is this, that in
the sections where there is food the peasants will not sell it for the
money they have in Eussia. which deteriorates from month to month.
They say, " Give us shoes, give us implements, give us anything, and
we will give you our grain." So that no one can go in there and take
it. The Bolsheviks can not take it away from them and neither can
anyone else. Unless you can send from this country supplies of other
kinds to be exchanged for their food, they will not release it.
Senator Nelson. The starvation you speak of is not confined to the
peasantry in the country? They have enough food to live on? It
must be confined to the people in these large cities ?
]Mr. Welsh. It is confined to the people in the large cities ; and yet
there is a very stringent shortage among the peasants. We asked our
maid in Vologda, atIio was quitting then, in August, to go back to the
harvest, how much land they had. She said, " I do not Imow." " Well,
how much crops do you raise ?" She said, being exceedingly ignorant.
" I do not loiow how many bushels, etc. I know it is not sufficient for
our family." That was the way she measured it.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 291
Senator Nelson. Their lack of desire to laise more food is due to
their, fear that it will be captured by the Bolshe^iki? Is there not
something in that ?
Mr. Welsh. There is something- in that; but she stated that for
many years past the land they had in their family was not sufficient
to support the family. She was working in Vologda and earning
money to support herself, and sending money to the family.
Senator Steeling. What do you say as to'the condition" involved in
Senator Nelson's question, namely, that the peasants are not pro-
ducing sufficient grain because of their fear that it will be taken by
the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Welsh. I think that is true; and Breshkovskaya yesterday
stated it as a fact, and she ought to Ifnow.
Maj . Httmes. Mr. Welsh, are you familiar with the method of elect-
ing these Soviets and the way they conduct their elections ? Have you
any instances that you can relate ?
Mr. Welsh. I do not think anj^one can be familiar with that, be-
cause there are no elections.
Maj. Humes. Give us a sample of one method, if you know of such.
Mr. Welsh. Well, in Vologda, where we came in closer contact
with it, the soviet authorities there were outsiders, and not Vologda
people. They had come from the outside. Vologda had been a very
progressive city, and therefore the change through Bolshevism was
very slight. That is, they retained the city organization of the dis-
tribution of food, etc., and the Bolshevik president of the soviet was
a fairly moderate, liberal .man, so they got along very well until in
July the Moscow government sent up a commission from Moscow
which threw out what had been the bolshevik soviet, and took entire
charge of the situation, and organized a committee of five in whom
full legislative and military powers over the city of Vologda were
placed.
Maj. Humes. Were these five people residents of Vologda, or out-
siders ?
Mr. Welsh. They had come from Moscow. One of them was our
friend Eadek, who was with Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg in
Berlin.
Senator Nelson. Who recently has been arrested in Germany?
Mr. Welsh. Yes. He. I believe, is an Austrian.
Maj. HtiMES. How did they run the city, and what was the reason
they found it necessary to depose the original soviet?
Mr. Welsh. All the reasons I do not know, though one reason that
was given was the presence of the allied troops in Archangel, and
they came under that pretext.
Maj. Humes. How did the new soviet conduct the affairs of the
city, as compared to the way they were being conducted by the
original soviet?
Mr. Welsh. They simply issued mandatory decrees. The other
soviet which was made up of liberal socialists and liberal Bolsheviks,
had tried to conduct a semblance of an elective government, which
was true in the beginning of the Bolshevik government throughout
Russia but as in Vologda — and Vologda is only illustrative of what
has happened all over — the Bolsheviki, to preserve themselves, found
it necessary to send in a dictatorship and take over the government.
292 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
And when some people talk about the Bolsheviki, telling us about a
constitutional government, what is said may have been true when the
Bolsheviki first came in, but what you want to know is the state of
conditions at the present time, and in Vologda at the present time
the government is in the hands of a commission of five.
Senator Nelson. This Vologda commission was sent from Moscow?
Mr. Welsh. Yes, with Eadek at the head of them. They issued
mandatory decrees of an}' nature that they felt necessary.
Then, too, it is a well known fact that the Bolsheviks dispersed the
National Constituent Assembly which met shortly after they came
into power, for the reason that it did not have a Bolshevik majority.
Senator Nelson. And took possession of whatever property they
wanted, buildings, houses, furniture, money, and I suppose every-
thing.
Mr. Welsh. Yes, and at that time they started in and arrested some
hundred or so of the leading people of Vologda and held them sev-
eral weeks. Twenty of them they took as hostages to Moscow, and
I do not doubt at all but that those twenty have been killed.
Senator Nelsox. How big a place is Vologda ?
Mr. Welsh. It was 40,000 ; but Vologda is characteristic of where
the peasants have grown up, and the leading people were only one
generation removed from the peasants themselves; and yet those
same people fled from this commission when it entered the town, and
had to hide themselves wherever they could.
Senator Nelson. So that the people of that town, the rank and file
and the masses of the people, were not in sympathy with that com-
mittee of five that was sent there?-
Mr. Welsh. Not only that, but, as I stated, the Lettish troops who
were there, supporting them at the time, would not have resisted the
allies had they come down. That is the statement of their com-
mandant, who had offered, through their friend, to help us get to the
allied lines, if necessary.
One of the reasons for the strength of the Bolsheviki at the present
time — the strengthening of the Bolshekivi at the present time — in my
opinion, is this : They were on their last legs when the allies came in,
or were coming in. Lenine was for coming to an understanding with
the allies. Trotsky said " No, we must arm the German and Austrian
prisoners, and institute a period of terrorism and go to the front and
beat back the Czecho-Slavs, and win out that way," because in those
months it looked as if Germany was winning. So they armed the
German prisoners and the Austrian prisoners — ^the Austrians not so
much, because they were more in sympathy with the Russian people—
and sent them out against the Czecho-Slavs, and that was successful.
In the revolt at Yaroslav, that took place, I think it was, in July,
the White Guard held it for three weeks against the Eed Guard,
without any possibility or outlook of the Red Guard winning out
until they took the German officers and German prisoners from
around Moscow and sent them up there ; and as we passed through
Yaroslav three or four weeks later, the whole north of the town
looked like a picture of northern Belgium, completely wiped out,
trees standing there without a leaf, and with houses burned and razed
to the ground, in the section where the White Guards had been.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 293
Maj. Humes. Do you know anything about financial support for
the Bolsheviki coming from any source other than the confiscated
funds in Russia ?
Mr. Welsh. I do not know of any from the outside, if that is what
you mean.
Maj. Humes. I tliought possibly you might have some knowledge
of that.
Mr. Welsh. I do not know of any, but they have done such things
as the following: At the time we were leaving Moscow they had
requisitioned all the goods, all the clothing in the dry goods stores,
and an order was issued that they should requisition all furs — that
is, furs in stores and storage. It was contemplated that there would
be a requisition of all fur coats and a redistribution from the
bourgeoisie to those who needed them, and a week or so later when
we came out and were held up in Petrograd, I had an oportunity to
talk with the manager of the English magazine there, and he had
received his orders that his store had been requisitioned, and an in-
ventory taken of his entire stock, and the whole thing was under the
control of the Bolsheviki,, to be sold at their price, and he was to get
a selling commission.
Maj. Humes. He was to get a commission? In other words, re-
quisitioning is confiscation.
Mr. Welsh. They confiscated goods for which perhaps he would
have paid 100 per cent, and sold them and gave him 15 per cent as a
commission.
TESTIMONY OF ME. KOGEK. E. SIMMONS.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Maj. Humes. Where do you reside?
Mr. Simmons. Hagerstown, Md.
Maj. Humes. You are connected with the Department of Com-
merce, are you not?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir; trade commissioner.
Maj. Humes. Have you been in Russia during the last few years?
Mr. Simmons. Eighteen months. I just returned 10 days ago.
Maj. Humes. During what period of time were you in Russia last?
Mr. Simmons. From July, 1917, up to November, 1918. I came
out in April to Stockholm through Finland to write reports and
establish contact by wire with the Department of Commerce in Amer-
ica, and then went back to Russia.
Maj. Humes. Will you state to the committee in your own way the
conditions, as you observed them and found them in Russia during
that period of time, with reference to the manner in which the
Bolsheviki Government is controlling things, and the actual condi-
tions that exist as to their policy in Russia and the economical and
manufacturing conditions there?
Mr. Simmons. My work, generally, was study of the lumbering
industry and the exploitable forests of Russia, in connection with the
rebuilding of the devastated portions of Europe. It was quite neces-
sary the lumbermen of this country thought, as well as the Depart-
ment of Commerce, that we should know where the vast amount of
the supplies that would be required for that work was to come from.
294 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAXDA.
If America has to supply all or a great part, it. will draw enomiouslv
on our forestal resources. If America only had to contribute a
nominal portion of the demand, it was necessary to know how much
so that we could make our aiTangements to meet the obligation. For
the investigation a commission of four men was appointed. Two
went to countries that would consume the lumber in reconstruction,
France, Belgium, Italj', and Greece. The other two went to produc-
ing centers, one to Scandinavia, Norway and Sweden, and one—
myself — to Russia.
I entered at AHadivostok on the 1st of July, 1917, and for six or
seven months worked through Siberia, touching the important centers
of lumber production and investigating areas where there was a pos-
sibility of ]Drofitable exploitation of the forests.
Senator Xelsox. In that connection, before you proceed further
Avill you indicate where in Siberia you found the lumber areas?
Mr. Simmons. Where I found the best forests?
Senator Xelsox. Yes.
Mr. SiMMOXs. The best forests, in terms of merchantable stands, I
found in eastern Siberia, the basin of the Amur. This basin, you will
recall, also embraces northern Manchuria, vast areas of which also
possess excellent and valuable stands.
Senator Nelsox. How about on the Usuri?
Mr. SiMMoxs. That is a part of the Amur. Here the woodlands
are valuable.
Senator Xelsox. And along the Sungari Eiver?
Mr. SiMMOxs. The Sungari runs through northern Manchuria. As
I told you, the forests are very excellent.
Senator Xelsox. Is there much timber in the valleys of those
streams ?
Mr. SiMMoxs. Yes; and very excellent timber in many places; the
best that is to be found in the whole of Siberia. The next area going
west is southeast of Lake Baikal.
Senator Xelsox. The valley of the Shilka River?
Mr. Simmons. In the valley of Shilka River the stands are medi-
ocre. Here exist, as is characteristic of much of Siberia, vast areas
of swamps. Out of these swamps rise ridges, and on these grow ex-
cellent timber. Between these ridges the extent of these swamps is
so great that generally the valley does not afford excellent opportuni-
ties for exploitation.
Senator Nelson. Going west, what other points did you strike
wliere there is good timber ?
Mr. SiMMOxs. Regions of small valleys the rivers of which eitlier
have their source or empty into Lake Baikal, especially south and
southeast of Lake Baikal.
Senator Xelsox. Then farther west ?
Mr. SiMMOxs. Farther west, we come next to the valley of the
Yenisei, where stand the best and most extensive areas of timber
that are to be found in the whole of central Siberia.
Senator Xelsox. Is that pine timber?
Mr. SiiiMONS. Yes, sir ; first pine ; two kinds of pine ; one we call
Pinus sylvatica, or Scots pine, and the other Pinus cembra, or Kehdr
pine. The latter is similar to white pine of •ur Lake States — Min-
nesota, Michigan, and "Wisconsin. This wood is similar in texture
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 295
and grain to white pine, although slightly darker in color. The spe-
cies perhaps the most predominant is spruce, Picea abovata. Larch
and fir are other soft woods commonly met with. Birch and alder are
the most frequent of the hardwoods; neither met with in stands of
value for lumber production.
Senator Nelson. Is the spruce the same kind that we have in
America ?
Mr. Simmons. The Siberian spruces are, comparing the mechanical
and physical properties of the woods, not the sam;e species ag
grown in this country, not as valuable as the Sitka spruce of
Washington or the spruce of the Appalachian Mountains, usually
called West Virginia spruce.
Senator Nelson. How does it compare with the Scandinavian
spruce?
Mr. Simmons. The predominent species is the same.
Senator Nelson. Where did you next strike the belt of timber?
Mr. Simmons. In western Siberia. Here the situation is ex-
tremely interesting in that there is an insufficient lumber supply to
meet the market demand. The reason is that the rivers gravitate to
the Arctic, and the forest stands are north of the populated centers.
According to their system of lumbering it is unprofitable to raft
timber upstream. The market supply comes from the Altai Moun-
tains down the Irtysh River. By the rotation system of cutting
timber, conducted according to forestry principles, and therefore
much ahead of America, not a large enough supply is available from
areas close to transportation to meet the demands of 8,000,000 people.
Senator Nelson. Is there not a lot of timber in the valley of
the Ob?
Mr. Simmons. There is. There is a lot in the valley of the Ob and
its chief tributaries.
But remember that in this region the land area is exceedingly
vast. The timber stand is not merchantable over all of this vast
expanse nor over three-fourths of it. The conditions here are similar
to those that I have told you exist in the valley of the Shilka, ridges
rising out of swamps like islands, distinctly separated, upon which
grow stands that are merchantable.
Senator Nelson. In going across the Ural Mountains, do you strike
any timber there ; for instance, in the valley of the Kama ?
Mv. Simmons. Yes ; excellent timber in many localities.
Senator Nelson. Is it pine timber?
Mr. Simmons. High grade pine, spruce, larch, and birch. Birch,
generally, is not merchantable; trees do not grow to proportions
large enough for saw logs.
Senator Nelson. Did you examine the territory north of the
Siberian Eailroad between Perm and Petrograd ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That country bordering on what I call the Arctic
region? . » -r. • ,
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir. In that section of Russia the country
drains to a considerable extent toward the Caspian Sea, this is the
upper part of the Volga Basin. The major portion gravitates to-
ward the Arctic, comprising the valleys of the North Dvina River,
296 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the Onega, Mezen, Pochora, and Kola Rivers. The divide is in the
southern part of the country you speak of, Senator Nelson.
Senator Nelson. Is there not timber around the White Sea, in
the Archangel region?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, most excellent ; not in close proximity to Arch-
angel.
Senator Nelson. South of it?
Mr. Simmons. South from about two to eight hundred miles is
the region where the best merchantable stands abound.
Senator Nelson. Is there a large quantity of timber there?
Mr. Simmons. The separated areas are often very large. Over 60
per cent of the timber resources of European Russia are in this
region.
Senator Nelson. That is a region of swamps and timber?
Mr. Simmons. That is a region of swamps and timber.
Senator Nelson. Not very well settled, is it?
Mr. Simmons. Very sparsely.
Senator Nelson. Not much of a farming country ?
Mr. SiMaioNS. The only farming is for individual family needs.
The chief occupation is lumbering. The people live in villages.
Senator Nelson. That is north of the Siberian Railroad ?
Mr. Simmons. That is north of the Siberian Railroad; in that
section you referred to.
Senator Nelson. Were you up on that new line that they have
built from St. Petersburg north to the Kola Peninsula ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, Senator ; or rather I should say, I was down it.
Senator Nelson. Well, down it?
Mr. Simmons. I came from Murmansk down, investigating the
character of forests and locating, of course, the best timbeiiands
available in that region of Russia.
Senator Nelson. Is not that good timber?
Mr. Simmons. It does not bear comparison to the timberland
tributary to Archangel.
Senator Nelson. Taking the extent of the country, there are large
forests around Lake Onega?
Mr. SiMjioNS. There are forests not immediately around, but on
rivers and streams directly flowing into the lake.
Senator Nelson. And on the other side of Lake Ladoga is the
situation, generally, similar?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. I have understood that was a good timber
country ?
Mr. Simmons. It is. Relatively, however, it does not measure up
to regions around Perm and toward Archangel.
Senator Nelson. Now, you go on with your story. I was trying
to get at the timber. _
Mr. Simmons. You know the geography wonderfully well.
Well, as you see, my work in Russia was to investigate lumbering
and forests. Naturally, this brought me largely in touch with
peasant villages, and into contact often with the laborers and in
the woods and at the sawmills. The sawmill industry is the second
largest manufacturing industry of Russia.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 297
Senator Nelson. Have they up-to-date sawmills there that com-
pare with our up-to-date mills in this country ?
Mr. Simmons. The system of manufacturing is entirely different.
They use gang frame sawmills. I doubt if you have seen them in
this country. By one operation the log is sawed into boards, planks,
or timbers. The band saw on the carriage system used in America,
taking the log back and forward against the saw, is rarely seen in
Eussia. The machinery of some of the Russian sawmills is up-to-
date; in others it is quite primitive.
In the rural parts I was thrown particularly with peasants and
laborers working in the woods. When I came into the large civic cen-
ters, seats of governments, of provinces, I was largely connected with
officials of the local forestry bureaus, while in big cities and port
cities I had contact with the exporters and jobbers of lumber and
lumber associations.
When I arrived in Siberia the revolution had taken place. Kei'en-
sky was then in the saddle. The economic conditions in eastern Si-
beria were very good, compared to what I found them in European
Russia. Of course, they were not up to normal, because of the
world's war. People generally were all longing for peace ; and they
were looking forward with great expectation, as soon as the war was
over, to the reestablishment of greater economic activity and ex-
tension of industry, which they anticipated would be very marked.
I met the Bolsheviki in Irkutsk.
Senator Nelson. Do you mean by that the Kerensky officials?
Mr. Simmons. No ; the Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. Or the Lenine people ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes; the followers of Lenine.
Senator Nelson. Of Lenine and Trotzliy?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. That is a good plan. Call one the Kerensky and
the other the Bolsheviki.
Mr. Simmons. Very well, sir.
Senator Nelson. That is a good distinction.
Mr. Simmons. When I got there, the Bolshevik revolution had
started, and I could see the difference at once. I saw the banks and
stores were being closed, lumber mills not running, business gen-
erally at a standstill.
I then became interested, as I saw the revolution directly affected
my investigation. It started the thought, " Is this revolution going
to disrupt the lumber industry, and is Russia, the greatest producer
of export material in the world, going to step out from furnishing
its normal supply ? "
I therefore began to regard political movements more closely, i
soon learned that the Bolsheviks were striving to establish " au-
trocracy of the proletariat," according to Lenine's pet theory. The
Russian proletariat represents 95 to 97 per cent of the population,
whereas the bourgeoisie classes, containing the royalty, the intel-
ligentsia (influential because of high learning) , and the capitalists,
rM)resent only from 3 to 5 per cent. You can see that if an au-
tocracv of the proletariat could be established it would in a large
measure be quite representative of the Russian Nation. But the
proletariat is composed of various classes and elements. The peas-
298 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
aiitry is the largest. Jobbers, clerical forces, rank and file of mam-
professions — clergy, dentists, etc. — students, small manufacturers,
seamen, soldiers, industrial workers, fishermen, trappers, among all
of these there Avere demoralized elements. It was these, led by agita-
tors, that held the reins of government in Irkutsk.
Senator Wolcott. That is, the demoralized element?
Mr. SiMJiONS. The demoralized element ; those who heretofore had
not been thrifty and saving; largely indigent and careless.
Senator Xelsox. Living by their wits?
Mr. SiMMOXs. Perhaps so, sir. They did not, in my opinion, repre-
sent the substantial laboring forces of Siberia.
So I proceeded westward and arrived next at Krasnoiarsk. Here
I saw part of a battle between Cossacks and Bolsheviki soldiers.
Senator Xelsox. Where is that I
Mr. Siji:moxs. Krasnoiarsk. I confirmed my view that the rank-
and-file Bolsheviki were the least desirable element as to morality
and substantial citizenship. In carrying on my investigation I had
to get in touch with the best of these men, those important among
employees of the government, who directed and assisted administra-
tion of forestry organizations in different governments. In my inter-
views it was evident they were not men of sufficient intelligence to
qualify for the work in hand, and with little conception of forestry
principles.
Proceeding westward, I came to the cities of Tomsk and Omsk
and Novo Nikolaievsk. Here was observed the same trend toward
industrial and economic disintegration as in Irkutsk, which I just
described, by the closed shops, factories not operating, general busi-
ness stagnation, all resulting in honest toilers being thrown out of
employment.
I began to speculate that if this state of affairs existed in Siberia,
it would also be found in Russia. In Perm, Vologda, and Petrograd
the same conditions were evident, but apparently not so well de-
veloped.
Along the trans-Siberian line, proceeding slowly, I had a chance of
reading the literature that the Bolsheviki were distributing in con-
nection with their active propaganda ; also the decrets, proclamations,
apd the public formal announcements of all kinds of the local and
national authorities. Many of these sounded plausible, aimed to be
constructive, ostensibly, and in their idealism and promises were
golden. I could see how people would be attracted, and for the first
8 to 10 weeks understood their sanguine hopes. But after this time
disintegration was rapid and I saw the awful results. The modus
operandi was not in line with theories. They talked ideals but did
not act ideals. . Practices showed there was decided immorality ; de-
cidedly, the game was not being played squarely, the people being
deceived by the leaders. I suspected it from the very beginning from
what I saw in Siberia. If you will let me, I will read to you a sig-
nificant admission in that connection.
This statement was written to me, at my request, by an American
that it could be given to the American consul general. It reads as
follows : '■ Bonch Bruevitch, the executor of the acts of all the people's
commissars, not a strong man, but a close friend of Lenine s, who,
working in the same office, is able to influence Lenine strongly. A
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 299
power in the government as long as Lenine lives. He states that the
Bolsheviki have not worked out a code of morals yet, and until they
do, the end justifies the means. Any lies or dictatorial methods are
worth using as long as they are in the interests of the working
classes. A close friend of his says he has no compunctions, lying
whenever there is an advantabe to be gained from it for the Soviets."
The movement is immoral, absolutely.
When the revolution began, those in power were face to face with
three great problems, as I saw it. They were confronted with the
question, " What are you going to do with the army and with the
war ? " The Eussians were then still in the war. " What kind of
government are you going to form ? " " What are you going to do
with the land question, and will you stop economic disintegration? "
You recall what they did with regard to the war. That disgraceful,
humiliating treaty of peace of Brest- Litovsk is the answer.
Senator Nelson. They laid down and quit.
Mr.' Simmons. They laid down and quit ; but in doing that the
Bolsheviki gained the favor of 10,000,000 soldiers, who wanted peace.
They wanted' peace because the conditions under which they were
fighting were unbearable.
What were they going to do in the formation of a government?
It was a long debate, face to face with the question, Should they
make this a political revolution and establish a government as a
political and social basis together, or should it be solely a social
revolution, to work out their great aims in life and Lenine's dream,
" the dictatorship of the proletariat " ? They decided on the last
course, relegating the political revolution to the background. The
soviet government, composed solely of Bolsheviks, of a portion only
of the " manual proletariat," is a government in name only. Rightly
stated, it is a well-organized institution functioning to further the
social revolution, the overthrow of all recognized standards of moral-
ity and civilization. It is purely a social revolution, absolutely.
Everything that you will hear given you in testimony of men who
have been in Russia looking on this movement from a disinterested
standpoint will sustain this. Let me, please, right here in this con-
nection bring in one remark. The American Government never had
better officials, more loyal men, more conscientious in work, and thor-
oughly honest in every endeavor they made, than the men who
represented us in Russia. The laudable work of the ambassador is
generally known. I refer particularly to the embassy officers, of the
Department of State, our Consular Service to a man, the representa-
tives of the Department of Commerce, one of whom you have listened
to, and the American military mission. I know them all and have
seen them in action under dangerous and trying conditions. Aside
from the Government, I wish to mention the personnel of the
Y. M. C. A. and part of our Red Cross. All these men, sir, whose
Americanism can not be questioned, or their patriotism, did their
work conscientiously and efficiently. If they are to appear before
you which I trust they will, I can assure you almost all of their
resp'ective testimony will generally agree. I have talked to all of
the'm. They denounce Bolshevism.
Senator Wolcott. Why do you say " part of our Red Cross " ?
300 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Simmons. I only came in contact with a part of the Red
Cross. I am only taking those men with whom I came in contact.
Being a social revolution, of course the worst parts about it are the
results of the awful class hatred the Bolsheviki leaders are incit-
ing. They are inciting it in every part of the country by their pub-
lications and in all their efficient propaganda. It has not been any
more disastrous in any parts of Eussia, I believe, than it has been in
many villages among the peasantry.
Their policy has as an underlying motive the arousing of class
antagonism, the proletariat hating the bourgeoisie. In practice it
means that the less fortunate in every industry and institution bear
animus against those qualified to hold better positions. This has
been indirectly the cause of most of the incidents of terrorism wit-
nesses have spoken of, more of which I will tell you about later.
When it was seen that the peasantry did not rally to the support of
the Bolshevik cause and that they refused to sell grain for rubles
without value, the Bolsheviki took the class issue to the villages.
Lenine calls this movement awakening class consciousness of the
peasantry. He organized for this work " poor committees " as they
are called in translation. These committees of soldiers go out to the
villages to inflame the dissatisfied elements and to extract by force
food from the peasants. You know these villages are organized,
having men who work land according to the communal system.
Others own small holdings in fee simple, while another class of
peasants have no land and work as hired labor. The last-named class
I should not think would represent much more than 20 per cent.
Those that have land to work are satisfied to some extent. Many
need more land, their apportionment being too small ; and besides, the
peasantry, of course, want sufficient land given to meet the demands
of all. But Lenine sends the poor committees, agitators, to incite
peasants who have no land to conspire against those who have, and to
take the guns he gives them for fighting, robbing, and plundering
neighbors in their own and neighboring villages.
Senator Nelson. Who have land ?
Mr. SUMMONS. Who have land. When you come later to read, gen-
tlemen, the history of the Russian revolution, some of the bloodiest
fights, you will find, and woi-st horrors, have occurred in villages.
Those simple, peace-loving people have been living among themselves
for centuries in more or less harmony under their communistic sys-
tem. But all of a sudden Lenine, by his nefarious policies, sets the
passions of the demoralized class aflame and turns them against the
other two classes. Instead of promoting brotherly love and helping
to make the sentiment of the nation one for the good of all, as we are
striving to do in America, the Bolsheviki are trying by jealousy and
animosity to disintegrate the population of various localities into
classes with a view of the honest toiler being overcome and subjected.
Now, this is a serious matter. The peasantry represent 85 per cent of
the 160,000,000 Russians.
In Russia class hatred is seen manifested everywhere. I "will men-
tioji one illustration which I saw in Petrograd — the undressing of a
woman. I had heard about it before. It was about 6.30. growing
dark, as I was walking down Nevsky Prospect on my way home.
I heard a yell of distress from a woman up a street running perpen-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 301
dicularly to the Nevsky. There two soldiers were removing the
cloak — a very good substantial cloth coat — from a woman. And
when protests were made by the standers-by, the answer was, "We
have blacked your boots and washed your clothes for many years.
Now you bourgeoisie have got to bow to us and wash our clothes and
black our boots." Undressing to steal clothes went on to a consider-
able extent in Moscow, Petrograd, and Kiev, according to reports.
It went as far as taking off besides cloaks the very dresses of women,
and where they could handle it, taking also the clothes and overcoats
off men.
Senator Wolcott. I take it from what you say that this was not an
elegantly dressed woman, but just an ordinarily dressed woman.
Mr. Simmons. Of course, the elegantly dressed women were simi-
larly treated, but they would be careful not to walk on the
streets except in daylight. But this particular instance that I wit-
nessed was of a woman 30 years old, I should say, who belonged to
the middle class. She did not have on a sealskin coat or anything
very expensive ; merely a heavy, warm, substantial cloth coat.
Now, you can see that all their practices aimed to invite people to
do acts of that kind showing intense hatred — I wish I could think
of another word, it is more than hatred — detestation — against peo-
ple that they thought were a little higher up. Now, remember, as
I pointed out in the first place this hatred is against a good many of
these people in the cities, and people like the peasants who had land,
who belong to the proletariat. But because they did not agree, they
call them bourgeoisie. You can see that they are fighting parts of
the very class for whom they say they are trying to establish a dicta-
torship. They are not trying to put the proletariat in power, but
the most demoralized elements of that class, which represents, gentle-
men, a very small per cent.
Now, this class hatred is a matter we have got to consider, I think,
with a great deal of interest and a great deal of seriousness, because
it is the basis of their international movement.
If you will let me take the time to read to you a statement made
by Lenine, I think it will bear out that this is the Bolshevik inter-
national aim. This appeared in a newspaper, the Severnaia Com-
muna, No. 139. The date is not given, but this number of the paper
would be about November 12 last. This translation was made by one
of my interpreters.
The following remarks were made by Lenine in his speech at a
sitting of the central executive committee in Moscow :
" "We were," said he among other things, " never so powerful as
we are now. On the other hand, we never ran such a danger as now.
The west European capitalists, together with the American capital-
ists now have grasped that bolshevism is a force not to be neglected
and resisted in order to destroy it by common effort." Mr. Lenine
puts his hopes as usual in the international revolution of wage earn-
ers. He points out to the sympathies of the independent labor party
in England, of the socialist party in Scotland, as well as of many
trades unions (syndicates) in France. But he is especially opti-
mistic with regard to the help which he hopes to get from Germany.
" In all countries," said he, " the revolution grows by channels which
in different countries differ widely. In some the revolution can come
302 BOLSHEViiV i-KUi-AUAJN DA.
one or two years later than in others. All have to pass certain politi-
cal developments. But the wage eariiers of the whole of Europe
begin to wake up and go forward with gigantic steps. The enemies
of bolshevism direct their efforts chiefly against us. We must con-
centrate all our attention toward the southern front. There will
be decided the fate not only of the Hussian but of the international
revolution. We have, however, many chances for victory as people's
minds have undergone an evolution. They know now they are de-
fending, not the power of imperialists, but their own interests, their
own land and freedom, their own factories, their own liberties.
" The discipline in the Eed army is growing. We have already
organized good officers who passed new schools. Our southern front
is the front against the united Anglo-French imperialism. But we
are not afraid of that fight. We know that this imperialism will
have soon to fight with the inner enemies. The power which crushed
the imperialism in Germany will crush also America and England.
This force will grow. The more the Anglo-French troops will ad-
vance into Russia they will meet increasing danger, and they will
help our cause to spread like the Spanish disease."
I have several other matters here along the same lines, but I do
not believe you want to take the time.
Senator Nelson. Hand them to the secretary for the record.
Mr. Simmons. Here is a short one. Lenine said at the Moscow
congress, according to the Izvestija, No. 223, November last:
For all those who took part in the workmen's movement for some time past
it is evident that in this year a real dictatorship of the wage-earning classes
is going to be established.
In the Severnaia Communa, No. 51, one of the commissars in con-
cluding recommended various measures. [Reading:]
I advocate a propaganda on a large scale among the German prisoners, with
which the formation of an international regiment can start.
Now, gentlemen, these people have a wonderful propaganda, not
only in Russia, but in western Europe and Scandinavia. I am going
to show you their policy in their own words. In the same paper, the
same number and the same date as the one quoted, it goes on to speak
about the organization of the army which this commissar hopes can
be made to reach 3,000,000. He says :
The most interesting part of the scheme is the organization of the huge
propaganda work in the towns and villages as well as in the army itself. "We
must mobilize our papers, our journalists, our artists," says Poddosky, "Let
every day dozens of trains spread our papers, our proclamations, our posters
and our drawings. Let us organize in every village, in every company, groups
of readers and lecturers. Let the cinemas spread our ideas. Let the gramophones,
which now are to be had in every village, make propaganda for us."
In Russia they are carrying that out quite effectively.
Senator Nelson. They are carrying it out, too, in this country,
are they not?
Mr. Simmons. I can not perhaps verify it, gentlemen, but I heard
that Americans that I had seen in Petrograd had left Russia to
come to America as Bolshevik agents to establish a bureau of intel-
ligence or propaganda in line with this policy.
Senator Nelson. Americans that were there in Russia ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 303
Mr. Simmons. Yes; and tliey brought with them Eussians, I be-
heve. This I do not know positively,, yet I got it from good au-
thority.
Senator Nelson. They came over here to establish Bolshevik
propaganda in this country?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir. Right along that line, I was sent out to
make an address before the annual convention held last week of the
rotary clubs.
' Senator Nelson. Where?
Mr. Simmons. At Grand Eapids, Mich. It was of the clubs of
the ninth district. About 800 delegates were present. Michigan is
vitally interested in the Russian situation because a large portion of
the American troops in Archangel are Michigan troops. I was
utterly astounded when I saw the ideas prevailing, in that it seemed
to give some justification to the Bolshevik experiment, as they under-
stood it, but particularly in that these Americans of marked intel-
ligence did not seem to know that the movement was absolutely
immoral, anarchistic, and a menace to Europe, America, and the
world.
Senator Nelson. At what place was that?
Mr. Simmons. Grand Rapids, Mich.,; delegates from all over that
section.
Senator Wolcott. Just a moment. The Rotary Club is an organi-
zation made up in the various cities, is it not, of one prominent rep-
resentative from each business?
Mr. Simmons. Aimed to be the top notch.
Senator Wolcott. The class of people you talked to represented
the cream of the business world ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, Senator. The best representatives of business
interests of those localities from which they came. In meetings they
aim to get at the bottom of questions. In fact, it is one of the pur-
poses of their organizations, as I see it, to study national, State, and
local questions with a view of trying to help to arrive at the most
intelligent solutions.
I do not know why people of this class have not got right in-
formation upon which to base decisive conviction. This is one of the
great dangers of wrong propaganda, its insidious effect. Bol-
shevism is a greater menace to the world, gentlemen, even than was
German militarism, if you will allow me to express an opinion.
The false ideas being circulated are not the truth about this Rus-
sian Bolsheviki experiment. I spoke in Grand Eapids for over an
hour. They were more astounded when they heard the simple tale
that I told, merely relating my experiences and observations, than
I was to learn their impressions brought out during discussions on
the subject of the withdrawal of American troops from Archangel.
Senator Wolcott. You were astounded with their apparent sym-
pathy with Bolshevism, as they understood it?
Mr. Simmons. Not sympathy so much as lack of conception, as
they understood it.
Senator Wolcott. You discovered, I suppose, that they had an
entirely false impression of what you know to be the truth?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir. They discovered it, and stated it in a
resolution.
304 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overman, Had they gottan their idea about the Arch-
angel troops from what they had heard from the Congressional
Eecord and other places?
Mr. Simmons. I have no idea, Senator. I am only telling you the
thing as an example; just to couple it up with what I said regarding
Bolshevik propaganda. Being absolutely immoral and insidious, it
has to be watched and fought.
Senator Wolcott. The important thing, it seems to me, connected
with that Rotary Club incident is that by some means or other,
devious, perhaps false, ideas had been injected into the minds of those
very substantial people.
Mr. Simmons. It is certain that far from the right ideas have been
or are being circulated.
Senator Wolcott. And very clever, unseen propaganda had been
at work.
Mr. Simmons. Absolutely.
Senator Overman. Did you ask them how they got such ideas?
Mr. Simmons. No. This was in a formal meeting. It did not occur
to me to go into details.
You seem to be interested along that line. I met another man.
He was a major in the Army. I happened to meet him as an old
friend at the La Salle Hotel in Chicago. Again I was surprised
to see his impressions, which corresponded to what I told you con-
cerning the Rotarians — absence of right intelligence on the Russian
subject. From lectures, different periodicals, and pamphlets in some
way circulated in the Army camps, the impression he felt was not
perhaps one of sympathy with, but of toleration for, the Bolshevik
experiment. He said, " "Will you not come right with me and make
a speech and tell the soldiers and people at my camp what you have
told me? " He saw the importance of spreading the truth. And I
tell you. Senators, on my way back to Washington, after talking to
men on the train and seeing the same thing confirmed, I realize that
good Americans are up against a great work. And I think yon—
this committee — in starting this investigation are doing the country
wonderful service if these hearings bring out the truth, and I think
they will.
It is a matter, gentlemen, that we have got to look at seriously.
Every consideration that made necessary the formation of the league
of nations counsels protection of the world's common security against
Bolshevism. If you had lived in prisons, as I did, and had had the
experiences of us in Russia to the last, and seen the suffering and
heard the wails of the people of all classes all over that big country,
you would agree with me absolutely.
Senator Wolcott. Do I understand the purport of this statement
to be that Bolshevism, in its practical operation, is as bad as war,
which the league of nations is hoping to obliterate ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir. I should say that the same considerations
that make that institution necessary to prevent war make the world's
common fight against this foe, Bolshevism, just as necessary.
Senator Wolcott. You have been told, you said, that Americans
have come back from Russia for the purpose 6f spreading this
Bolshevik propaganda in this country ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 305
Mr. Simmons. I was told that in Petrograd, before the time they
left.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know any of them ?
Mr. Simmons. I have seen them, yes, sir, and I think I have met
them. I am not sure. I saw them many times in Petrograd.
Senator Wolcott. I suppose you would not want to brand any-
body as a Bolshevik unless you knew of your own knowledge what he
stood for ; but do you laiow or did you know in Petrograd any Amer-
icans who were intimate with the Bolshevik leaders, who are now in
this country ?
Mr. Simmons. I saw one right here, in the Capitol.
Senator Wolcott. Who was he ?
Mr. Simmons. Williams; Albert Rhys Williams.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know of any others ?
Mr. Simmons. I think I do, but I do not feel justified in saying that
they were Bolsheviks. But Williams, I heard, had been employed
by the Bolshevik government to come here and start a bureau of
publicitJ^
Senator Wolcott. You got that information in Russia ?
Mr. Simmons. In Russia, in Petrograd. It was told to me, but not
by him.
Senator Nelson. No; but by reliable people?
Mr. Simmons. From a source that I consider to be very trust-
worthy.
Senator Nelson. And you have no doubt in your mind that it
is so?
Mr. Simmons. I am quite sure of it, and would offer the name of
my informant except that he is in Russia and it might mean his death.
Senator Overman. Do you know of any money being sent over
here?
Mr. Simmons. Only by hearsay. Senator. I do not know of any
being sent. I do know of money being sent into Scandinavia,
Sweden, and Denmark, from information that I got from diplomatic
oiEcials unofficially. But the very fact that men are under the em-
ployment of the Bolshevik government in this country indicates that
money is over here. They have to be paid.
Senator Nelson. Somebody has got to pay them.
Mr. Simmons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Well, now, go on and tell us more about the
operations of the Bolsheviki over there, what you saw and heard.
Mr. Simmons. I have told you about the policy of propaganda
and of its immorality. I have also referred to the scheme of the
leaders to keep the power, holding it by having cornered almost all
the available food supplies and holding all ammunition and all guns
in their possession, and everything that the Czar had accumulated
for war with Germany. They took these in that moment when they
overthrew the Kerensky government. As they said to themselves,
as reported at that time, " We do not know what is going to happen
six months hence, nor two months hence ; we have all implements of
war in our hands and are the only ones who are practiced in their use,
so now is the time to take the power for the workmen."
The Kerensky government fell, I think, largely from the fact that
those three big questions faced them that faced the Bolsheviki : What
306 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
are you going to do with the war? How are you going to stop this
economic disintegration? "What kind of government are you going
to form? Kerensky left the solution of these to the constituent as-
sembly. Unfortunately, in a big country having no organized elec-
tion machinery the constituent assembly could not be elected and con-
vened in less than from 8 to 10 months. The unrest of the soldiers,
sailors, and workmen, with arms and ammunition in their hands-
well, the temptation was too great ; thej' would not wait. The peas-
ants were willing and wanted to wait for the constituent assembly.
The peasants in the form of the local governments of the zemstvos—
the royaltj' and the big land holders at the time of Kerensky had
been taken out of these bodies — were satisfied. The zemstvos were
for the first time representative of the peasant class, as they should
have been. Of course, the peasants wanted a land reform, but they
wanted a systematically organized reform, not the promulgation of
just an arbitrary land seizure such as the Bolsheviki at the beginning
declared.
The next point I want to make concerns confiscations. A concrete
instance was my own experience. After I had left Petrograd, gone
to Stockholm and come back, and I returned to my apartment that
I had rented for lodging, on that day piled in the hall were all the
bric-a-brac, pictures, furniture, rugs, and other appointments that
could be moved. This work was in charge of four soldiers. It hap-
pened that the little American flag that I had left was still on the
front door. I walked in and asked what this meant. They told me
that in the name of the people's government they were dispossessing-
Col. Poncheledjiff, whose rooms I had rented, of his property. I
spoke to them and said, " You can not touch this property. This
property belongs to me. Go back and tell your superiors that an
American official has paid the rent of these rooms furnished, and
then if they want you to move these effects come back and see me
again."' They never came back.
They went around and plundered houses and apartments in that
way. The worst part was that often after they confiscated appoint-
ments they made the owners, for instance if they lived in 10 rooms,
occupy 3 or 4, and assigned the other rooms to workmen and soldiers,
who in temperament and mode of living were incompatible and un-
desirable to live with. It made life a perfect hell for the owners
because, too, of the class hatred existing. In some cases, gentlemen,
they went so far as even to make defenseless women give up their two
or three room apartments and get out on the streets without a place
to lay their heads. I can not give you a concrete instance of this, but
I heard it many, many times from men of the ^Vmerican colony, men
that I knew well and could believe, and the very names of the people
were often given at the time they told me about it. People would
be turned out from homes they owned or rented, with no place to go.
You will find to-day that most of the bourgeois that remain in Rus-
sia, and also many belonging to the better elements of the proletariat,
are living in cellars, in undesirable quarters, and the very best rooms
are being occupied by the
Senator Nelson. By the rabble?
Mr. Simmons. Largely by the rabble and by fanatics and the de-
moralized classes. With their power, of course, they took away the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 307
itles of property. They made the bold declaration, " You do not
lave to pay any more rent to your landlord, for your apartment be-
ongs to the state." And, of course, no more rents were collected un-
Bss they were collected by the .state. All the property owned by
irivate ownership was taken away, and owners were compelled to
I ay rent.
Senator Nelson. And the people were simply tenants?
Mr. Simmons. Simply tenants.
Senator Nelson. And the state wan a great landlord?
Mr. Simmons. And the state was a great landlord.
Then they went further. You heard it rehearsed to you yesterday,
'hey started what they called "the search for food." They would
;o into people's homes, and if they had there a little larger supply
f flour, sugar, meal, or potatoes than they thought they ought to
ave, a few days' supply or more, they would compel them to give up
tiis food. Often at the same time they would arrest the occupants.
Senator Nelson. Take their food supplies without paying for
[lem?
Mr. Simmons. Without paying for them, take their food supplies,
'hen, of course, as you know, they took over the big landed estates,
n confiscating them people resorted to pillage and arson — wide-
pread destruction. They not only confiscated the landed estates — T
m coming back to this land question a little later — but they tried to
equisition also the land of the peasants.
Senator Nelson. In the communes?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir ; and the small 'holdings that the peasants in
iter years, under the Czar, were allowed to own in fee simple. When
icy came to take over the peasant holdings they found that they had
big problem on their hands, because they met with formidable
jsistance.
All of the practices in connection with the subjects I refer to
roused widespread opposition, and the protests became widespread
3 such an extent that the Bolsheviki became alarmed. They said
was necessary, then, on account of these protests to start an organi-
ition which would handle this counter-revolution, as they called
lese protests. You see, the people could not make organized protest
scause they did not have arms, ammunition, or food. To make
rganized protests you have got to have backing — sources of supplies,
hey had nothing of the kind, nor did they have any connection with
le outside world from whence they could get assistance. Protests by
idividuals and bodies banding themselves together in meetings and
jf strikes, and by newspapers, they considered all of this counter-
svolution or sabotage, and because it became so universal they eatab-
shed a special' council, with autocratic powers, called "the special
luncil to combat counter-revolution, sabotage, and speculation." You
ive often heard of the secret police of the Czar and the terribly brutal
ino-s that they did. This special council is many times worse than
:at%ecre.t police organization ever thought about being. They be-
in to deal with counter-revolution in a high-handed, tyrannical, and
spotic way. Right there, gentlemen, when you hear people say that
e formation of the Red Guard army was because of allied inter-
ntion put it down as untrue. The beginning of this formation of
e Red Guard was for the purpose of putting down these public
308 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. This opposition at home?
ill-. SiMMOKs. This opposition at home. In the formation of that
Eed Guard they nsed machine guns, and withheld food — did every-
thing to drive men, up to the age of 50 or 55, to take up arms. They
went over to Courland. to the Letts, and made the young men bi"
promises of hirge ])ay and much food, and it was through the Letts—
tliey could not get Russians at first — and through the Chinese in
Russia and through the German prisoners in Russia, that they formed
the nucleus of the Red Army. I was told concerning the German
prisoners. I did not see them as privates.
Senator Xelson. Did not the Germans cooperate with them?
Mr. Simmons. I will come to that later, if you please. Foreign
soldiers were the nucleus of the Red Army at a time early in the revo-
lution. I want to get the idea into your minds that the intervention
of the allies, or the occupation of Archangel or Odessa, wherever
they may have made occupation, was not the cause for starting this
Red Army.
Senator Overman. It is now half past 1, and we will take a recess
until 2.30.
(Thereupon, at 1.30 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee took a recess
until 2.30 o'clock p. m.)
AFTER RECESS.
(The subcommittee reassembled at 2.30 o'clock p. m., pursuant to
the takino- of the recess, and at 2.45 o'clock proceeded with the hear-
ing of Mr. Simmons.)
TESTIMONY OF MR. ROGER E. SIMMONS— Resumed.
Senator Overman. The committee will come to order. Mr. Sim-
mons, you may proceed where you left off.
Mr. Simmons. I was saying that the formation of the Red Araiy
was started due to protests springing up all over Russia, which were
termed, by tlie Bolsheviki, counter-revolution; then I spoke about
the organization of the special council to combat counter-revolution,
sabotage, and speculation. This cmmcil was despotic, tyrannical,
and unprincipled in its methods. They had power that it was said
publicly was greater than Lenine himself possessed, and it was largely
due to the workings of this special council that much of the terror-
ism that followed was brought about. I will begin to speak of
terrors after I refer to my own experiences. I was working in the
A'ologda forest district. It was in July, 1918. I had in my pocket
a letter from the commissar or the minister of commerce, Bronski, a
letter from the commissar of agriculture. Kerelencho, and a letter
fi-om tlie chief of the forest service, a bureau under the department of
agriculture. These letters called on the soldiers and the employees
of the northern governments to lend me every assistance possible.
These commissars realized my mission to Russia was a peaceful one,
and one which \ery likely would result to Russia's good-^they
wanted the American public and the English-speaking pubhc to
know about the forestal riches of Russia, and for that reason they
were especially anxious that my work should be facilitated. About
that time Lenine called on the allied embassies and legations that
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 309
were then located in Vologda to remove to Moscow. They refused,
knowing the fate of the ambassador of Germany which had taken
place just recently, and at the same time they felt that Vologda was a
point where they could better struggle with the problem of the
scarcity of food, on account of Vologda affording better transporta-
tion facilities. This city, you know, is at the junction of the Trans-
Siberian and Archangel-Moscow Railroads.
Senator Nelson. It is the best way to get out of the country.
Mr. Simmons- Lenine insisted on his proposal to come to JMoscow,
and the American Ambassador, wlio was the dean of the corps, said
that if there was any moving to be done he would mo^e to Arcn-
angel, which he did.
After he left, the only Americans — in fact, about the only foreign-
ers— left, were the employees (jf the National City Bank, one of
tlie embassy secretaries, and myself.
A few days later the local Bolshevik leaders made these men leave
Vologda and go to Moscow. The embassy's secretary refused,
tliough they ordered him to go first. He told them he was not going
to leave a station where there were American citizens for whose
safety he was responsible. They made him leave — compelled him at
the point of the bayonet. At 2 o'clock in the morning they came for
him, so he told me. They put him on the train which took him to
Moscow.
Senator Overman. What was his name?
Mr. Simmons. His name was Norman Armour, a man who put
duty ahead of all personal consideration and safety, and a man that
was a thorough American.
Senator Steeling. He was secretary of the American Emljassy *
Mr. Simmons. Yes; second secretary.
Shortly after this the manager and the emplo.yees of the National
City Bank, compelled to go to Moscow, departed from Vologda, and
that left me the only foreigner in the community. I did not go,
being sick with pneumonia, and I could not at that time leave my bed.
After I got well I attended to v.ork in the immediate vicinity of
Vologda, and then, wishing to change my base of opei'ations, I ap-
plied to Kedroff, wlio was the commissar of that conununity, for
permission to leave the city. One liad to have permission to leave
any city or town, not any village. He replied, after looking over my
papers and seeing that I had these from high ^loscow officials, that
a man with such papers could go any place. He said, " Come back
the day after to-morrow — I will not be here to-morrow — and then I
will let you know." This delay disturbed me somewhat.
The next day there appeai-ed in a newspaper of Vologda, wiitten
ay Kedroff, a public declaration calling upon al] soldiers, peasants,
md workmen to slioot at sight any American, Englishman, or
Frenchman that they ran across; that citizens of these capitalistic
30untries were absolutely foes to the workmen's gOA^ernment, and
my of these foreigners in the three northern governments over which
le Kedroff, was supposed to be presiding were enemies to Eussia.
According to his instructions, I came back to his office the next day
md was presented to his assistant. His name was Iduke. Iduke is
I Lettish Jew, a man of a very irascible nature, and, on account of
lis experience in the uprising in Yaroslav, where the protest against
310 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the Bolshevik regime had become quite formidable, he had the reputa-
tion of being the cruelest and the most bloodthirsty Bolshevik leader
of the revolution. He culled for the papers in my case, which I had
left previously for Kedroff to look over. Picking up my diplo-
matic passport, he looked at it, folded it one way. and tried to tear it
as he threw it on the floor. As he did so he exclaimed that that
passport was madi^ at the American Embassy in Eussia — which it
had been, because I had my other passport stolen that I obtained in
Washington — and he said that no such instrument so made would
le recognized. It was signed hj the ambassador of the United
States. David R. Francis.
He then scrutinized hurriedly some of my other jiapers and said,
" Your case requires me to put you in prison." There was an inter-
ruption at this juncture of two Kronstadt sailors excitedly appear-
ing at the door, which I may refer to later under another subject, but
in about 30 minutes I was taken by the Eed Guards, three of them,
and cast into a prison car. This car was attached to this field-staff
train, the same wliere the officials mentioned had their offices. This
car that Kedroff used was said formerly to liave been one of the
private cars of the Czar. It was a very beautiful wagon. I was im-
prisoned about 12 o'clock, the middle of the day.
At about 4 o'clock in the afternoon I sent my secretary to ii>k
Iduke the cause of my detention and to give me permission to estab-
lish contact by wire with the American consular officials in ^loscdw.
He came back apparently much distressed and worried. Tears were
in his eyes. He said. "' Iduke says that the American consular and
diplomatic officials in ^Moscow are in prison. No more are Americans
recognized officially in Russia. As for tlie cause of your detention,
if vou will ever know in this world, you will know to-morrow morn-
ing at (;.;]o.""
In this cell with me was a man who had been arrested previously.
Although born in Russia, he had gone to school and graduated at
Oxford, I think, or one of the universities of England. Liking the
English people and England so much, he became naturalized. He
returned, however, after some 12 or 13 years to visit his parents,
who li\'ed within the Kostroma government. Governments in Eus-
sia correspond to our States. He was not in anyway perturbed
o\er his arrest when I met him in this Russian cell, the cause of
which he did not know. He was a man humorous, light-hearted,
and jolly. We played chess together. ^ly secretary happened to
have a small chessboard in his portfolio. Tliis English subject was
called before Iduke. I presume it was Iduke. Anyhow, he was
called to headquarters about 4.30 p. m. He came back mentally
much perturbecl. He said: "I do not like the situation. I do not
understand these peoi^le. They are not Russian. I do not know why
they accuse me nor what they are going to do with me."
Abut a quarter to 7 that evening three soldiers came in with bayo-
nets on their guns, in some sort of formation, and took him out. He
wanted to take his coat — it was in the sununer time and he did not
have his coat on — but they told him it was not necessary, and he left
his coat, thinking, as I thought, he would return. He never re-
turned. Later, on the way to Moscow. I learned — one of the guards
told mv secretary — that he had been shot.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 311
Of his own volition, late in the evening my secretary wrote a
declaration to Kedroff , outlining his personal activities in the interest
of the Kussian revolution, stating that he had been in exile for 11
years under the Czar, and how he had assisted Kerenskjr after the first
revolution. He gave as reference the minister of justice in Moscow
under the Bolshevik regime.
Senator Steeling. Do you recall who that minister of justice was,
or is, if he is minister of justice?
Mr. Simmons. I can not tell you that, sir. I just know he was
the minister of justice. He also gave as reference a man by the name
of Rosen, who was head of the Lettish division, formerly an editor in
Boston of some socialistic paper. I had met him myself, previously.
The word came back over the phone that this man who was my
secretary was responsible, had been in thorough sympathy with the
revolution, and belonged to the social revolutionist party. On the
strength of such a good report, about 2 o'clock in the morning Ked-
roff's secretary came into my cell, found me writing what I con-
sidered my last letters, f.ucl stated that I would be sent the next day
to Moscow for trial before the " speiial council to combat counter
revolution, sabotage, and speculation."
Up to that time I fully thought that mj' end was momentarily
growing near. This was a wonderful relief, because I realized that
of the people and government officials that I knew in Russia, many
were in Moscow.
The next morning about 10 o'clock they took me out of the prison
car for a parade up the front streets of Vologda, soldiers in for-
mation of four men making a square, with me a center, and we
marched around the city. Being identified with the American Em-
bassy, making it headquarters as T would come in and out of the
city, this was done, presumably, to show the public what measures
Bolsheviks were going to take against foreigners who represented
the capitalistic countries.
I was then, that same evening about 6.30, put on a train under
special guard of three men. Two of them stayed in my coupe all
the time and one in the corridor guarded the door. Just previously
to leaving Vologda Iduke arrested xnj secretary because he had aided
the Kerensky regime. They put him on the same train, also under
guard, in another coupe. This secretary, I want to tell you, was a
man of honor, and a socialist with a constructive point of view.
I engaged a socialist as a secretary because of my many dealings
with the Bolsheviki, and because I needed a man not antagonistic,
who could make some impression upon the Bolshevik officials. This
man had done work for, and knew well, Albert Rhys Williams.
Being a liberal socialist, for the first two months of the Bolshevik
revolution he was quite sympathetic to the Soviets. To-day, like all
foUoAvers of liberalism, he is one of the strongest opponents of the
Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. This secretary of yours?
Mr. Simmons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. You say he had done work with Albert Rhys Wil-
liams?
Mr. Simmons. He knew him as a fellow socialist and had worked
for him on translations, or something of that sort. On the train we
312 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Xelsox. Both of you?
Mr. SiJiMONS. Botli of us. There, after being paraded up front
streets, we were thrown in Lubanka prison. In the cell in which
I was confined there were 85 men.
Senator Xelsox. How big was the cell?
Mr. SiMMOxs. About half the size of this room, sir; and there were
sleeping accommodations for not over 30. We slept on the concrete
floor. After photographing us they took away all bedding — of
course, in Russia everybody has to carry bedding — all our food, our
luggage and clothing, and even toilet articles. They took away every-
thing except the clothes on my back, including all my notes and
documents, and all money.
Senator Sterling. Of what nationality were the men in that cell?
IMr. SiMMOxs. If you please. Senator, I am coming to that in a
second. I am giving you first this personal experience. I stayed in
Lubanka prison three days. The third day about 4 o'clock they called
my name. I walked forward, and the guards ordered me to follow
the escoit of soldiers, who put me into an automobile ambulance, what
we call a Black Maria. This vehicle hurried us through space, and
after about 20 minutes' ride I got out in front of a large handsome
building which was Beturka prison in Moscow. There, after going
tlirough a long way of winding corridors. I was put into a cell with
25 men. There were sleeping accommodations for 23 in the cell.
Again I had to take the floor, but only for one night. The next
day tT\o from the cell were shot and one released. I stayed in
Beturka five days, making my imprisonment a matter of 11 days,
but, like in the first prison, I used almost every minute trying to
think of some way of establishing contact with the American officials
or officials of some of the other governments, principally the neu-
tral nations, met from time to time during my stay in Russia. None
of the letters that I wrote were delivered, and no declarations ad-
dressed to Bolshevik ministers brought results. I wrote to the Red
Cross, telling them I needed medicine; to tlie Y. M. C. A., telling
them I needed food, because I had had none. I did not write, of
course, to individuals, because that would have connected them
with me in prison and resulted in their immediate arrest. I wrote
also to the Swedish consul general, to the Norwegian minister, to the
American consul general, to Commercial Attache Dr. Huntington,
all, of course, officially ; but none of these letters were ever delivered.
It happened that one of the guards in this part of the prison was
a Lettish soldier who had been to America. He had lived in Law-
rence, Kans. Having been there myself upon one occasion, I would
jolly him as he passed to and fro, and got to be on rather good terms.
I decided that I was going to try to bribe this man, as the only means
of escape, for I was faced with the conditions that I either had to
starve to death, or be shot in execution or if caught bribing, the
penalty for which was death.
In this cell of Beturka prison with me were fiive English sailors, who
wei'e so weak from starvation that they could not walk across the
room. They and every one in that cell warned me against attempting
to bribe. They said it would mean my own death, and likewise the
death of the prison guard. I could see no other way. Coincidentally,
the day I wrote the letter to the Swedish consul general — ^thinking all
BOI^HBVIK PROPAGANDA. 313
;he American officials were in prison some place — one of the prisoners
n my cell received 80 rubles baked in a loaf of bread sent in from his
tamily. I borrowed this, and for the other 20 used a few rubles that
oay secretary had hid in his sock, which they did not find when they
searched him, and 10 rubles additional I go,t from one of the English
jailors.
This letter I wrote to the (Swedish consul general told him that
[ was in prison; that I had, as he knew, a diplomatic passport; that
r was. conscious of no wrong ; that my mission to Russia was entirely
% peaceful one ; that T had taken no part in politics ; and I asked him
for every assistance. This letter I took to this guard and said, " In-
closed in this envelope, together with a letter, is 100 rubles. I am not
offering it to you as a bribe. You do not have to take any money from
ne. Deliver this letter and 100 rubles will be given you and more."
Of course, this was a bribe. I said it was not, to him, being my crude
iiplomacy. He refused to take it, explaining the instance of one of
Lhe guards being shot for the same offense about two weeks before in
;liis very same prison.- The man who offered the bribe was also shot.
But I replied that I was unjustly being held; that I had done every-
thing in my power by correspondence to get my case brought to trial,
knowing my documents alone would be sufficient to exonerate me,
md that I thought he and every Russian was sufficiently interested in
having foreigners of diplomatic status taken care of while in Russia.
He refused the aid I sought. I went back to my cell very discon-
solate.
There was in the door of our cell the usual little peephole covered
with a blind, such as is the door of every cell in a Russian prison.
About two hours afterwards he opened the blind of the hole, calling
my name. This guard said, " Simmons, if you have that letter with
you and can put it through to me immediately, I will try," and he no
more than said it before that letter addressed to the Swedish Consul
General was through the hole, and down it went into his boot. I
saw that through the peephole. During 36 hours elapsing after that
I was one nervous man. But at the expiration of that time a calling
card bearing Dr. Huntington's name, with a package having a loaf
of bread and a few toilet articles, was given me, veritably a godsend,
and on the back of the card was written, " Hold your nerve. We will
have you soon."
Four hours after that the Swedish consul general, accompanied
by the acting American consul general, came in an automobile to the
prison and effected my release.
Now to come back to my point, I in this prison came in contact
with a great many people. It gave me a very excellent opportunity,
gentlemen, to see the kind of men that were in there, and to learn
their opinions, and to hear about the causes causing their arrest. In
Lubanka prison, where I had 85 fellow prisoners, the personnel sur-
prised me. I expected to find princes and men of all titles, and
capitalists and men of the caliber classed with these. There were a
few of these but the majority I would term the middle class, me-,
chanics printers, peasants — many peasants — small manufacturers,
soldiers' priests, workmen, officers (army and navy), and professional
men, students, etc.
Senator Steeling. Merchants?
:314
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. SiM:\roNs. Merchants: many small merchants. This situation
interested me so much that I felt that it was my duty to use the
opportunity. There was a forester among the prisoners, and there
were sawmill owners. I ooi considerable information along the line
of my in\-estigation in the parts of the country where these men were
located. Xot only were many of these prisoners not of the upper
•classes, but I know that I will surprise you when I tell you that 80
per cent did not know the cause of their arrest — not 80 per cent.
Senator Sterling. Did you say that 80 per cent did not know why
they had been arrested?
^Ir. SiiiMONS. Eighty per cent did not know why they were ar-
rested. Arrests generally were being made without giving the
charge. On the second day in this prison there was a lawyer by the
name of Velenken, a very cultured fellow, a high-type Jew. He had
been the legal counsel for the British consulate in Moscow. He was
about -U years of age. He was a real patriot, actuated by high
motives. He had many opportunities to leave Eussia, but he would
not do it, because he said in revolution was the time that the intelli-
gence of Eussia ought to stand by the country. After his arrest the
special council gave him one short hearing, and they sentenced him to
be shot. He came to me at 2 o'clock in the morning and aroused me
from sleep off the floor, and he said, " Simmons, will you come and
talk with me? I die at 6. Tell jne about Siberia." He had never
been there. " Tell me about America. Tell me anything to keep my
mind off my awful fate." I got up and went over and sat on the
side of his bunk. He had unfortunately been in prison a great while
and could occupy a bimk. I talked, trying to cheer him, for over an
hour and a quarter. He then wrote a letter to his sister, which he
gave me to deliver. I afterwards delivered it. He sent a verbal
message of esteem and good-by to Ambassador Francis. Soldiers
came about half an hour afterwards. They led ^Ir. Velenken out
in the usual formation that all prisoners realized meant to be shot.
He never returned. His brother later told me he had been shot, and
the officials refused to surrender his body.
That same day they led out a young prince. He rebelled, in con-
trast to the nerve and resignation of Velenken.
Senator Sterling. "\Yhat was he charged with? Do you Imow?
^Ir. SiMJioxs. Velenken had been charged with counter-revolution.
Dnt he had done, he told me. nothing to overthrow the Bolshevik
government. During his hearing they said, " If we let you off, will
you promise to help us and do all you can to extend our cause? " He
replied. " No; I can not." And he walked to death with resignation.
That was the most pitiful sight that I ever saw. The sad duty fell to
me of relating the details to his brothers in London, as I came
through.
The prince, whose name I thought I had, was led out for execution
without trial. There was not a day passed that the same soldier
formation did not take men out of that cell, and many of them went
to death without accusation or trial.
Xow, this is not hearsay. You have heard of these terrors, but I
was present and saw them.
Senator Overman. Expecting every minute to be shot yourself?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 315
Mr. Simmons. I did not know. They told me I was to be tried.
No one knew his fate. When they called out my name that day when
1 was moved from one prison to another, they tell me I turned very
white.
Senator Sterling. So far as a trial was concerned, do you know
anything about their form of trial?
Mr. SmMONS. No; only what I was told. The lawyer who was
shot said it was a perfect farce. The head of this council, a young-
man by the name of Peters, had been in England and, I believe," there
was convicted of crime. Of that I am not positive.
Senator Wolcott. Some one has described him here as a man of
pleasant manners, this particular lord high executioner.
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir; he was a man of rather pleasant appear-
ance and very youthful looking. At the same time he was a man
without principle and with no compunctions about ordering death
penalties. The consul general, I think it was, of Italy, told me at
the consulate of an experience happening at the time they were aid-
ing me to get my effects away from the Bolsheviks after my libera-
tion. He saw Peters sign an order for the execution of 71 officers,
and never even I'ead the names. While Peters was talking to him he
picked up his pen and wrote perfunctorily his name, ordering every
one of those men to death.
Senator Nelson. Those were officers of the old army ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir.
Now, one day while I was there they took out 21 with the same
formation, only more soldiers. I heard that those men all went to
their doom because outside they had 26 who had just been arrested,
and they had to make room. I can not testify to the actual execu-
tion of these men, but they went out under similar formalities, which
the prisoners considered prima facie evidence.
Senator Nelson. And never came back ?
Mr. Simmons. Never dame back.
Senator Steeling. With reference to many of them, they could
have had no better excuse ?
Mr. Simmons. None whatever.
I want to tell you of the sad case of a peasant that I got particu-
larly close to. There were many peasants prisoners, but this man
met his doom while I was there. He was shot because he would not
give up his food he had raised. I guess he" was tr\-ing to organize
men in his particular village to resist the action of the poor commit-
tees. The campaigns of those poor committees, as I explained, were
to requisition food and to incite class antagonism among the peasants.
He was an illiterate man, but not an ignorant man. You hear about
the illiteracy of Kussia, especially among the peasants. Their close
•connection with the soil, in trying" to make ends meet on the farm,
engenders a judgment, a common sense, which makes them, although
illiterate not ignorant. I am sure that we ha^e in our respective
■communities men who can not read and write, on ffirms, who are per-
fectlv qualified to vote. This pea,sant was that kind, and in them is
the hope of Kussian democracy.
Another victim was a mechanic, a specialist on compound marine
engines. He had worked for the navy under the Czar, under the
iprovisional government, and was returned by the Bolsheviki on the
316 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
same job. They called on him to hetome afliliated with the workmen^
government, or the Bolsheviki. He refused, saving, " I am not a
politician. I am entirely wrapped up in my work. I am happy in
work. I do not want to join any organization." But that would not
do. They arrested him. He was of as quiet and easy a temperament
as any man I ever met. Thej' brought him to prison. When I left
he had had a trial and was expecting to be shot.
A high priest of the church was there. He had been preachinjz- ser-
mons publiclj' denouncing the immorality of the Bolsheviki. They
imprisoned him and shot him. This priest told me that he was a
great admirer of Dr. ^lott, of America.
Senator Xelsox. Dr. von Mach?
Mr. SiJiMONs. Dr. Mott, of the Y. M. C. A.
Senator Wolcott. John E. Mott.
Mr. Simmons. He had been in Russia on the Eoot commission. He
told me that he had taken some of Dr. Mott's writings and translated
them into Eussian. He thought a great deal of him. He also told
me about the relationship of the church, which I think it may be well
to bring in here. His name was Vestor Goif. He explained that he
was a priest — they call them " popes " in Eussia — and that it was
his duty to denounce immorality, wrong, and injustice wherever he
saw it, and he said, "Although I know I will die for this, I am glad
I did it." He was a wonderful old man. I became very fond of him.
I ijlaj'ed chess with him, and came to know him quite ^^•ell.
Senator Steeling. He was an old man, you say ?
Mr. Si:mmons. A man about 64 or 65 years old. but very alert,
mentally as well as physically. He told me of an instance in Baku
where a priest referred to the Bolshevik movement as " an emana-
tion from hell." For that they arrested him. Over 3,000 men,
women, and children stormed that prison and got the priest out and
carried him around the streets of Baku on their shoulders. He said
that the Bolsheviki could not open their mouths in the Eussian
Cliurch, and he said that the awful terrorism that the Bolsheviks
had been perpetrating, -which had existed and did exist, had driven
people closer to the church than ever he had seen them before. Now
that they found that every other means was taken from them, every
possible retreat closed, they were crowding the chui-ches to the doors.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think that the church in the end will
prove the rallying center for the anti-Bolshevik forces ?
Mr. Simmons. I think it certainly will be one of the principal fac-
tors ; no doubt of it. That priest took the occasion, knowing that I
was an official of the American Government, thinking that it was
the last duty he could perhaps perform for Eussia, to beg me to go
back and tell the American people, " For God's sake, send us help."
He was speaking, gentlemen, not for himself, but for the large class
of people that he represented.
Senator Sterling. What kind of help did you understand him to
mean ?
Mr. Simmons. Eelease from this terrible oppression, this tryanni-
cal rule of a small class that represented the depraved elements,
largely ; people carrying on propaganda to engender class antagonism.
They are the ones that constitute the Bolsheviki to-day. I ought to
say, partially to correct the statement that I made this morning, that
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 317
there are among- the followers of the Bolsheviki some honest people
who have been caught up in the psychology of the theories of Bol-
shevism, and others who, in their terribly distressed physical con-
dition, believe that in this is the only means left for them to pre-
serve their lives.
Senator Nelson. They rule, then, to a large extent by a reign of
terror ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes; that is what I am trying to prove now. Are
these instances interesting to you?
Senator Overman. Yes.
Mr. Simmons. I can give you many more. I just want to use
enough to illustrate the point.
One man was the owner of a sawmill, a very intelligent fellow,
and because he would not give over his industry and because the
employees of his industry begged him not to give it over — for he
knew that his product was needed in the city to meet local needs,
his being the only mill that was running at that time — they threw
him into the prison. His case had not come to trial when I left.
Another man was a small merchant who had some goods to sell
that he had saved and stored. There was not a large amount. I
can not say exactly how much, but there was relatively a small
quantity of textile goods. Because he offered them for sale at a
time when all of these particular goods were supposed to have been
confiscated — they had taken over all warehouses and deposits with
big stocks in the country — they arrested him and threw him into
prison for speculation.
Now, gentlemen, when these men went to prison, what do you
think becaime of their families ? They had no money that they could
get their hands on, and they felt compelled to be there to protect
their homes, because at this time lives were more or less in danger
(_-yerj hour of the day. To be away from their homes produced a ter-
rible worry in the minds of conscientious men, and the psychology
of that cell was the most depressing experience that I ever expect to
have. Those men could hardly be made to talk, eat, or sleep.
They walked the floors like caged lions, wondering why they were
there, what all this meant, and what was going to be their end.
Senator Steeling. And wondering about their families?
Mr. Simmons. And wondering about their families at home.
Xow, I will go just a minute to the other prison and give you an
idea what was in that prison. I told you about the five English
sailors that came on H. M. S. Attentive to the White Sea. This was
before any formal landing at Archangel ; a party of five sailors and
an officer were out on duty of reconnoissance. They were in a motor
boat. Overtaken by a large armed boat — Bolshevik cruiser — they
wore forced to get aboard after being fired on and made to stop.
Thev were sent down to Moscow prison as prisoners of war. Those
men had not the strength, after 28 days, to walk across that cell.
Our food, gentlemen, which is the same in all prisons, was two serv-
ino's of weak soup, made out of dried fish, and if you ever tasted
anythin<T more bitter and unpalatable, I would be surprised. In ad-
dition to that they allowed us at first three-quarters of a pound of
bread and then one-eighth of a pound. At 6 o'clock in the morning
we ate bread with hot water, not tea. It is impossible for anybody
to exist long on such a frugal allowance.
318 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Another man, and this I want to refer to, was a rich man, with
the title of count. Tliey ga^e liim his release on payment of 50,000
rubles. According to their announced policy, having a title this man
should have been executed. It shows that where there was some-
thing to be gained, something to be collected, where officials evidently
could be benefited materially, they had neither policy nor scruples.
They would let many men off on the payment of big sums of money,
but this certainly did not make them immune from arrest soon again,
as instances I heard about plainly demonstrated.
Senator Sterling. Now, to whom did that money go, do you sup-
pose ; to the prison authorities or to somebody higher up ?
Mr. Simmons. To somebody higher up, I should say. I do not
think it went to the prison authorities. Every time he was taken
out of the cell — he made a dozen trips in connection with it — he al-
ways would be taken away from prison in an automobile, evidently
to some tribunal, some place where his case was handled.
Now, that is the situation, which shows you what terrorism in
Russia exists, and I want to try to impress it upon your minds that
it was terrible. AVherever one went you heard the wails of the peo-
ple. It was general, on the trains, on the steamboats, on which I
would ride and where I would talk with people. Absolutely uni-
versal in Russia is the condemnation of the Bolsheviks. Of course,
everything said in protest is said in a whisper, because if any man
opens liis mouth on the street or elsewhere in public he is gone. You
ask, " Why do they not spread an organized movement against Bol-
shevism ? " It is because they are alert and know the advantage of
making an example of everybody they can in that line.
Now, the Russian people can not be overlooked. We are indebted
to the Russians. It was said — I do not know whether it has been
officially proved — that they gave 7,000,000 men to the war. Anyhow,
according to English statistics, they have the largest casualty list.
Senator Sterling. Russia has?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, Senator. They have been our allies, and much
of the fighting they did helped the war, and this leaves us a debtor
to aid them now in the vei'v throes of distress and despair. It is even
said that s(jnie of the peasants themselves are on their knees praying
to the American President for relief.
Senator Sterling. Would they M'elcome any assistance that would
relieve them from the terrors of Bolshevism?
Mr. Simmons. They are praying for it.
Senator Sterling. That involved armed assistance?
Mr. Simmons. It can not be done in any other way.
Senator Sterling. Why?
Mr. Simmons. Because arms are ruling and subjecting.
Now, I am down to the question of government. There is no co-
hesion in the Bolshevik government. For instance, I found that at
the time they held the Fifth AU-Russian Soviet in Moscow in July,
in different villages the peasants hardty knew that there was such ii
thing. They had not sent anybody to represent them nor had they
any say as to who was to go to Moscow. This idea that the Bolshe-
viki have a government that extends over Bolshevik or central Rus-
sia is not a fact. Of course, there Avere peasants in that soviet as-
semblv. but they were a few carefully selected by the heads so as to
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDSl. 319^
know that they Avere thoroughly in sympathy and in accord with
them, and who came from what they call the proletariat class of the
peasants.
Senator Nelson. The landless peasants ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir.
(Thereupon, at 3.45 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee took a recess
until 4 o'clock p. m., at which time the subcommittee went into execu-
tive session. The following testimony was taken, the name of the
witness not being disclosed, because he feared the results of its being
made known A^'ho gave this testimony :)
EXECUTI\'E SESSION.
TESTIMONY OF MR. .
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Maj. Humes. When did you return from Russia?
Mr. . I returned from Russia late in the fall of 1917. I left
Petrograd November 6, the night the Bolsheviki uprising took place..
I left with my wife by the Siberian Express, going through to Har-
bin, in Manchuria, then south by the Southern Chinese Railroad to'
Japan.
Maj. HtTMES. Will you just state in your own way the economical
and industrial condition of affairs in Russia and the general con-
dition that existed with reference to the government?
Senator Overman. He was not there during the Bolsheviki regime.
Maj. Humes. He was there when it started, and is familiar Avith
things that have developed so far as his own plant is concerned and
his own business.
Mr. . Of course, I saw the events which led up to the Bolshe-
viki uprisings, which had been forming for several months before I
left. Of course, I should be glad to tell you what I know about it. I
had lived in Russia, up until the time of my leaving, about 23 years,,
and naturally am familiar with the country, which I have traveled
over extensively, and the people of all classes, and their main charac-
teristics to some extent, and their psychology.
Senator Nelson. You speak the language?
Mr. — . Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Have you been carrying on a manufacturing
establishment over there?
Mr. . Yes, sir ; we had a large factory.
Senator Nelson. That is in European Russia?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Maj. Humes. What is the state of industry there now, since this
Bolsheviki revolution, to your knowledge?
^j. ._ As I said just now, the production of our plant fell
to such an unreasonable figure that along in— I think it was— Au-
gust 1917, we found that with the high wages— the wages had been
increasing by leaps and bounds, and by August of 1917 they had
probably reached a figure of perhaps six or seven times what they
had been prior to the revolution— we found we were losing about
half a million rubles a month on our operations, so I made a proposi-
tion to the Kerensky government, which was in power then, that if
320 BOLSHEVIK PROPAdAXDA.
they wished to continue the manufacture of munitions we would
gladly turn our plant over to them on terms which would be mutu-
ally satisfactory. That proposition ^^■as taken up by the Kerensky
government, and along about the middle of September we formallv
turned the plant over to the government, and they continued the
manufacture of munitions. Things were going so badly, both in
the manufacturing branch of our business and also in the soiling de-
partment, that I had made up my mind that it was necessary for
me to come over to Xew York and consult with our principal stock-
holders as to what our future policy should be, and I had made id!
arrangements several weeks ahead of the date I actually left with
that in view, knowing that it was very difficult at that time to get
transportation, so my leaving on the night the Bolshevik rising
broke out was quite incidental.
Our trip through Siberia was extremely disagreealde, because at
ever}' large station where the train stopped there was a meeting of
these returning soldiers that were deserting the army in large num-
bers even at that early date, and they had meetings to decide what
they should do with the bourgeois who we're traveling o.i the expn^s
trains — whether they would throw them out and take i3(i-session
themselves and put us on freight cars or whether they would allow
us to go' through; but. fortunately for us. the sense of each of those
meetings was that we should be allowed to continue, which we did,
reaching , which was our first destination, about <i,-) hours
later.
We have been informed by the State Department that last summer
our office building had been confiscated liy the Bolsheviki on account
of the nonpayment of a levy of some 87,000 rubles.
Maj. HtjJies. What do you know about manufacturing there? Is
your f actorj' running '.
]NL-. . We have been informed by a man who came out of
Russia in August that our factory is now clo.sed down, simply be-
cause there was no work for the men to do. no raw material to be
gotten. Our boilers were fired bv oil, which we used to get from
tlie
Senator Xelsox. What is the system of taxation there? Is the
real estate taxed in Eussia ?
Mr. . It was under the old government. There was a real
estate tax. and then a property tax, and also an income tax.
Senator Xelsox. You had three taxes, then?
Mr. . There were other small taxes, less important taxes.
For instance, a trading tax and a tax for the privilege of carrying on
business. Then our agents had to pay an individual tax in order to
carry on their business ; of course, in the towns and cities there were
also municipal taxes.
Senator Xelson. The le^^y on your building could not be the taxes
for a vear. then ?
Mr.' . No.
Senator Nejlson. That must have been simply blackmail.
Mr. . Blackmail and an arbitrary levy because, I suppose,
they happened to want 87,000 rubles, so they told us we would have
to get it, but which our man evidently refused, which he did rigHtly,
and the consequence was that the building was confiscated.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 321
Along in the summer of 1917 the peasants living on our property
up in seized our property up there.
Senator Nelson. Seized your property ?
Mr. . Yes; seized our property. That was along in thft
summer of 1917, before the Bolsheviki usurped the powers of the
government.
Senator Nelson. That was undei' the Kerensky government?
Mr. . That was under the Kerensky government. They
chased away the superintendent and all our men, taking charge them-
selves.
With regard to the industrial conditions before the Bolsheviki
rising started, with the revolution of March, 1917, we found that
there were quite a number of so-called Americans Avho had returned
to Russia almost immediately after the revolution, commencing, prob-
ably, to arrive in April of 1917.
Senator Nelson. What sort of people were thej^? They were
people who had been here, were they not ?
Mr. . People who had been in this country.
Senator Nelson. Were they Hebrews?
Mr. . A large number of them were — that is, Hebrew by
race, non-Slavs — and we were continually meeting these men on all
sorts of labor conditions, to regulate the hours of labor and the rates
of remuneration, and quite a number of them spoke English.
Senator Nelson. They had lived in this country for a number of
years ?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. But had not taken out their citizenship papers?
Mr. . I can not answer for that, because it did not occur to
me to ask.
Senator Nelson. And they assumed control of this labor organi-
zation?
Mr. . Yes; they were the moving spirit in all these labor
unions and arbitration and conciliation committees that were formed
there.
Senator Nelson. You had to deal with them?
Mr. . We had to deal with them.
Senator Overman. Do you know whether they -n-ere I. W. W.'s
or not ?
Mr. . Well, they acted like they were. I do not know
whether they were or not.
Senator Nelson. They were socialists.
Mr. . Yes; all socialists, avowed socialists, but whether
they were I. W. W.'s formally, I do not know. I have here a cut-
ting from the New York Times, the illustrated supplement of last
Sunday, containing a group embracing most of the important Bol-
shevik leaders in Russia at the present time. I think the picture
speaks for itself, without any comment.
Senator Overman. Are any of these Americans, so called, men
who had come from America holding any positions?
Mr. . That I can not tell you, Senator. None of these men
are known to me except I know the names of some of them, having
heard of them after I left Russia.
85723—19 21
322 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overman. You do not recognize the face of anyone here?
Mr. . There is one on the extreme side, as you are looking at
the picture, wliich looks a little like Maxim Gorky to me, but I do
not know whether it is or not. Tchitcherin is there, the man with the
black beard and a bald head, in the middle of the group. Tchitcherin
is the so-called foreign minister.
Senator Wolcott. Is Lenine here ?
Mr. . Xo, sir.
Senator Overmax. Is Tchitcherin a Eussian?
jNIr. . Yes ; he is the son of a professor at one of the Moscow
universities.
Senator Sterling. He is the present minister for foreign affairs.
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Maj. Hu3iEs. A moment ago you said something about the coop-
erative organization that had grown up throughout Russia. AVhat is
that?
Mr. . The zemstvo.
ilaj. Humes. What are they?
Mr. . The zemstvo is not a cooperative organization at all.
They are the local councils.
Senator Xelson. The local village government, are they not?
ilr. . Xot the village government; no, sir. Each so-called
government of Russia, which would be equivalent to our State, is
divided up into provinces. Each province has its own central
...emstvo. and in a province, if it is a large one, there may be two or
three branches of the zemstvo, and in each town govenmient, for in-
stance, the government of Moscow, there are 13 of what I call coun-
ties, each of which has its local zemstvo, and in the city of IMos-
cow there is a main zemstvo which controls to a certain extent the
activities of all the local zemstvos of that particular government.
Senator Xelson. Then among the peasants who are settled in the
villages they have village governments, what they call the mirs?
Mr. —. Yes.
Senator Xelson. That is a sort of local peasant government?
JNIr. . Yes.
Senator Sterling. What are the functions or jurisdictions of the
zemst\'o; just exactly what are they?
Mr. . The zemstvo has the power of taxation, local taxation,
and with the proceeds of the taxation they maintain highways
throughout the district, the hospitals, and the village schools.
Senator Nelson. The nearest that would come to it would be our
system of county government in the West ? They are like our county
commissioners ?
Mr. . Yes, sir ; I think that is a good parallel.
Senator Overman. I notice on the map here that one portion is
called Greater Russia, and then a little below that is Little Russia,
and then again Great Russia. Can you explain that?
Mr. . No ; I have not noticed that on the map.
Senator Nelson. Those names come from away back in the history
of Russia. The center of the Slavic race that came from the Danube
and settled in Little Russia, with Kiev as its capitol, is Little Russia,
and then, as they advanced north, taking Moscow and Novgorod on
Lake Ilmer, they called themselves as they occupied it, Greater
Russia.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 323
Senator Ovekjiax. But you notice that Greater Russia is away
down here.
Senator Nelson. Yes; but here is where it began, from the Danube
and the mouth of the Black Sea, and went up.
Mr. Simmons. If you will allow me to make a suggestion there, T
think that is the territory at present occupied by Great Russia,
whereas the Little Russians occupy the portion there which is the
Ukraine.
Senator Nelson. Yes ; the western part of the Ukraine.
Senator Overman. There are some Little Russians there very close
to the Cossacks.
Mr. Simmons. I think you will find a greater number of the Little
Russians there than in the other different divisions.
Senator Sterling. You were talking about the zemstvos. How
do the zemstvos, in their functions of government, differ from the
Soviets?
Mr. . The members of the zemstvo were elected by popular
vote in which the different classes took part, the landowners, the
merchant class, and the peasants, so it differs fundamentally from
the soviet government in that the so^'iet government is a govern-
ment composed only of laboreis. The other class is not allowed to
take part in their elections, although it may theoretically, so the
various Soviets throughout Russia are merely packed assemblies.
Senator Nelson. Of the proletariat?
Mr. . Of the proletariat, but not' necessarily, and probably
not generally, the people living in that particular place. They are
emmissai'ies sent out from the central soviet government in Moscow
or Petrograd when the city government was there.
Senator Nelson. Are you familiar with the land system of Russia?
Mr. . Yes; more or less.
Senator Nelson. After the serfs were emancipated, I understand
the l^ind was assigned to them in communities.
Mr. . That is so ; yes.
Senator Nelson. In those village conmumities or mirs the land was
assigned to the commodity in its entirety, and these communities
allotted the land to the pea saiits for use, but did not give them the
fee title.
Ml-. . Yes; that is correct, sir.
Senator Nel-^on. Is that right?
Mr. . That was right when it started, but there was a sort of
revolution in the land, in the sense that a man did not get his section
of land in perpetuity, but every few years there was another meeting
and a new allotment of the same land. Of course, that gave rise to a
great deal of dissatisfaction among the better classes, the more in-
dustrious peasants who had improved their allotment and were mak-
ing a goocl thing out of it, because the shiftless fellow who had done
nothing with his land, but had let it lie fallow, might in the course of
time be assigned the improved land, and the man who had improved
the land might be assigned to the land of the shiftless fellow.
Senator Nelson. Then I suppose there were some of the peasants
that became landowners ?
Mr. . Yes ; when was premier of Russia, a man who
was afterwards assassinated at Kiev some years ago, he introduced
324 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
a new system by which the peasants could purchase their land, and a
number of them took advantage of that and did so.
Senator Nelson. Then, they have had a share of the land that was
owned by the state? Some of those lands were assigned to them?
Mr. . Yes ; some of the state lands.
Senator Xelson. And they acquired by purchase some of the land
of the big estates, of tlie big landowners?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Xelsox. And the peasants became the owners of those in
time, in small parcels i
Mr. . Yes, sii-; but a gi'eat deal of the farm lands, and also
the forest land was in the hands of the large landed proprietors, and
a great deal in the hands of the state, and also a very large quantity
belonged to the royal family.
Senator Xelson. The lands in the Ukraine, in the prairie country,
in what they call the black belt, are largely in large estates ; are they
now owned by lai'ge landowners ?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Have you been down there toward Odessa and
the Crimea?
]Mr. . I have never been to Odessa, but all through the
Crimea, through the black earth district up to Kiev, and east of that.
Senator Nelson. My understanding is, and I got it from a man
who was the agent of the McCormick Co.. for many years at Odessa,
that it is a country of big estates, big farms, where they use a good
deal of American agricultural machinery.
]\Ir. . Yes ; there is considerable used over there. I know one
man, who may be living, but I do not know, a Prince , who
owned 18 \ ery large estates in the south of Eussia.
Senator Nelson. Do you know what the Soviets have done, or the
Bolshevik government has done, with these big estates, or attempted
to do ?
Jlr. . The question of land has always been a burning ques-
tion for the peasants in Eussia. They have been promised more land,
although they never took full advantage of the land they had, in the
sense that we understand taking advantage of it, in that there were
no intensive methods of agriculture instituted.
Senator Nelson. And no intensive efforts to get title in fee. as we
understand it ?
Mr. . No.
Senator Nelson. How is it through Siberia? Are they not set-
tled in villages there, too ?
]\Ir. . Yes: very largely. That is the Eussian system, lou
will not find that a peasant proprietor will live on his land, but he
will always live in a village.
Senator Nelson. They live in villages, too?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. Do they have that same system of communal
ownership : that is. the mirs owning the lands, and alloting the use
of it to the peasants ?
jNIr. . In Siberia ?
Senator Nelson. Yes.
]Mr. . Yes ; to a great extent.
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGAHDA. 325
Senator Nelson. There are Cossack colonies there in Siberia, are
there not ?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. They are on a different footing ?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. They own their land, do they not?
Mr. . They own their land ; yes.
Senator Nelson. And the Cossacks are exempt, or nearly exempt
from taxation, with certain obligations, on the lower Don ?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. And on the Volga ?
Mr. . On the Volga ; yes.
Senator Nelson. And they own their land ?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. They get a sort of immunity from taxation, but
they are liable to military service?
Mr. . Yes; they are liable to military service, and when
they are called they have to provide their own horse and riding
equipment, but their arms were provided for by the government.
Senator Nelson. And that same rule prevails among them in
Siberia, too ?
Mr. . Precisely the same.
Senator Overman. Do you know anything about the conditions
over there now since the Bolsheviki got charge of the government ?
Mr. . In Siberia, sir?
Senator Overman. No; in the whole of Russia.
Mr. . The only evidence which I have which I could con-
sider first class is the evidence brought out by friends of mine that
have left comparatively recently.
Senator Overman. Do you know anything from your own obser-
vation or from what you have heard here, about Bolsheviki propa-
ganda in this country ?
Mr. — . I have the idea that the whole Bolsheviki situation
taking Russia is quite incidental that it is in Russia.
Senator Overman. You think it came from this country over
there ?
Mr. . No ; I do not think it came — in part, yes ; but for years
there has always been a revolutionary Russian colony in Geneva, and
there has also been a revolutionary colony of Russians in London
and Paris and also in this country, in Chicago, New York, and very
likely in other cities.
Senator Sterling. But those in Switzerland and Paris and Lon-
don, other than what might be termed social revolutionists, were they
what you would call Bolsheviki, with Bolshevist principles such as
we see now manifested ?
Mr. . Well, there were a number of political exiles, honest,
upright people, having theories of their own which were repugnant
to the Czar's government. They left the country.
Senator Nelson. A large share of them were the remnants of the
old nihilists, were they not ?
Mr. . Yes. Take a man like Tchaikowski, who is now the
president of the northern government in Russia. He is a man
Senator Steeling. He is not a Bolshevik?
326 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. . Xo ; he is opposed to them. Take a man like Kui-o-
patkin. who used to be an anarchist. He was a tame kind of an
anarchist.
Senator Sterling. Tlieoretical ?
]Mr. . Theoretical. But almost as soon as the revolution
broke out it was jjut through; it was an accomplished fact that the
prisons were opened and the exiles returned from Siberia.
Senator Nelson. That was one of the great mistakes of the Keren-
sky government.
]\Ir. . That was the Lvoff government.
Senator Xelsox. The.y opened the doors so that all the criminals
c.;i']<l come back from Siberia.
Mr. . Yes; and the large number of the Bolshevik leaders
are not only the people who have returned from America, but people
who liave returned from the slums of Whitechapel in England and
from the Latin quarter in Paris and the byways and back streets of
Gene\ a.
TIhsl' men came back from those countries and their numbei's were
supplemented by swamis of Russian criminals who were released
from Siberia and also from the Russian jDrisons in European Russia.
Xow, about the first thing these criminals did Avhen they got out at
large was to destroy all the police stations and all the police records,
a<id aflc)' thai they could pose without veiy much fear of being shot
iis politJcal martyrs, when in reality they were cutthroats, murderers,
and forgers and ]>rofessional criminals.
Senator Xelsox. And had been sent to Siberia as criminals?
Mr . Yes.
c'crator Xelsox. They wei'c distinguished from that other class of
people who were sent to Siberia for political rea,sons?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Xelsox. They were sent there to live there and be confined
there, but not in prison '.
ilr. . A certain number of those prisoners in Siberia were
political, but the greater number were just ordinary everyday crimi-
nals. Xow, all of those fellows are posing as having suffered for
the cause of freedom, and they have got themselves into high posi-
tions in Bolshevik circles.
Senator Xelsox. And their forces there in Petrograd are recruited
from these criminal classes?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Senator Steelixg. X"ow, may I ask, were the ordinary criminals
sent to Siberia and allowed to live there without being imprisoned,
or were they put in prison in Siberia, and the exiles, those who had
been guilty of political offenses, sent there without being imprisoned?
Mr. . No; I have seen myself prisoners going from Russia
to Siberia, criminals and political prisoners mixed indiscriminately,
and when they got to Siberia they were all confined in jails for a
certain length of time, and then, if their behavior was good, they
were let out on ticket of leave, and were allowed to carry on any
business they could within certain well-defined limits.
Senator Nelsox. The criminals were sent to work in the mines?
Mr. . The criminals were sent to work in the mines, but if a
criminal and murderer after being put in jail, after a certain length
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 327
of time, gave reason to believe that he was going to lead a decent life
he would be given certain privileges.
Senator Nelson, He would get a ticket of leave?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. Did you know Lenine?
Mr. '—. Never met Lenine.
Senator Steeling. Or Trotzky ?
Mr. . Never met Trotzky. Trotzky, as vou know, had lived
for some years in New York, and I remember it struck me as being
rather comical that when Kerensky was in power he asked the Ameri-
can Government to give passports to Trotzky, because he thought he
would be able to help him out. And he did help him out.
Senator Nelson. They were both of Hebrew descent?
Mr. . No ; Lenine is not.
Senator Nelson. I mean Kerensky and Trotzky?
Mr. . Well. I can not say absolutely or clefinitely about Ke-
rensky, but I have heard on several occasions from different people
in Russia that Kerensky's mother was a Jewess and his father was a
Slav or non-Jew. The name Kerensky is more Polish than it is
Eussian.
Senator Steeling. Did you know any of the leaders of the Duma
about the time of the breaking out of the revolution in March, 1917 ?
Mr. . I knew Eodzianko, and I knew him well ; and I knew
Miliukov.
Senator Steeling. What would you say as to the ability and pa-
triotism of these men ?
Mr. . I think their patriotism was beyond any question, and
the Duma was really the deciding factor of the revolution. If Eod-
zianko and the other members of the Duma at the critical moment
had said, " No ; we are opposed to the revolution," it would have
fizzled out, but by getting back of the Duma and the news spreading
over the country, the people were glad to take up the side of the revo-
lutionists.
Senator F-teflixg. Tlie attitude of the Czar and those who were
influencing him, like Eazputin, the monk., etc., turned the leaders of
the Duma, did they not, against the government ?
Mr. . Yes; the thing got to be an open scandal, and the
people could not stand it any longer. But Eazputin, if you remem-
ber, was killed, not by socialists, but by members of the aristocracy,
by a nobleman, the young Prince Usupoff. He was married to one
of the cousins of the Czar.
Senator Steeling. That was because they were determined to rid
the Government of that evil influence?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. Did you observe while you were there the opera-
tions of the Germans and the German propaganda in Eussia?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. Can you tell us about it?
Mr. — ^ . I do not think I can tell you anything that I can say
is absolutely unquestioned. Of course, the Germans had a greater
liold on Eussia before the war than any other nationality.
Senator Nelson. Economically and commercially?
Mr. ■■ Economically and commercially, and also in their in-
fluence at the court. The Czarina was a German, and although they
328 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAITDA.
say that when a woman marries a foreign husband she becomes a
foreigner hei-self, that is not so. The leopard can not very well
change his spots. Though they may be covered up, they are still
there.
Senator Nelson. Even the mother of the Czar, although she came
from Denmark, was really a German?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator OvEEMA>f. The influence of the court was German?
Mr. . Almost entirely.
Senator. Nelson. And some of their officers and generals were of
German descent and had German names?
Mr. . Yes; had German names. The minister of the court
was Baron Friedericks. He was a German.
One of the most prominent generals was Gen. Rennenkampf, a
German. And there were many others.
Senator Steeling. How was the prime minister — Stiirmer ?
Mr. . Pro-German.
Senator Steeling. And the minister of the interior?
Mr. . Protopopoff? He was a Slav.
Senator Steeling. He was a Slav?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Senator Steeling. But pro-German?
Mr. . He was a timeserver. He was like a weathercock on a
building. He would turn whichever direction the wind blew, and
sometimes he would turn before it actually started to blow.
Senator Nelson. Stiirmer was a dangerous pro-German?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Senator Wolcott. What was the belief among the well-informed
peojDle there concerning the report that the grand duke was removed
from his command by pro-German sympathizers, because he was too
Slavic?
Mr. . I have talked with a great many people in Eussia
about that, and the feeling throughout the country, both among the
civilians and the army men, was one of great disappointment when
the grand duke was banished.
Senator Oveejian. He was considered a great soldier, was he not?
Mr. . Yes; he had the confidence of everybody.
Senator Wolcott. Was it their belief that the German influences
removed him?
ISIr. . Yes; the minister of war, Gen. Soukhomlinoff. He
was pro-German.
Senator Nelson. And is it tiiie as it was claimed in the papers
that they failed to provide the army with munitons and military
supplies as they ought to ?
Mr. . Yes ; that is quite true. How much of it was due to
general shiftlessness, lack of foresight, and how much was due to
pro-German influence it is rather hard to differentiate, but the fact
is that when the war broke out there was a great insufficiency of all
weapons of war, and men, many of my own men that worked for me
in the factory came back, and told me that they had been sent into
action with bare hands, waiting to pick up the weapon of some one
who had fallen before they could fire a shot. Other men have said
that they went into action with clubs. But in spite of those enormous
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 329'
drawbacks, in spite of the insuperable obstacles, the Russians in the
first part of the war did heroic service, not only for Russia but for
the allies, and it is my belief that had Russia not made that first
excursion into Prussia, Paris would have fallen.
Senator Nelson. I think that was a great help to the allies in
1914. That was under Rennenkampf.
Mr. . Yes. But that was the time that Col. Massoyerdoff
sold out to the Germans. That was the prime reason of the defeat
at Tannenberg.
Senator Nelson. That was at the time of the defeat in the battle
of the Masurian Lakes ?
Mr. . Yes ; and this fellow Massoyerdoff was related by mar-
riage to the minister of war. Gen Soukhomlinoff. It was a nasty"
German intrigue. Massoyerdoff was hanged, but that was too late.
Senator Nelson. I think there was some treachery in that disaster
at Tannenberg.
Mr. . I think that is very well established.
Senator AVolcott. Why was this such a victory for von Hinden-
berg if there was so much rottenness on the other side?
Mr. . One of the men that was in that campaign told me
that he ran for about 20 miles stark naked because he wanted to get
back. The neck of the bottle was closing in so quickly that they
abandoned everything, even their clothing, and ran.
Now, with regard to the Bolshevik leaders. One of the witnesses
this afternoon mentioned the name Peters.
Now, I have been very credibly informed that this Peters is a
Russian anarchist, or probably a Lett, who had been living in Lon-
don, and you gentlemen will no doubt recall some years ago an
incident in White Chapel, I think it was on Sydney Street, where a
band of dangerous anarchists were besieged in a house. Winston
Churchill took charge of the operations, I believe. This Peters was
one of this crowd, and this is the man now that is exercising the
power of life and death over the decent element in Russia.
Senator Nelson. Evidently he has taken a post graduate course
to fit him for that job.
Mr. . Yes. Then the feeling toM'ard this country — I would
like to speak about that. During the war and after the revolution
up to the time I left. The feeling toward this country after the war
was a very friendly one. People thought that this country was dis-
interested in its friendship to Russia, for I recall it is one of the
Russian traditions that years ago at the time of the famine this
country sent over ships with grain to help the people, and that had
been passed down as a tradition. But after the revolution, when so
many of these men that had been living in New York and Chicago
came back to Russia, one of their first acts was to spread the reports
around that America was not friendly to Russia, that it was a capi-
talistic country, and that all they wanted was gain and to get money.
All these returned Russians coming back to that country had been
working in the sweatshops where they had been sweated by men of
their own race, the Jewish race, and some of them may have spread
these reports in good faith, had not known a better life in this coun-
try had been sweated and had been exploited, their living condi-
ticms had been bad, and the cost of living was high, and they spread
330 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
these reports over there that America was not that heaven on earth
which some people had said, bnt was a miserable, grinding, capitalis-
tic country. That began to have an effect upon the wide masses of
population over there.
Senator Nelson. Now, what is your idea of the food supply in
Russia ? If they had means of transportation and distribution, do
you think they have enough grain in Russia if it were distributed, if
they had means of distribution, to supply their own people?
Mr. . I can not give you an answer out of my own knowl-
edge, but from people who have returned from Russia — Americans—
and there are a large number of them now in Xew York that I know
quite well, I believe that the stock of provisions in Russia is quite
ample to feed the entire population, if they could only be distributed.
Senator Xelsox. Xow, my recollection is that in normal times
Russia had upward of 200,000,000 bushels of wheat for export — from
100,000,000 up to 200,000,000.
IMr. . Yes.
Senator Xelsox. They always had a few Provinces in the south-
east of Russia that were in the arid belt, where crops frequently
failed. That has been a frequent occurrence in the past, has it not?
Mr. . That has been a very frequent occurrence. I can re-
member in the years that I have been in Russia, probably three or
four occasions that there were popular subscriptions to help the
people who were starving.
Senator Xelsox. Those were the provinces on the Lower Volga
and the Don?
Mr. . The last one was lower, as far as Orenburg, down
through there. I remember our men in the factoiy took up very
liberal subscriptions.
Senator Xelsox. If they had transportation facilities so that they
could distribute their food, they no doubt would have ample supply
for their uses?
Mr. . I think so. The manager of our company was over
here in Xew York recently. We cabled him last fall to come over
and let us know what was going on in his territory. His headquar-
ters are at Irkutsk. It is about halfway across Siberia, near Lake
Baikal. He arrived in Xew York the latter end of Xovember, and
is probably back in Vladivostok now. He told me, with regard to
the food supply, that all through Siberia there were large supplies,
but that they were unavailable on account of the breakdown of the
transportation system. Siberia has been a great butter country.
Senator Sterlixg. Does this factor enter into the distribution of
the food supply — the reluctance or the refusal of the peasants to give
up their wheat, to sell it ?
^Ir. . Yes ; that is also a very important factor. I do know
that even before I left Russia in our district, while it was not an
agricultural district, that it was not comparable with the black-earth
belt, is very much less productive, but in the outlying villages the
peasants had dug holes in the ground — pits — in which to put their
surplus grain. Then they had felled small trees and laid the trunks
across and covered the trunks with earth, and covered them over so
that nobody could find it.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 331
Senator Nelson. That was to keep it from the Bolshevik gov-
ernment?
Mr. . There was not a Bolshevik government at that time; •
but the food situation was getting to be so serious, and parties were
going out looking for food and taking it by force. This was a means
which the peasants took to avoid that.
Senator Nelson. I suppose that the peasants would not be unwil-
ling to sell at a fair price ?
Mr. . Money began to lose its value, and they did not want
the money. I know of one case of a rolling mill near Moscow where
the wages of the men had risen to such an extent that at the homes
they Mere keeping this jDaper money in bundles, and one woman
brought a bundle to the office and asked to have it changed, because
the mice had eaten the corners off of it.
Senator Wolcott. If a man wanted to buy a suit of clothes, he
would have to haul the money down in a cart ?
Mr. . A suit of clothes when I left cost 1,000 rubles.
Senator Nelson. They had in Russia a species of cooperative com-
pany, did they not?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. Can you tell us briefly what their plan of opera-
tion was?
Mr. . The cooperative idea had taken firm root throughout
Eussia and over through to Siberia.
Senator Nelson. Is it among the peasants and the traders?
Mr. . It is among almost everybody. There were all sorts
of cooperative societies. There woulcl l)e one cooperative society
among the peasants for the buying of seeds and the buying of agricul-
tural implements.
Senator Nelson. Are these cooperative societies buying societies
or are they for both buying and selling?
Mr. . Both buying and selling; buying and distributing.
Senator Nelson. That is, they operate in their buying through
these societies — these corporations?
Mr. . Buying and selling equally.
Senator Xklson. How has it worked; how has it succeeded?
Mr. If a few people wanted to start a cooperative society,
thev first draft by-laws, take them to the authorities and have them
confirmed, then each one puis in a certain amount of money. It is
•a sort of stock system.
Senator Nflson. ^Vhat I mean is this, not just how they form
them, but I mean what has been the result of the actual operation?
Have they proved useful ?
Mr. "- . I should say that they have proved distinctly useful,
and they have increased very much since the revolution.
Senator Nelson. And are they carrying on those cooperative
societies now?
Mp -. Yes: I believe they are, and the operations of them
are much larger than before, from the point of view of the money
turned over, but. of course, that is explained very largely by the
denreciation of the ruble.
Senator Nelson. Do they carry on bankmg m that way, too,
through cooperative societies?
332 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. And creamery business?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Xelson. Siberia is a great butter country, is it not?
Mr. . It is a great butter country.
Senator Xklson. Is their butter made in creameries?
Mr. — . Yes ; in creameries, and they are largely in cooperative
creameries. Our man that I spoke of, our Siberian manager, tells
me that there are thousands of tons of butter in Siberia now, and that
in view of the lack of proper lubricants for railroad cars and wagons
and trucks, they are using butter.
Senator Nelson. It is a pity that we have iiot some of that here.
Is it really good butter?
Mr. . Splendid. I spoke awhile ago about the feeling in
Russia toward the United States, that up to the time of the revolution
it was friendly. But when these fellows came back and spread
these reports about this country-, the feeling changed. There was at
that time a little Bolshevik newspaper that has now become one of
their chief organs, called the , which means The Truth, in
which they had some very insulting articles directed against Minister
Francis of the United States. This country went into the war after
the revolution. Up to that time when any new country had declared
war on the central powers, they had rejoicings and street processions
and speeches. But when this country came into it there was nothing
of the sort. The thing fell absolutely flat.
Senator Overjian. AVere you there when the Eoot commission
came over?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. What was the feeling about that \
Mr. . I do not think there was any feeling; that is, no seri-
ous feeling. It did not touch the great bulk of the people of Russia.
Senator Oveejian. You said that they circulated the report that
this commission represented the capitalists?
Mr. . Yes ; although on the commission, as you know, almost
everj' section of society was represented.
Senator Sterlixc;. Do you think the cold reception which they
gave our entrj' into the war was due to propagancla that was going
on over there poisoning their minds?
Mr. . That was probably the primary factor.
]Maj. Humes. Is it, or is it not, a fact that Lenine declared that
there was a state of war existing between Russia and the United
States?
Mr. . He is said to have done so.
Maj. Humes. In a public utterance?
^1y. . In a speech before the central soviet in Moscow, and
then Tchitcherin qualified that by a long rigamarole which said they
were not at war with the working classes of the United States, but
that they were at war with the capitalists.
Senator Nelson. From what you know about Russia, how do yon
look upon the situation ? Do you think the bulk of the Russian peo-
ple, the biggest share of them, are substantially anti-Bolshevik?
Mr. — . I have no doubt of it.
Senator Nelson. And they would be glad to have us give them a
helping hand ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 333
Mr. . They are praying for it.
Senatof Nelson. And what they need really more than anything
else is ammunition and guns — military supplies?
Mr. -. Yes ; I am of the opinion that it would require a very
small American or allied 'force to bring about order in Russia, and
it might not even be necessary for these fellows to fight, but to give
moral support, and to act as a guard to the munitions which they
would bring in with them.
Senator Nelson. I understand — see if I am correct, and I gather
this from what I have seen in the newspapers — that practically the
anti-Bolshevik forces, those that are opposed to Lenine and Trotzky,
have control of the whole Siberian line clear Txp as far west as Perm.
Is that correct?
Mr. — . That is my understanding.
Senator Nelson. And that the Bolshevik government has no power
in that country?
Mr. . No. Hei'e is a map of Siberia and the greater portion
of European Russia.
[A map was shown and described to the members of the com-
mittee.]
According to newspaper reports the other day, the Omsk govern-
ment has made arrangements with Japan to provide men, munitions,
and money in return for iron and coal concessions along here [indi-
cating]. This is very rich.
Senator Overman. What province is that?
Mr. . The pre- Amur, "pre" meaning at or adjoining the
Amur River.
Senator Steeling. Well, what -would you say with regard to the
feeling in Russia generally as to Japan and Japanese intervention?
Is there a prejudice against Japan, or a fear of Japan?
Mr. . There is a certain fear of Japan, more particularly
in Siberia, it being nearer. But in Russia, at the time I left, they
were getting so pessimistic, and that was before the Bolshevik upris-
ing, that they would have welcomed the devil himself if he had come
to help them. There has been a very general feeling in that country
and also in some of the European, countries that one of the contribu-
tary causes of the revolution was the very bad labor conditions in
Russia. I would like to go on record as saying that I do not consider
that the labor conditions, as a whole, were bad.
Senator Nelson. Wages were low, compared with our wages, and
the hours of labor were long?
Mr. . In our factory, and we are not an exception to the
general rule, we worked exactly the same hours that we do in our
factories in the United States.
Senator Nelson. Eight hours?
'^j-_ . Nine* hours. We are working eight hours now. That
is the basic day.
Senator Nelson. How do your wages compare with ours «
]y[j._ . About half, but the cost of living was about half.
That is to say for all practical purposes the ruble may be considered
as a dollar. No matter which way you take it, whether buying or
selling. There are very large cotton mills on the line running from
Moscow to Nijni Novogorod, and these mills are among the best in
33* BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the world, magnificent buildings, well ventilated, with sanitary ar-
rangements, excellent sanitary arrangements, and dormitories, both
tor the married employees and also for the unmarried.
Senator Nelson. Have they any woolen factories there?
^ir. . Yes, sir.
Senator Xelsox. How are the flour mills l
^Ir. . A'ery good.
Senator Xelsox. But I understand that their warehouse and ele-
vator facilities are verv poor down in the black belt?
Mr. . Yes. '
Senator Xelsox. That is, that they do not handle grain as we do
in this country '.
Mr. . Xot to the same extent, although down on the Black
Sea, at Xovorosiisk, for instance, there is probably one of the largest
grain elevators in the world, not far from Odessa,' along the shores of
the Black Sea.
Senator Steelixg. AVhat kind of wheat do they grow there, both
winter and spring wheat, accordina' to latitude?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Steeling. And is the sprini;- wheat grown farther to the
north a hard wheat ?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Senator Steeling. Will it compare Mith our hard wheat, such as is
grown in the State of Minnesota, or the Dakotas ?
Mr. . I am not an agriculturist and know very little about
it, but from what I have heard I imagine it will compare very favor-
ably with Minnesota wheat.
Senator Xelsox. We have some of our vaiieties from there. They
raise a good deal of rye in Russia, do they not ?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Overjiax. They do not raise nuich corn?
Mr. . Xo; not a great deal of corn.
Senator Oveemax. How far is that from ^Moscow, where the allies
are?
Senator Xelsox. I think it is about 100 miles. This Kola line [in-
dicating on the map] runs up to the Alurman coast. The Eussians
built that after the war commenced.
' Air. . Incidentally, the Chinese coolies that were working
on that line now form the nucleus of the Bolshevik army.
Senator Xelsox. That road must be 700 or ,S00 miles long.
Mr. . This military situ.ition in the north looks to me. going
back to history to find a parallel, like the abandonment of Gen. Gor-
don in Khartum in 188.5. Air. Gladstone was so much occupied with
parliamentary reform that he did not take action until his colleagues
in the ministry threatened to resign, and then he grudgingly sent a
small force, but it arrived too late.
Senator Xelsox. I think that if we had 20.000 men at Archangel,
good soldiers, fighting men, and plenty of ammunition, and guns, tO'
sui>]Tly the Rui^sians. it would end the Bolshevik government.
Air. . Yes, sir.
Senator Sterlixg. Of the two alternatives, the withdrawal of the
allied forces in northern Russia or reenforcing those allies, which
would be the better, do you think ?
Mr. . To my mind, reenforcements.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 335
Senator Nelson. But we must remember now that this winter we
can not get any ships into Archangel nor can any ships get out of
there. That is the situation. The only way we can get relief is to
send ships by the Murman coast and have them come down that
way [indicating]. We could not get anything into Archangel now
nor could the Archangel troops get out.
Mr. . I do not know whether this road [indicating] is in
working order or not. But even as it is there will be a long march
across country.
Senator Nelson. And they would have to control the railroad.
Mr. . But they not only would ha^e to control the road that
runs to Kola, but they would have to go across a tract of country
some 300 or 400 miles.
Senator Nelson. They would have to go down as far as St. Peters-
burg.
Mr. — . Yes ; they would have to cut south of Lake Onega and
cut across here [indicating].
One of the witnesses the other day, I saw in the New York Times
report, gave the assumed names and the real names of a lot of Bol-
shevik officials. I have had in my possession quite a while a much
shorter list and as the names in my list are included in the other one
I do not think it is of any use.
Senator Nelson. Does it include any names not on the other list?
Mr. . It includes two or three. This is a list of the members
of the executive committee of the Petrogracl Council of Workers'
Deputies, constituted in 1917.
Senator Nelson. Let us have them.
(The list referred to is here printed in the record, as follows:)
Members of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council of Workers'
Deputies as constituted in 1917 ■
Known as : Real Name :
Soukhanoff Himmel
Kamenoff Rosenfeld
Stekloff Nakamkes
Zinovieff Apfelbaum
Martoff Cederbaum
Pargoul Helfand
Zagodsky Xroknian
Trotsky Bronstein
Mr. . There is one other thing, if I may take a few minutes of
your time. There was a certain Col. William B. Thompson, who was
out in Russia for the American Red Cross. He returned to this
country before I did, or about the same time, and this little pam-
phlet that I have in my hand contains a speech of Hon. William M.
Calder, of the United States Senate, January 31, 1918, embodying an
address by Col. William B. Thompson at the Rocky Mountain Club,
New York City. Col. Thompson's statement is very much of a brief
for the Bolsheviki, and I consider it is the most insidious sort of
propaganda that has been put out. There are statements here that
time has proved to be entirely false. He said [reading] :
At the time I reached Petro.grad that noble Russian patriot. Alexander
Kerensky — and I am delil)enite in calling him a noble man — was attempting a
coalition u'overnment, a government representing the rich and the poor. The
rich, however, were not satisfied to work with the poor.
That is not so.
Known as : Real Name :
Gorefe Goldman
Meshkovsky Goldenberg
Larln Lourier
Bogandoff Silberstein
SkobelefC lAll Grueinians. Their
Cheidse > names are their real
Tseretelli J names.
336 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGATS'PA.
And again [reading] :
The terrorism under which the llmitetl property-owning class is living in
Russia is slight compared with the terrorism in which the workinintian and the
peasant lives in contemplating a return of the power of the old regime.
Nonsense.
He says [reading] :
I will say right here that if at any time during my travels I was a witness of
deeds of wanton destruction and violence, it was not in Russia. If at any time
I was subjected to any discourtesy or incivility, it was not in Russia. If at
any time I was in danger, it was not in Russia.
And again [reading] :
When I sa.\ that they want peace, I do not say that they want a separate
peace. Democratic Russia, in my opinion, will never make a separate peace
with autocratic Germany. The present government has not ordered the sol-
diers a\\ay from the trenches. On the contrary, it is filling the places of de-
serters with new soldiers recruited from the reh guard.
And others of like language.
Senator Nelson. When was that printed?
ilr. . This was printed in 1918. It was printed in the Gov-
ernment Printing Office in "Washington.
^laj. Humes. When was the speech delivered?
Mr. . In the Senate the 31st of January, 1918.
Senator Nelson. Delivered here in the Senate?
Senator Overman. Yes; I remember Senator Calder put it in. I
remember when he put it in.
Mr. . The iDoint I would like to emphasize about this thing
is not so much the statements here but the propaganda possibilities,
because I have a niece who is a teacher in the New York public
schools, and these things were distributed among the teachers to give
to the children. That is what I call Bolshevist propaganda of an in-
sidious kind.
Senator Nelson. Did you know him when he was in Eussia?
jNIr. . I never met him.
Maj. Humes. Do you know whether he assisted the Bolsheviki
there?
Mr. . There were rumors to that effect, but I do not know
whether he did or not. I can not say.
Senator Nelson. He is reported to be a very wealthy man, is he
not?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. A millionaire?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. How did he acquire his millions?
Mr. . By the sale. I believe, of copper stock.
Capt. Lester. I would like to ask JMr. a question or two
about the work of the Creel bureau in Petrograd, the Bureau of
Public Information. Did you observe any of the activities of that
bureau there?
Mr. . I think all I can say about that is this. When our
very efficient and very faithful consul, Mr. Summers, was in Moscow
and sacrificed his life for his country's service, he asked me one day
whether, in view of the ramifications of our organization through-
out Russia, we would consent to distribute material, and I told him
I would be glad to do so, and I furnished the list of names of our
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 337
office managers throughout the country, and he said he would under-
take to send them this material, but I can not say whether it was
done or not. It was shortly before I left the country that he asked
me about it.
Senator Overman. Is there anything else that you wish to state?
Mr. . No, I think not, sir; but I can only express my own
personal gratification of the highest kind that you gentlemen have
undertaken this inquiry. I have been back in this country for more
than a year, and I felt like a prophet in the wilderness. Nobody
seemed to care what I had to say about Russia. But you under-
stand that what I have said in criticism of the Eussian people applies
only to the Bolsheviki, and there are no doubt large numbers of
people calling themselves Bolsheviki simply because the only way
to get something to eat is to profess Bolshevik doctrine.
Senator Overman. Do you think that Bolshevism is a menace here
now?
Mr. . I think it is a very severe menace, and as I think I
said when I began to give my testimony, the fact of this taking place
in Russia is merely incidental; that if this country had presented
the same conditions as Russia did when these fellows started their
active campaign, it would have been this country, or it might have
been France, or Portugal, or it might have been Brazil. They, with
intense cunning, selected their ground, the ground that promised
the best fruits, and I think they made the best selection they could
possibly have made, but I do think it is a severe menace not only
for this country but for the rest of the world.
Senator Nelson. The documents in this country show that they
are now engaged in a propaganda of the most vicious kind. I have
documents in my room that came right from Minneapolis, in the
State of Minnesota, where I live, a city about the size of "Washington,
and I am surprised at the number of Bolsheviki they have out there.
(Thereupon, at 5.45 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee adjourned
until Monday, February 17, 1919, at 2.30 o'clock p. m.)
85723—19 22
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
MONDAY, PEBEiUABY 17, 1919.
United States Senate,
Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington^ D. C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 2.30 o'clock
p. m., in room. 226, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman
presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman), Wolcott, Nelson, and
Sterling.
Senator Overman. The committee will come to order. Mr. Sim-
mons, you may proceed.
TESTIMONY OF MR. ROGEH E. SIMMONS— Resumed.
Mr. Simmons. We were speaking, at the close of my testimony on
Saturday, of the acts of brutality and other terrorism which I saw
while I was in prison.
There are a few things that I want to tell you about, which I noticed
when I got out of prison. The first is that by force of arms men and
women were compelled to labor ; not at any labor that they chose, but
at any labor that the Bolsheviki assigned to them. Much of this labor
was of a character for which they were totally unfit — even physically
unfit. For instance, men who had been making a living by their
brains — lawyers, merchants, clerks, school-teachers, etc. — many of
whom had reached an age when it was hard for them to buckle down
to physical labor, were compelled, with machine guns behind them,
to go into the ditch, to street cleaning, to unloading railroad cars of
wood, coal, flour, and other heavy freight, and to haul cumbersome
materials on wagons, such as stone, brick, and lumber. Further —
although I did not see it, still I have heard of it many times — ^that
many such people were compelled to dig the graves in which their
own class and others were soon to be buried.
I remember one instance of a lady. I was walking from the Eu-
rope Hotel to the American Embassy.
Senator Kelson. In Petrograd?
Mr. Simmons. In Petrograd ; yes, sir. There was a gang cleaning
the streets with picks and shovels by loosening the snow which, of
course, by being driven over for days, had become very packed,
almost ice. To remove it required the use of picks. Among this force
was a young lady of, I should say, perhaps the age of 22 or 23 years,
dressed in a sealskin coat, and whose general appearance showed that
she belonged to the upper classes. Her manipulation of the pick was
one of the most amusing instances I saw. She was barely able physj-
339
y4U BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
cally even to raise the pick. She toiled with great labor. I walked
over to her and said that apparently she was incapable of doing such
work. Her reply ^yas that she was compelled to, for the little money
tliat her father had left her mother and herself had been lost when
the banks were confiscated, and that she could not buy any food with-
out money. Food was at a very high price, therefore it was necessary
for her to work, and that the only work they would assign her to do
was this using the pick and shovel.
Senator Wolcott. Do I understand that they would not permit her
to work at something else if she could have found it ?
Mr. Si3iM0NS. There was little else available except what officials
would assign.
Senator Wolcott. They had the reins so in their hands that they
could
Mr. Simmons. They directed all labor; yes, sir.
Senator Wolcott. They were the task masters, so to speak, of the
nation ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir.
Senator Wolcott. And put the people to work in whatever way
they wanted?
Mr. Simmons. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Eegardless of the aptitude or condition of the
particular citizens?
Mr! Simmons. Yes, sir. And to show you the character of this
woman, I offered her — of course, I pitied her — a small sum of money.
She refused, and turned her back and walked away, saying that she
could not stand the strain of this labor, but she refused the money.
Virtually, she implied by so doing that she did not want charity;
she wanted work.
Another instance. I was carrying from the American consulate
a heavy package — fairly heavy, because the distance was long — and
I guess I showed I M'as laboring under it a little. A very neat-looking
girl of the middle class came up to me and asked permission' to carry
the package. When I looked at her frail stature I told her that she
could not do it. She replied that she had to make money, and she
wanted to do any work possible. I offered her a little money; she
also refused to accept it.
As for the men, it was a very frequent sight to see them, as I told
you, laboring with horses and carts, shoveling material off the carts,
etc., and many of them you could see were neither experienced nor
capable of such work. Many of them also were sent to dig trenches
at the various fronts, I remember hearing.
Senator Overman. Could you tell from the faces of those people
whether they were hunger-pinched or starved ?
Mr. Simmons. As to these particular ones I can not say that I
noticed that, sir; but I very frequently noticed people whose faces
indicated hunger, manj^ people unable to get on their feet as the
result of hunger, and some dead, who they said died of hunger. -^?
to these particular ones, I did not notice it.
Senator Wolcott. When you use the expression " get on their
feet," do you use it metaphorically, or is that literally true?
Mr. 'Simmons. In a literal sense. Perhaps you do not know that
hunP'er affects people in that manner. The first thing, they sit down,
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 341
and then they fall over as if from exhaustion, and then they say death
conies slowly. There were many of them, very refined looking and
very substantial people, whom you could see sitting on doorsteps, on
curbs, and places of that kind, who would tell you, begging, that they
were in dire need of food.
Senator Sterling. Did you hear, Mr. Simmons, of the case where
old men were made to dig the graves of their sons condemned to
death and who were thot ?
Mr. Simmons. Of their sons?
Senator Steeling. Yes.
Mr. Simmons. I do not think T ever heard that phase of it, sir;
but I heard many, many times that they were compelled to dig the
graves of friends and people of their own class, and often their own
graves.
Senator Overman. Even to dig their own graves?
Mr. Simmons. Yes ; and I would hear that they would be arrested
soon afterwards because they would protest, or on some pretext, and
as a result would be thrown in prison, and die thei'e or be executed ;
but. as I say, they were rumors, and I did not see the occurrences.
The men were not only compelled to labor, but they were com-
pelled to go into the army. Alexander Schultz was a friend of
mine. "When the war broke out he was in Switzerland, where he
had a home — work of some kind — and he had small means, inherited
from his father. He sold his property at the outbreak of the war
and went back home and put his funds into bonds, because he
wanted to help in the prosecution of the war.
Senator Wolcott. Put it in Russian bonds?
Mr. Simmons. Russian liberty bonds. He went back to Russia,
enlisted in the army, and worked himself up. When I saw him — ■
just after the army was demobilized — he was a lieutenant. Bolshe-
viks compelled Mr. Schultz to go into service to help the organiza-
tion and disciplining of the Red Guard Army, and he told me that
they compelled him by force to do it. He said he loathed it and
that he would do anything in his power if he could only get away
to go up north and join the allies. He spoke of many other officers
among his acquaintances who would do likewise if this duress of
arms was not behind them, and if they were allowed to leave the
country.
One of the guards of my prison was a Lett. He spoke English,
having been in England. I said to him, " Why are you a Bolshe-
vik? " He came right back and said, "I am not a Bolshevilst" He
said, " I would get out of here in a minute if I could, but I can not
leave even the city without permission. If I do not stay and do my
duty as a guard and as a soldier, I will be shot, as others have been."
I was saying that men were compelled to serve in the army, and
that by the policy of force the Red Guard organization had been
largely built up. It started, as you know, with the Lettish troops,
who were brought into Russia with promises of big pay and plenty of
food and grain from other sources, I presume as the result of plunder.
Letts, with contingents of Chinese, and German prisoners, were the
nucleus of the Red Army. The Bolsheviks had great trouble in get-
ting numbers of Russians to join and help them. It was after
the leaders saw the protests of the people rising universally that
342 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAJJDA.
they resorted to the force of arms, the machine gun and the bayonet,
to mobilize the Red Army. Conscription was from the age of 16 or
18, I do not know which, to 55 years.
Senator Overman. By means of these Lettish troops they were
able to disarm the, people and get munitions and guns, were they
not?
Mr. SiMMoxs. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. Their purpose in disarming the people was in
order that they might force or compel this terrorism ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes; one of the worst things in regard to the
terrorism was the " leveling of intelligence," as was made public in
one of the speeches of either Trotsky or Lenine. I am sorry I have
not the documentary' proofs of this, as I did not have time before I
left home to get them, but I think that you will find from witnesses
who follow me — and I trust that one of them at least will be able to
submit to you documentary proofs — that this aim of the leveling of
intelligence was one of the most ghastly aspects of the terrorism.
Men who were thought to have more intelligence than was healthy
for the cause of the social revolution were arrested and imprisoned,
and I am sure I am right when I say many of them on this ground
were put to death. This leveling of intelligence followed a declaration
in a public speech — I do not think it was a decree — of one of the
leaders, and this policy, if grasped, will show you how dangerous
this whole international campaign of the Bolsheviks, based on class
antagonism, is.
Famine, gentlemen, was widespread, especially in the cities, and
by the use of food, as well as by the use of arms — ^because the Bolshe-
viks had mobilized the food supplies available for distribution, and
they used it as they used arms — they compelled people to bow to their
behests.
I remember that this man Alexander Schultz, of whom I spoke,
who was a lieutenant, told me of officers who were fighting against
the English and the entente and the Americans, as well as the Czecho-
slovaks, because the authorities said, "We have the food, and if jou
want to save your family, your wife and your children, from starva-
tion j'ou will have to take up your gun or your sword and go into
the army."
Aside from that the prices of foods, as you know, were extortionate;
and even if you had the money, it was almost impossible to buy it
outside of the community stores ; and the food, of course, there would
not be'feold except on cards, under a rigid system of distribution.
All of this terrorism, gentlemen, the result of Bolshevism, I think
was instigated by Germany, for the Bolsheviks had been put in
power by Germany. I do not think this story I am going to tell
you has ever been printed, and I doubt if more than a few of
the Americans formerly in Russia know anything about it, but it
makes a strong case. The man who told me this was the man who
directly did the work, and when he told it to me I thought it was of
sufficient importance to take him to Moscow and make him repeat it
before the American consul general under oath.
Senator Wolcott. By the way, did he go with you and make his
statement under oath?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir. Wlien the war broke out this man was
teaching in a school in Germany. He was a socialist and a Russian;
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 343
had been in exile in Siberia under the Czar and had worked for many
yea.rs to bring about revokition in Russia. He was a socialist, but a
socialist of the conservative type that believed in bringing about
socialism by evolution and not by revolution. One day a man came
to him and said, " The imperial chancellor wants a Russian to go to
Switzerland to study the schools of socialism."
Senator Nelson. Who was the imperial chancellor at that time,
Stiirmer ?
Mr. SiMMOis's. No; HoUweg.
Senator Nelson. You mean the imperial chancellor of Germany?
Mr. Simmons. Yes. I do not remember exactly at that time, but
this was just before the Russian revolution — ^the first revolution, of
March, 1917.
Senator Nelson. It was Bethmann-Hollweg, I think.
Mr. Simmons. That is what I thought. They wanted a man to go^
to Switzerland because that republic was the seat or the headquarters'
of the different schools of socialism — Russian socialism particu-
larly— and they wanted a study made with a view to finding out the
most radical school. He tried to induce the socialists to undertake
this, knowing he wanted to bring about revolution in Russia, or, in
other words, to overthrow the Czar. • They said the German Govern-
ment was willing to appropriate 5,000,000 marks if that school, or
the men representing that school, would go into Russia and start a
propaganda.
This man, mj' informant, being a Russian intern and knowing that
the war was going on, could not exactly figure out how to sum up this
proposal. He took it to an American who was interned also, or
stayed there. I do not believe we were at war then, but he was stay-
ing there because his aged mother, in" delicate health, could not be
moved. He is well known as a prominent American, and, I believe,
to-day is in Hamburg. To him he took the proposal of ^he imperial
chancellor for advice, and after a long discussion the American ad-
vised my informant to accept the job, thinking that it might lead to
something of importance to the allies. He therefore accepted the
work, and went to Switzerland to visit and mix among all of the
Socialists. In a 300-page report to the imperial chancellor's office he
stated that the school headed by Lenine was decidedly the most radi-
cal, but recommended that no connection be made with Lenine, be-
cause if his ideas were practiced it would bring about utter chaos in
Russia, economical, social, and otherwise.
He was highly commended and well remunerated for this work,
and by means of it he was able later to reach a position so as to effect
his escape from Germany. When he got back to Russia the first
revolution had taken place, and he put all information and his
services at the disposal of Kerensky, Kerensky giving him quite an
important position for it.
Now gentlemen, if you will take that story and then the facts as
they have been made public subsequently, of Lenine being ushered
through Germany into Russia from Switzerland
Senator Nelson. You mean from Switzerland, through Germany,
into Russia?
Mr. Simmons. Into Russia when the war was going on, and then
take the documents brought out by Mr. Sisson that you have had, I
344 ' BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
guess, presented to you, that shows that the German Government was
giving them money to carry on the Bolshevik government and with
the fact of German officers being found in tlie Red Army, you can
see it is a very strong case ; that there was collusion between the Ger-
mans and the Bolsheviks.
Now, I do not say that Lenine was an out-and-out agent and did
the will of the German Government. I should make a guess and say
that he said to them something of this order, " If my ideas and my
propaganda and my efforts will j&t in with your plans, all right; but
my plans as I have outlined them," and he had outlined them in his
books, and everybody knew them. " will have to fit into German aims."
I do not know that Lenine has been the tool of Germany, I do not
know that he was the agent and did the will of Germany, and I do
not want to leave that idea with you as coming from me.
Senator Wolcott. Whether he did as they said or not, he did what
'they desired?
Mr. Simmons. He did what they desired; that is the point. I think
Lenine almost acknowledges that there was an understanding, if not
an absolute agreement, if I may read this excerpt of this speech he
made, which appears in a certain issue of the paper Izvestija, No. 223.
Senator Nelson. A Russian Bolshevik paper?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, Senator. This says, " The capitalists have not
yet disappeared (meaning quite disappeared from Russia). Ger-
many has now sent awaj- our representative, pointing to our revolu-
tionary propaganda. We became dangerous only after tliey were
crushed in war." I think that that implies that there was some
relationship.
There was a battle between those protesting against Bolshevism
and the Bolsheviks in Yaroslav. I happened to pass through shortly
after the battle began, and our train was delayed over 11 hours
because the fighting was going on very actively around the station.
Senator Nelson. That is northeast from Moscow, is it not?
Mr. Simmons. Northeast from Moscow ; almost north. It is on the
railroad that goes from Vologda to Moscow. It is about halfway
between. After this battle, which was won first by those protesting,
or what they fall the White Guard, and subsequently by the Red
Guard, who, alter driving out the White Guard, murdered many non-
combatants, including women, there was a photograph taken, which
the Bolsheviks had made themselves, of the officers engaged in this
battle. Among the officers were German officers in German uniforms.
Senator Nelson. That was of the officers of the Red Guard ?
Mr. Simmons. Of the Red Guard, and the German officers were
wearing iron cross decorations. This picture I saw myself, and it
fell into the hands of a friend of mine who showed it even out of
Russia.
Senator Wolcott. You saw it in Russia and then you saw it after
you left ?
Mr. iSiMMONS. I saw it in Russia, but I understand he carried it
out. Here is a statement which bears on this.
" I had frequent opportunities," writes this friend of mine, " for
visiting Bonch Bruevitch at his home in the , as well as
visiting an intimate friend of his, , the secretary of the
famous writer, Tolstoi, and a man of unquestioned sincerity. Stated
bsolsheVik pbopaganda. 345
that told him that the Bolshevists had already entered
into a definite agreement with the Germans to receive help against
the English in the north and against the Czecho- Slavs in the east, if
that proved necessary. The Germans had agreed to respect the
Soviets and not to interfere with the government, but confine them-
selves strictly to military operations. Already stated
that some heavy artillery and some German officers and soldiers had
passed around Petrograd on their way north."
Now, Bonch Bruevitch, if you will remember, on Saturday I told
you was the private secretary of Lenine. He is in Lenine's office and
is intimately connected with him, and has considerable influence
over him.
Another story that will interest you in this connection, and I
think you should know, is this: If you will remember, I told you that
as I was sitting in the office of Iduke, after I was taken prisoner, there
was an interruption. That interruption was the entrance of two
Kronstadt sailors. They said to Iduke, " We have a train out here
of some 400 or more sailors that are going to the White Sea front, but
we refuse to go any farther unless you give us more bread. We are
only getting a pound and a quarter per day."
Iduke, in his irascible way, very insolently refused, and ordered
them to leave his office. They replied in the same spirit in which
he refused, that if he would come to Kronstadt he could then learn
enough system to be an efficient officer and to ration his units. That
so enraged him that he beckoned to his Red Guards who were stand-
ing by and said, " Put these men under ground in 20 minutes," and
I was told by my guards that took me to Moscow that those men
were under ground in 20 minutes.
Senator Nelson. Four hundred of them?
Mr. Simmons. No; the two that represented the 400, that came
into the office. But in about three-quarters of an hour they learned
that these men had disappeared, and those 400 men got out of that
train and riddled the car in which Iduke had his office — not Kedroffs
car, but they riddled his car — so that it looked like a tin can that had
been shot at a hundred times, and I tell you their action was quick.
To stop that mutiny they brought down a company of Lettish troops
that was garrisoned in the town of Vologda. They finally made the
Kronstadt sailors go back. In the maneuvers back and forth the
Lettish troops came past the window of my prison car, led by two
men in civilian clothes whom all three of us — there was another
prisoner, you will remember, an Englishman, that was in my cell,
and my secretary who was standing outside talking to us through
the bars — agreed were Germans. They possessed the facial dis-
tinctions.
Senator Wolcott. Let me ask this as a matter of curiosity. The
sailors did not kill Iduke, did they?
Mr. Simmons. No. They thought he was in that car, but he was
not, I am sorry to say.
Now, ydu have heard of the Bolshevik government. I want to tell
you that in a literal sense it is no government, there being little
coordination and no cohesion in the different branches of this gov-
ernment. One branch does not recognize another branch, and often
one authority in one town or one province will not do the will or
346 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
obey the orders from Moscow. I think you have already heard that
when the American authorities left Moscow, when they got as far as
Petrograd, even though all of us had the ^■ises of Tchitcherin, the
minister of war, on our passports, the Petrograd commune refused to
recognize that vise; and in many other parts of Eussia, as, for in-
stance, in certain towns on the Volga, the authorities in those towns in
many cases — ^not in all cases — where they did not consider it was to
their special advantage would not recognize the orders of Moscow.
There are seven or eight principal political parties in Eussia, and
I want to call your attention, gentlemen, to one very important fact,
and that is that these parties represent a relatively small per cent of
the populace. The great mass are unorganized — have no party affilia-
tion. They do not know what socialism means or what democracy
means. They do know that they do not want czars, monarchy, and
they do know that they do not want Bolshevism. But in this revolu-
tion the unorganized masses and this vast unorganized body of Rus-
sians are the great sufferers.
Senator Nelson. That is, the peasantry?
Mr. Simmons. Principally the peasantry, the women, and others
connected even with industrial classes.
Senator Sterling. Traders and merchants?
Mr. Simmons. And the small shop keepers and inanj^ of the people
who go to make up the middle classes. The socialists, except unprin-
cipled socialists, are not hand in glove with the Bolsheviki. In two
of my prison cells were socialists who were expecting to be led to
death; in fact. I saw two led out for execution. I did not see the
actual shooting.
The socialists of Scandinavia have made open declarations abso-
lutely opposed to Bolshevism.
The Bolsheviki are enemies of the socialists just as much as they
are in favor of shooting monarchists and the clergy. So, therefore, I
want to say that the Bolshevik government is a very poor institution
and should not be considered as a government at all. It does not
represent Eussia in any way, form, or manner.
Senator Nelson. I suppose they have different departments there,
or pretend to have, at Petrograd, but they each work on their own
hook, do they not?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir; considerably so.
Senator Nelson. That is, they have a department of foreign af-
fairs and a treasury department?
Mr. Simmons. Yes; and a department of commene, and of agri-
culture, etc.
Senator Nelson. But there is no cohesion between those different
departments ?
Mr. Si:Nr5ioNs. In tlie city of Moscow, where they are all together,
I think there is, but where there is a representative of the department
of foreign affairs in a town, say, like Saratov — departments have
representatives in nearly all the principal provinces — there exists
little or no cohesion. The government that administers the region
around Saratov does not bow to the orders given from Moscow in all
cases, just like I showed you the case of the Petrograd commune not
recognizing the vises given by the Moscow national government to
the Americans leaving Eussia.
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 347
Another thing in regard to this government I learned from the
peasants, and that is that you hear the name soviet as a system that
they are following. The soviet bases its representation on a numeri-
cal labor-class unit. In other words, for every thousand — I think it is
a thousand — iron workers, there is a soviet representative ; for every
thousand wood workers in a particular line there is a representative;
for every thousand textile workers there is a representative. The
unit of representation is based upon labor classes, whereas we base
ours on geographical limits. Xow, when this system of Soviets is
applied to all classes of labor, men doing work, whether they be pro-
fessional men, brain workers, or men who aid in production of
wealth and are helping the common welfare, which was, as I under-
stood, the original idea of the soviet, it then takes the form of a
democratic government. You ma}' be surprised to know that this
form of government originated in the brain of an American — Daniel
de Leon — so Lenine has told us. The Bolsheviki claim they have
adopted the soviet, but the educated peasants say they, by perverting
it, have robbed it of its true significance and value, first, because they
have infused the class issue. Instead of allowing all classifications of
labor and constructive work to be represented, they limit representa-
tion to manual laborers. Secondly, at first they allowed all political
parties, or nearly all, except monarchists to be represented, but when
they saw that the parties opposed to them were in the majority in the
all-Russian soviet, then the Bolsheviki used their bayonets and drove
out all parties except a part of one party, which stooped to become
quite nearly in sympathy with them. This so-called democratic in-
stitution or form of government soviet was perverted into a virtual
autocracy.
Senator Nelson. They drove out everybody else but manual
laborers ?
Mr. Simmons. Manual laborers. But not all manual laborers are
in any sense represented, because many of the manual proletariat do
not subscribe, as I tried to tell you on Saturday, to the Bolshevik
idea.
Senator Ovebman. So this Lenine government is really an auto-
cratic government, and not a democratic government ?
Mr. Simmons. That is right, yes; and an autocracy of the worst
order. So bad, in fact, that the pendulum has swung from a mon-
archy to absolute anarchy.
Senator Nelson. Instead of being merely an autocracy at the top,
as the Czar's government was, this is a sort of autocracy by step-
ladder from down up, and from up down?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, Senator.
Senator Nelson. These local bodies, Soviets, are autocracies, and
then you come to the larger Soviets, which are autocracies, and then
the central one is an autocracy, so it is one autocracy built on
another ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir; precisely.
Senator Nelson. Is not that the situation ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir ; it appears that way.
As one man stated to me in Scandinavia, the Czar's govern-
ment was Bolshevism of the upper classes, whereas the Bolshevik
^bvernment is Bolshevism of the demoralized classes, and the point
348 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
that the peasants made, and I have talked to many of them, is that
the true conception of the soviet form of government has all been
perverted by limiting representation to a few labor classes and to one
political party, so that when the Bolsheviki use this word " soviet,"
calling the government a soviet government, they are using the
word more as a camouflage. To the minds of many it conveys a
wrong meaning, and this point is a very good idea to keep in mind.
Senator Steeling. Under the present system the members of any
local soviet may be imported from elsewhere ?
Mr. SiMMOxs. Absolutely; they can come from any place. And
that leads me to the subject of land.
You may not remember that when the Bolsheviks took hold of
power, they gave the soldiers peace at once with the Brest-Litovsk
treaty, and the peasants land by promulgating an arbitrary confisca-
tion of land, and that rendered impbssible any organized land re-
form.
The soldiers went on those large estates, as did the peasants who
were land thirsty, and in the scramble ruined property. They would
burn the houses and buildings, kill live stock, destro}' implements,
and often murder the owner in their greed for possession and the
biggest slice. As it stands to-day there has been no equitable dis-
tribution. If the revolution was settled to-day, the land question,
you would find, would be as imminent as before the revolution.
I told you about the poor committees, and hoAv they incited the
landless peasants against what they called the bourgeois peasants.
This caused tremendous bloodshed in the little peasant villages.
Before the Bolsheviki took possession of the government you may
remember that the mir and the zemstvo — I guess you all know
what the mir and the zemstvo organizations are — -were entirely
freed from the influence of royalty and the owners of large estates.
The peasants were vei y well satisfied, and especially when Kerensky
promised a sensible, organized land reform as soon as the consti-
tituent assembly should meet. They were patient, would have waited
for the constitituent assembly, and in fact did wait. For this rea-
son the Bolsheviks have had trouble Avith the peasants and have
never gotten them on their side, except the landless peasants, to
whom they appealed by promise of gain ; and incited class hatred in
their minds and hearts. But they have never gotten the rank and
file, even 80 per cent of the peasantry, on their side.
I want to talk to you about the nationalization of industry. One
of the worst jobs done by the Bolsheviki was in what they undertook
in connection with the banks. You have already heard consider-
able about it. I only intend to mention it. I refer to the nationali-
zation of the banks. Having been employed in a bank myself for
three years, I never saw such a chaotic, mixed up state of affairs.
They took over all of the banks and tried to consolidate them into
one. The details of this work — and yon can assume how tremen-
dously voluminous must have been the details of this consolidation,
as large as many of the banks were — fell into the hands of people
who knew little about the business, principally into the hands of
sailors, I noticed, factory hands and workmen who had otherwise
made their living by manual work. Men of this caliber undertook
this gigantic task, and I remember in one instance where a man told
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 349
me that his balance before the banks were taken over was, we will
say, 10,000 rubles, and after consolidation his balance was 1,000
rubles. A anan who had 1,000. rubles to his credit before the taking
over of these institutions would very likely have found 10,000 to his
credit.
The Department of Commerce wired nie $1,000. Nationalization
having taken place, it came to one of the branches of the Bolshevik
consolidated bank. This branch sent word to the embassy that the
remittance was there.
Senator Wolcott. You mean the bank sent word to the embassy?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, Senator. The embassy clerk who attends to
those matters went down to secure this money. After standing in
line for maybe five or six hours he was told that the money was not
there ; they could not locate it.
I went down there the next day and stood in line for six hours.
Because of the length of the line, I was never able to get into the
bank. The following morning I put my secretary in line at 6.30,
and the line then was a block and a half long — people wanting their
own money. Finally we got into the bank that afternoon about 1
o'clock. I found that in that big institution, which previously must
have had 100 or 150 clerks, two men were carrying on all the business,
and one of those, the principal one, had taken to a little office divided
off by partitions. It was necessary for every one to go within and
talk to him privately. When I got an interview, finally, he said to
me, " I am sorry to tell you that we can not find the record that we
have received this money," and this notwithstanding the fact that
their formal written notice was in my hand and before his eyes. This
money was never gotten. Before leaving Petrograd we had to leave
■word if this remittance turned up to send it back to America. That
was in the month of January. In the month of August the money
was returned. This shows you the mixed-up situation of the bank.
Many people were unable to draw their own money that was formally
on deposit, or even small amounts of their deposits, to enable them to
live.
Maj. Humes. Would compensation to the man in charge of the
bank affect the method of adjusting your balance ?
Mr. Simmons. Well, I do not know about, the balance, but I can
tell you that a great many men who wanted more money than the
law allowed, which was 150 rubles per week, could get it if they
made the compensation sufficient.
Maj. Humes. If they paid the banker?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. If they were generous?
Mr. Simmons. If they were generous. When I left Eussia the per
cent that they were paying was from 15 to 20 of the amount drawn ;
and more if a man, wanting to leave the country, desired to draw his
entire deposit.
Maj. Humes. That is, he had to give that amount to the banker?
Mr. Simmons. Give that amount to the men that were at the head
of the banks.
Now. then, transportation in Eussia has gone down to about 20
per cent, if not lower, of normal efficiency. They have no way by
which they can repair rolling stock. I wish I had brought with me
350 BOLSHEVIK PSOPAGAIfDA.
pictures to illustrate this, showing 15 to 20 locomotives in one place,
standing on sidings, absolutely cold, useless because they can not be
repaired. This, of course, affected the food and raw-material distri-
bution, as well as that of coal.
Senator Nelson. Does that come from lack of material, lack of
shops or facilities, or lack" of labor ?
Mr. Simmons. I should say, first, lack of materials, then labor
troubles, one or the other requiring the shutting down of shops; and
closed shops forcing industrial workers, as the only alternative, into
the red ai-my.
The same condition exists with reference to steamboat transporta-
tion. Russia has a wonderful system of river transportation. They
have de-^eloped that to a remarkable extent, and you would be sur-
prised how much territory one can cover by water. They connected,
in a number of places, two distinct river systems by means of canals.
Senator Nelson. They have joined the lower Don and the Volga,
have they not, where they come close together?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir ; and by means of the canals and rivers, you
may know, they can bring lumber, for instance, from Perm to Petro-
grad. The steamboats and tugs that ply on those bodies of water
have become much out of repair, and, in fact, many are out of com-
mission because of want of materials to repair them, and, like the
railroad situation, this has wrought a tremendous hardship upon the
people.
Senator Nelson. They had a scheme there for a canal connecting
the waters of the Dvina, I mean the western Dvina •
Mr. Simmons. The western Dvina; yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. The one west of Petrograd, and the head waters
of the Dnieper. Has that canal been built?
Mr. Simmons. No, sir. It was started, but has never been com-
pleted.
Senator Nelson. That was to have connected the Baltic with the
Black Sea?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir; and it' was to do away with the necess^
of exporting lumber material out through Germany, and by this
canal to divert it to Russian ports.
Maj. Humes. Are you familiar with the searching of trains at
various points in Russia?
Mr. Simmons. Searching trains ? You mean people, on trains? '
Maj. Humes. Do you know anything about the searching of
people on the trains?
Mr. Simmons. No, sir; I never saw that. I have heard of it. I
am very glad you mentioned this, as I intended to state that all
terrorism is organized. I do not know that I can say all is the result
of organization, but many many of the things of .which I have told
you have been perpetrated by the order of government authorities
and by government forces.
Senator Nelson. Have they an organized police and spy system
there?
Mr. Simmons. They have : yes, sir ; as I was informed, a very good
spy system. I can not give you any specific instances of its opera-
tions. The police system is not well organized. Almost every able-
bodied man they can get hold of is conscripted for the Red Guards.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 351
Where enough Eed Guards are available they are used on police
duty, but I do not think the Bolsheviki have any distinct police
organization, as we understand the term police.
In line with their policy of dispossession they have a systematic
robbers' organization, and a number of Americans . lost money by
pickpockets.
I had an experience of that, for instance, when they released me
from prison. When the Bolsheviks put me in prison they took my
money, and when they let me out through the efforts of neutral con-
suls general they returned my papers and money. As I walked away
from the prison I went to a bank. I had given that money to my
secretary, and I needed more money, inasmuch as I was going to
Archangel. I came out of that bank with 14,000 rubles in my
pocket, but'toned in the inside pocket of my coat. I never carried
amounts of that kind, because it was dangerous, but in instances like
this — going from the bank to the consulate — it was necessary. They
had that 14,000 rubles before I could get home.
Senator Overman. How did they get it?
Mr. Simmons. I took a street car, crowded as all street cars are in
Russia, because there are very few cars in operation, due to need of
repair. I had an engagement for luncheon at the consulate. Before
I had ridden very far I felt a tug at my coat. Looking around, there
was a man, partly dressed in uniform, making his way out of the
street car through this compact crowd. I followed, running after
him over three blocks. He turned into a side street, went through
a door, up a pair of steps, and through another door. I was afraid
to enter here because of the danger that it would be locked behind
me and I would again be imprisoned.
Senator Nelson. That is where your rubles went?
Mr. Simmons. That is where my rubles went; I am sorry to say
this was Government money. Men like, for instance, the treasurer
of the International Harvester Co., were robbed. He was robbed four
times in succession at short intervals — a man who handles money
like he does — and after each robbery he made special effort, he told
me, to be more particular ; but the organization of pickpockets was
too efficient.
One man connected with the military mission lost money in the
same way ; Y. M. C. A. officials likewise, and, if I am not mistaken,
an officer of the Red Cross. It was very general, this pocket picking
and robbing, and it was evident, as many of us agreed, that it was
thoroughly organized and connived at by the Bolshevik government.
Senator Nelson. Systematic propaganda of the Red Guard?
Mr. Simmons. Of the Red Guard and others in sympathy with
them.
Now, as to the factories in the nationalization of industry. I
speak of -this particularly because it was in connection with my offi-
cial work in studying the lumber industry.
The local soviet appoints a committee that looks after the national-
ifsed industry, called a factory committee, and each industry has a
manao-ing committee which administers that particular factory.
The managing committee, with the consent of the factory committee,
has the right to decide upon scale of wages, extent of the working
day and all matters of that kind. Gentlemen, to make it short, out
352 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
of three industries that I watched very closely, lumber mills wideh"
separated, every one closed down, failed, for capital was difficult to
secure from the banks or elsewhere. The managing committee failed
to make ends meet, because cost of production was too great and thev
could not satisfy labor demands. The men did not seem to recognize
the authority of the committee in charge. Men who, for instance
floated logs up to the skidder in the millpond would demand the
same wage as the skilled laborer who handled the saw. If it was not
granted they said, " That man, the sawyer, is bourgeois." This class
issue has run away with the Bolsheviks. They have instilled it so
thoroughly into the minds of the common people that they find it
hurled back at them in instances like that I have just related.
Senator Nelson. In other words, they believe in the same level of
wages for all hands ?
Mr. Simmons. For all hands.
Senator Nelson. Regardless of the character of the work per-
formed ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes ; but that is not the intention of the Bolsheviks.
The Bolsheviks aim to classify industrial workers. But I say the
men who are less fortunate in having the meanest work, on the idea
that there is to be no class distinction, require that they be given the
same wage as those above them. It ended in the mills stopping. And
then workmen, not satisfied, because no means of - livelihood was in
sight, in their desperation plundered the sawmills. I have seen mills
dismantled. Brass cups, belting, and portable parts that could be
taken were carried away and sold. The stocks of lumber in the yards,
deals and planks, were also appropriated at will to be used for fire-
wood and other private uses.
Another very significant illusti'ation was that of the International
Harvester Co.'s plant near Moscow. Laborers of this company were
thoroughly satisfied. I was told by one of the managers of the In-
ternational Harvester how the Bolshevist laborers of a competing
factory making harvesting machinery or implements came over and
tried to prevail upon the laborers of the International Harvester io
take over this factory as the government had suggested. They re-
plied that they would not, because they were getting along well and
had every consideration that they could expect. Several different
times, similarly approached, they refused. In the argument they
were told, " We are getting at our nationalized plant 60 rubles a day.
You, with the International Harvester, are only getting 35 rubles a
day." It was not many weeks after that the competing concern had
to close, and the laborers of the International Harvester, seeing a few
of the workmen of the failed industry, said, " You were getting 60
rubles a day and we were only getting 35, but we to-day have work,
and our 35 rubles, while you have neither yqur 60 rubles nor any wage
because you have no work, your plant having failed."
Industry generally is absolutely closed; absolutely closed!
A very amusing incident in regard to this class issue, showing how
it has run away, is in regard to the hospital in Moscow. The people
who are doing the more lowly part of the work — orderlies, menial
attendants in positions of that sorl^ — struck, demanding, " Unless you
pay us as much as you pay the doctors and nurses we will not stay
in our places " ; and, gentlemen, they accepted the terms ; they gave
these people the same pay that they gave the doctors and the nursee.
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 353
In an English factory, a textile mill, they had gotten along ex-
cellently since the revolution, and their employees opposed having
their institution taken over by the decree of nationalization. One
day they had a meeting of employees to protest against the Bolsheviks
trying to compel them to have this institution put in the hands of the
workmen. While they were in that meeting the Red Guards came
and dispersed it and killed two or three of the leaders, the prim*
movers; and these were the employees, the workmen, of that insti-
tution.
Then they went after the manager and the assistant managers,
whom they arrested. One of the assistants escaped, taking refuge in
the American consulate, where he told his pitiful tale. He was aided
to get out of the country before they could arrest him.
Another particularly interesting point in regard to this industrial
problem is that Germany, after the industries began to fail, started to
buy some of them. They bought 13 sawmills, some of the best-
equipped sawmills. I kept very close watch on this. I saw that
if the Germans were going to take possession of the lumber industry,
competition under their administration would be much more for-
midable than it had been under the Russian. They negotiated for
13, and got them at a very low price as compared with prices before
the revolution, but a high price at that time ; and I could not under-
stand how they figured to operate these industries, and therefore,
I could not see why they were paying those prices.
Senator Nelson. After the Germans had bought those mills and
factories that you refer to, did they attempt to operate them or did
they leave them alone ?
Mr. Simmons. Of course they were not running when they bought
them. Many of them had been partially dismantled by machinery
parts being plundered. They had no opportunity nor material to
put them in shape for operation; but the fact that they purchased
them indicated that they hoped to dominate the industry in Russia
eventually.
Senator Nelson, The Germans have a great economic hold on
Eussia, have they not?
Mr. &MM0NS. The Germans?
Senator Nelson. Yes ; the Germans.
Mr. Simmons. They did have. Senator, before the war.
Senator Nelson. That is what I mean.
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir; they had before the war, and they were
strengthening their hold under the Bolshevik regime up to the time
of the end of the world's war.
Senator Nelson. And the Bolsheviks are giving them a free hand,
are they not ?
Mr. Simmons. Commercially, yes, sir; they were.
One other matter I want to bring in in regard to industry is that
all unions do not support the Bolsheviks ; and that in organizations
that do support them, a great many in the unions have bolted because
they could not subscribe to the policies.
Senator Nelson. They have labor unions over there as w» have
here?
Mr. Simmons. Yes.
85723—19 23
354 BOISHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
iSenator Nelsox. And these unions are not affiliating with the Bol-
sheviki ?
Mr. SiMMOxs. A number are not, as I understand; and of those
unions that have done so, the better elements have left them. Gen-
erally, the unions would most likely have affiliated with the Bol-
sheviks, but the substantial, better classes of workmen, many of
them, on account of Bolshevism have left the unions.
Senator Sterling. It is a fact that the unions, or many of them,
have taken formal action identifying themselves with the Bolsheviki,
and on account of such formal action, a number of the better ele-
ments of the unions have deserted them ?
Mr. SiJiMOxs. Yes.
Senator Sterling. That is the situation?
Mr. SiJiMONS. Yes. To show how the unions act when assistance
comes to Eussia, after the occupation of Archangel, the North Rus-
sian Union Labor Corporation, which is composed of 10,000 wood-
choppers — 10,000 woodmen — ^you know what I mean by "wood-
men " ; the men that cut the logs for all sawmills in that district.
Senator Sterling. Lumbermen?
Mr. Simmons. Lumbermen, generally, but we call them timbermen.
Senator Sterling. Yes.
Mr.. Si:mmons. The minute that occupation took place they came
to offer their services to the allied troops, and they have rendered,
I am told, most valuable service.
Senator Sterling. That is up in the neighborhood of Archangel?
Mr. SiJiMONS. The headquarters of this union is in Archangel,
but the men who compose this union are spread throughout the
governments. You understand I mean by governments provinces, as
Archangel, Vologda, and Olonetz.
Senator Sterling. They are lumbering in the valley of the Dvina?
Mr. Simmons. A part in the valley of the Dvina and some in the
Onega.
Now, the most shameful thing, gentlemen, is the nationalization of
women. I have two decrees, or translation of a decree, the first
issued by the Bolsheviki of Vladimir, and published, in the official
soviet organ. Izvestija. I read from it as follows:
Every girl who has reached her eighteenth year is guaranteed by the Local
Commissary of Surveillance the full inviolability of her person.
Any offender against an eighteen-year-old girl by using insulting language
or attempting to ravish her is subject to the full rigours of the Revolutionary
Tribunal.
Anyone who has ravished a girl who has not reached her eighteenth year
is 'considered a State criminal and is liable to a sentence of 20 years' hard
labour unless he marries the injured one.
The injured, dishonoured girl is given the right not to marry the ravisher
if she does not so desire.
A girl having reached her eighteenth year is to be announced as the property
of the State.
Any girl having reached her eighteenth year and not having married is
obliged, subject to the most severe penalty, to register at the Bureau of Free
Love in the Commissariat of Surveillance.
Senator Overman. Where is that commissary?
]Mr. Simmons. This comes from the Bolsheviki of Vladimir. [Con-
tinuing reading :]
Having registered at the Bureau of Free Love, she has the right to choose
from among men between the ages of 19 and 50 a cohabitant-husband.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 355
Kemarks: (1) The consent of the man in the said choice is unnecessary;
(2) the man on whom such a choice falls has no right to make any protest
whatsoever against the infringement.
Senator Sterling. One might think that free love is a misnomer,
right there.
Mr. Simmons (continuing reading) :
The right to choose from a number of girls who have reached their eighteenth
year is given also to men.
The opportunity ta choose a husband or a wife is to be presented once a
month.
The Bureau of Love is autonomous.
Men between the ages of 19 and 50 have the right to choose from among the
registered women even \Aithout the consent of the latter, in the interests of the
State.
Children who are the issue of these unions are to become the property of the
State.
The decree states further that it has been based on the excellent
" example " of similar decrees already issued at Luga, Kolpin, and
other places in Eussia.
Here is another one, on a rather larger scale, from Saratov, which
is a rather large province, and one of the industrial cities along the
Volga. [Eeading:]
ANABCHIST PEOCIAMATION.
This decree is posted in and about Saratov (about March l.oth, 1918). Some
people with their daughters have been excited into leaving the city altho the
power Is In the hands of the BolshevikI and it is very doubtful if the Anarchists
can succeed in the enforcement of the proclamation.
This decree is proclaimed by the free association of anarchist in tlie to\^'n of
Saratov. In compliance with the decision of the Soviet of Peasant Soldiers
and Workmen's Deputies of Kronstadt, the abolition of the private possession
of women.
Senator Sterling. They at least give themselves the right name,
there.
Mr. SiMatONS. What is that?
Senator Steeling. In speaking of themselves as anarchists.
Mr. Simmons. Yes; but do not miss this point, that this is posted
by the soldiers' and worlanen's deputies of Kronstadt. That is, as
you know, the cradle of this revolution.
Senator Steeling. Yes. '
Mr. Simmons (continuing reading) :
Social Inequalities and legitimate marriages having been a condition in the
past which served as an instrument in the hands of the bourgeoisie, thanks
to which all the best species of all the beautiful have been the property of the
bourgeois, have prevented the proper continuation of the human race. Such
ponderous arguments have induced the present organization to edict the
present decree :
1. From March 1 the right to possess women having reached the ages ]7
to 32 Is abolished.
2. The age of women shall be determined by birtb certificates or passports
or by testimony of witnesses, and, on failure to produce documents, their age
shall be determined by the Black Committee, who shall judge them according
to appearance. , . „ , ., ^
3. This decree does not affect women having five children.
4. The former owners may retain the right of using their wife without their
tnm.
356 ' BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
5. In case of resistniu-e of the Imsband he shall forfeit the right of the formpr
paragraph.
6. All women according to this decree are exempterl from priviite ownersliin
and are proclaimed the property of tlie whole nation.
7. The distribution and the management of the appropriated women in com-
pliance with the decision of the above said organization are transferred to the
Anarchist Saratov Club. In three days from the publication of thi.s decree
all women given by it to the use of the nation are obliged to present themselves
to the given address and give the required Information.
8. Before the Black Committee is formed for the realization of this decree,
the citizens themselves will be charged with such control.
Remark : Each citizen noticing a woman not submitting herself to the ad-
dress under this decree is obliged to let it be known to the Anarchists' Club,
giving the full address, full name, and father's name of the offending woman!
9. Male citizens have the right to use one woman not oftener than three
times a week for three hours, observing the rules specified below.
10. Each man wishing to use a piece of public property should be a bearer
of a certificate from the Factories ronimittee, Professional Union, or Work-
man's Soldier's, and Peasant's Council, certifying that he belongs to the work-
ing-family class.
11. Every working member is obliged to discount 2 per cent from his earn-
ings to the fund of general public action.
Remark : This committee in charge will put these discounting funds, with
the specifications of the names and lists into the State banks and other insti-
tutions handing down these funds to the popular generation.
12. ilale citizens not belonging to the working class, in order to have the
right equally with the proletariat, are obliged to pay 100 rubles monthly into
the public funds.
13. The local branch of the State bank is obliged to begin to reserve the
payments to the National Generation Fund.
14. All women proclaimed by this decree to be the national property will
receive from the funds an allowance of 238 rubles a month.
That is $23.80, in other words, now. [Continuing reading:]
15. All women who become pregnant are released of the direct State duties
for four months, up to three months before and one month after childbirth.
16. The children born are given to an institution for training after they are
one month old, where they are trained and educated until they are 17 years
of age at the cost of the public funds.
17. In case of a birth of twins, the mother is to receive a prize of 200 rubles.
18. All citizens, men and women, are obliged to watch carefully their health
and to make each week an examination of the urine and blood.
Remark : The examinations are made daily in the laboratories of the popular
Generation Health.
19. Those who are guilty of sjireading venereal diseases will be held respon-
sible and severely punished.
20. Women having lost their health may apply to the Soviet for pension.
21. The chief of Anarchists will be in charge of perfecting the temporary
arrangements and technical measures concerning the realization of this decree.
22. All those refusing to recognize and support this decree will be proclaimed
sabotage, enemies of the people and counter anarchists and will be held to the
severest responsibilities.
( Signed ) Council of the City of Sabatov, Rtrssu.
Senator Steeling. How large a city is Saratov, Mr. Simmons, if
you know?
Mr. SnxMONs. Over 100,000, sir.
Gentlemen, it requires no comment that Bolshevik propaganda,
which is going around in America trjdng to justify Bolshevism, can
not possibly stand before public opinion of this country when facts
are known.
Senator Overman. Have you any information about their respect
for religion and their belief about religion ?
Mr. Simmons. Who, the Bolsheviki? > ■;
Senator Overman. Yes.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 357
Mr. Simmons. I told you, sir, on Saturday how they opposed re-
ligion and the church.
Senator Overman. Yes.
Mr. Simmons. Of course, you know they separated the church from
the State, which, of course, I think was a very good move. In fact,
I have met priests who do not really object to that. The Bolsheviki
have got the church against them, and anybody, who has any moral
instinct at all is' against them.
I think one of the most significant bits of my testimony was that
statement of Bonch Bruevitch in which, as I read to j'ou, he said that
the Bolsheviki had no moral code — that they had not yet formed a
moral code — and until they had formed a moral code, any means to
the end was justifiable.
Senator Overman. They have no respect for ^'irtuous women and
none for religion?
Mr. Simmons. None for religion. They could not have and be
back of practices as you have heard given in testimony before you.
And, gentlemen, furthermore, religion is in jeopardy — rthe Chris-
tian religion, the Jewish religion, or any other kind of religion —
by permitting this Bolshevik campaign to proceed. I say it does not
matter, if Russians want the nationalization of land, all right. If
they want the nationalization of industries, all right. If they want
the soviet or any other socialistic form of government, all right.
Leave all questions, according to the principle of self-determination,
to the Russian people. But when they try to institute reforms by
force, or a government that in its practices is absolutely in violation
of the ordinary usages of right, of the law of morality and of all
laws of God, I say that that is a menace to the peace of the world,
and it should be put down.
Senator Overman. They have this propaganda going on in this
country. Do you think that is all over the world ? Do you think it
is in France?
Mr. Simmons. I can not say as to France, Senator. It is in the
three Scandinavian countries, where I had almost positive proof of
sums of money being sent to Denmark and Sweden. I knew the-
man at the head of the Bolshevist bureau of publicity in Sweden.
Senator Sterling. Mr. Simmons, concerning the atrocities of the
Bolsheviki, you will remember that I asked you a while ago about
whether you knew the fact that old men had been required to dig
graves for their sons condemned to death. I would dike to call at-
tention, Mr. Chairman, to an article that was the foundation of that
report, 'an article by George Kennan in the Outlook of December 5,
the article being entitled, "The Struggle of Russian Democracy
with Bolshevist Tyranny." I just quote briefly. [Reading:]
The uprisings in Yaroslavl and Murom were temporarily successful ; but in
most places the half-armed people were mercilessly slaughtered with artillery
and machine guns.
This article by the way, is to refute the Col. Lebedeff pamphlets.
[Continuing reading :]
" In one instance," says Col. LebedefE, " in the village of Semenikha, the Rea
Guards shot about a hundred young peasants and forced old men to dig graves
for their sons killed in the presence of their families." Murom and Yaroslav
were finally recaptured by the Bolsheviki, after artillery fire had reduced them
to ruins and filled their streets with heaps of dead.
358 ■ BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Simmons. Oh, j'es; that fits in with all their practices, as you
have heard.
Xow, I think, after hearing of this nationalization of women, and
having heard of all the atrocities, that the primary need in this
country and in other countries is to let the people know the truth.
The truth in itself will counteract the Bolshevist propaganda. I can
not think of any single person, I do not care of what religion or
political party he may be, that can uphold the immorality of tliis
movement in Russia.
Senator Oveiuiax. Your remedj- in this country is publicity.
Mr. Simmons. Publicity.
Senator "\^^olcott. A very excellent remedy would be for these
pople who like it to be sent over there to live with it.
Mr. Simmons. But they would not do that for a minute.
Senator Overman. What do you think about stopping their litera-
ture preaching this soviet and Bolshevik doctrine from being sent
through the mails?
Mr. SiMJioNS. I think when it reaches the point where it is sedi-
tious it ought to be suppressed by all means. I am not in favor of
going ahead and meting out drastic punishment to each man or
woman who seems to have indorsed the theories of this idea, be-
cause I think martyrs bring sympathy.
Senator Overman. You think pains and penalties will do more
harm than good?
Mr. Simmons. I think what you want is to give the public the
truth. I do not believe that any man, woman, or child that has been
to these hearings and heard the facts as presented can possibly up-
hold this movement.
Senator Nelson. What do you think of a man like Williams, who
has been over there and faced the facts, and then comes over here and
pronounces a benediction on it ?
Mr. Simmons. I think Mr. Williams came from Russia before the
terrorism took place. A good many have become obsessed with the
theories of the Bolshevilri, as I told you on Saturday, but the theo-
ries and the doctrines are one thing and the practices another.
I came through Archangel the last place. I left northern Rus-
sia on the 3d of November. There was a socialistic form of gov-
ernment in power. The allies were asked to come in to Murmansk
last June, I think it was about that time, by the Murmansk soviets.
and if you will let me I will make a part of the record of this in-
vestigation pictures showing the president of the Murmansk soviet,
Urieff, and his assistant, Capt. Vesalago, formerly a commander in
the Czar's Navy. These were the Bolshevik representatives at the
time that they invited the Americans and the English troops to come
in.. I happened to be present at one of the meetings afterwards, and
took the pictures myself. I am sorry that I have not got them with
me, but if you will allow me to send them later and put them in I
shall be glad to have you use these pictures in the record.
When the occupation was made in Archangel it was made vir-
tually without the firing of a gun. The revolution had taken place
before the allied troops arrived. Tschaikovski was in the saddle
even when the English arrived, and the Americans came shortly
afterwards. Tschaikowski's government invited them, and the Kus-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 359
sians met them with open arms and with great rejoicing, ringing
of church bells, blowing of f actor j- whistles, etc. After you come out
of the middle of Russia, as I did, having seen the chaotic situation
there, the awful distress of famine and economic disintegration,
and then go up into Archangel and see how much happier and bet-
ter off the people are, with food, with schools, churches unmolested,
business recovering, a stable currency established and people able
to sleep at night, not expecting to be disturbed with bayonets and
machine guns, you see the difference at once.
I have told you of that labor union that came at once and
offered themselves and assisted the allies upon arrival, and when
you read the records of the last few years in history, later on, you
will see that some of the greatest deeds of bravery have been done by
men in Northern Russia, of any place where there has been fight-
ing participated in by Americans.
Senator Nelson. It is a timbered and swampy country, is it not ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes. And those men are fighting to protect that
country from this very campaign of Bolshevism; that is, the ruth-
less brigandage we have had outlined here to-day and Saturday. It
is unquestionably a humane, justifiable fight, in my mind, quite as
much justified as the fight against the militarism of Germany, and I
tell you, gentlemen, that from the American soldiers in Archangel
that I talked to I found they are imbued with this fact. I was sur-
prised on my return home when I heard of the clamor that is being
made for the withdrawal of our forces in northern Russia. Why,
every inch that we have had to give to the enemy has resulted in the
massacre of every man, woman, and child in the newly retaken dis-
trict. If all soldiers would withdraw to-day, it would mean the
greatest massacre in the Archangel government of any that has ever
been known, and the blood would be on the hands of the United
States and our allies.
Senator Nelson. Our troops went in there in the first instance to
take care of a large quantity of military supplies.
Mr. Simmons. And to keep the Germans out; and to keep them
from using it as a submarine base.
Senator Nelson. And there. were a lot of military supplies there?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. And shipping?
Mr. Simmons. A great deal of it had been taken away by the Bol-
sheviki. A great deal of it had been sent south. We saw trainload
after trainload of American automobiles and trucks and machinery
and ammunition and every material possible being brought down to
the center of Russia.
Senator Nelson. Taken from there before the English and our
troops came there ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. You are acquainted with the topography of the
country. How far south of there did our troops advance? They
went east of the railroad, as I gather, down to the valley of the
Dvina River. t ^
Mr. Simmons. I can answer you very explicitly, but for military
reasons I doubt if I should. But I want to say that those boys up
there have done an excellent piece of work.
iJGU • BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. And do you not think that what there are of Rus-
sian people there are in sympathy with them and will cooperate wiUi
them?
Mr. Simmons. They have, certainly. They have organized quite
large Russian army units, and the Russians are doing a large part of
the fighting. That has been the American policy, as it appeared to
me, in Russia where the allies have taken the field. They encourage
organization of native troops of those wanting to fight Bolshevism,
and help to equip, clothe, feed, and discipline them.
Senator Nelson. Those people there, to a large extent, are kimber
men who worked in the saw mills and in the woods ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And fishermen?
Mr. Simmons. Yes.
Senator Nelson. It is not much of an agricultural country, is it?
Mr. Simmons. Not at all. It is too far north. There is no tree
growth around Archangel. You have to go almost 200 miles up the
Dvina.
Senator Nelson. It is not a farming country?
Mr. Simmons. Not until you get in the neighborhood of Kotlas, a
town on the Dvina River.
Senator Overman. Our policy is to let the Russians do the fighting?
Mr. Simmons. So it appears to me. We supply them with their
needs and the assistance they want. Of course, it is very hard on
American boys up there to exist and fight in that cold country. It
is very cold. But they are well clothed and well fed, and when I
left there, on the 3d of November, they were in very good spirits.
I told the people in Michigan that very fact. And one man in the
assembly, after he heard the narration of those facts that I gave in a
simple story of Russia, said, " Gentlemen, I have been clamoring for
the withdrawal of those troops. I have a brother there. But if he
is fighting, and fighting against that kind of a movement, I want
him to stay."
Senator Steeling. How many American troops are at Archangel?
Senator Nelson. I do not think it would be wise to publish that.
i\Ir. SiMiioNS. If you do not mind, I would rather not say, for
military reasons. I should be very glad to tell you in an executive
session anj- thing you want that I can tell you.
Senator Steeling. I thought it had been mentioned by somebody
on the floor of the Senate, or I would not have asked it.
Senator Overman. You think it would be a great mistake to take
them out of there now ?
Mr. Simmons. You could not take them out. Senator ; impossible.
Senator Oveeman. You mean that we could not take them out ou
account of physical conditions?
Mr. Simmons. You mean the ice ? They have ice breakers. They
possibly could get out with the use of ice breakers.
Senator Nelson. We do not want to go into that except in execu-
tive session.
Mr. Simmons. No; I meant on account of the massacres which
would happen if the allied troops withdrew.
Senator Nelson. You can get out and get in?
Mr. SiiMiioKs. I did not mean that, and I do not thinlt the Senator
did.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 361
Senator Overman. To withdraw would leave those people to be
massacred ?
Mr. Simmons. Yes. Those boys have been there a long time and
have done their part. Others could be substituted, and it would be all
right. But, surely, we can not leave all these Russian people to
starve. and to be massacred, as they will be; because we have found
it so every place that the enemy have compelled us, or for reasons of
strategy we have been compelled, to fall back. In those few instances
the Bolshevik troops have massacred the people in the reoccupied
territories. People of the Archangel country generally, of all
classes — and they are of all classes, as you may assume, in a sawmill
industrial center — are quite well satisfied with the protection of the
allies, and are praying that we may never move so long as Bolshe-
vism lasts.
Senator Sterling. What can you say. Mr. Simmons, about the
cooperation between the allied forces there?
Mr. Simmons. I am very glad you mentioned that, sir. Thank you.
I would say, first, that it is impossible to cooperate. You mean in
Archangel ?
Senator Steeling. Yes; cooperation between the allied forces
there.
Mr. Simmons. Oh, cooperation there?
Senator Sterling. Yes ; between the allied forces.
Mr. Simmons. "Will you please state your question again?
Senator Sterling. What can you say about the cooperation be-
tween the allied forces in Archangel and vicinity, as to whether there
is cooperation between them or not?
Mr. Simmons. There is cooperation; yes, sir; but I do not think
we had better go into that.
Senator Nelson. Are there any French there?
Mr. Simmons. Yes, .sir. In answer to Senator Sterling I began
to speak about cooperation of America with the Bolsheviki, coopera*-
tion of the American Red Cross and the American Y. M. 0. A., two
institutions that did excellent work. You have heard how these or-
ganizations remained to the last and worked with returned Russian
prisoners from Germany, and with civil relief. They helped to dis-
tribute medical supplies and food. They did excellent work. Maj;
Allen Wardwell led that work, with the support of able assistants,
and I saw their operations while in the prisons where I was detained.
I heard what prisoners had to say favorably about the American Red
Cross. They did excellent work, gentlemen, in the same line. I do .
not believe that any American Y. M. C. A. institution ever did bet-
ter work than the Y. M. C. A. in Russia. The very presence of men
of that character and caliber was a great thing in itself for Russia
at that time, and the people generally were very f avorably_ disposed
toward them. But we could not continue cooperation with them,
finally. All cooperation became impossible, and both of these in-
stitutions—the Red Cross and the Y. M. C. A.— had to leave Russia.
The Y. M. C. A. had to guard their headquarters with guns. _ Think
of organizations that were doing as good work as these, in the interest
of the people, being forced by intolerable conditions to quit their
humanitarian efforts and leave the country.
Now, gentleman, talking about cooperation, the neutral countries
not in the world's war, that had diplomatic officers in Russia, could
362 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
not remain and in line of their duty cooperate. They would not, of
course, recognize the Bolsheviki. But for the Eussian people they
could not do anything ; and it became impossible for them to live in
Russia. I talked with the Swedish consul general, the man who got
me out of prison in December, who afterward returned to Stockholm
and also with the Danish minister, and they said that when they
left Eussia life was absolutely impossible there, and that they had to
leave their posts. Now, if organizations like the Eed Cross and the
Y. M. C. A. and the diplomatic corps of the neutral countries can
not get along in Eussia with the Bolshevists in power, cooperation to
my mind seems impossible.
Senator Overman. No neutral countries are represented there?
Mr. Simmons. No neutral coimtry is represented.
Senator Nelson. The last legation that went out of there was the
Norwegian legation.
Mr. Simmons. I think the Danish was the last.
Senator Nelson. No. They helped to get out Mr. Leonard.
Mr. Simmons. That is right.
Senator Overman. Are there any German representatives there?
Mr. Simmons. No ; they have not been there, I think, since Mirbach
was killed. They removed the embassy across the line into Poland
where they could stay in safety and run into and out of Russia as
duty required. But whether they still remain, I do not know.
Seantor Nelson. Are there many German officers in the Bolshevik
army ?
Mr. Simmons. There were some when we left ; but, of course, peace
had not then been declared. There may be more now, if I should
make a guess.
If there are any questions that I can answer I shall be very glad
to do it.
Senator Overman. I think you have done the country a very
great service and we are very much obliged to you.
Senator Nelson. I would just like to have a few words with him
in secret session here.
Mr. Simmons. I will be at your disposal.
Senator Overman. We are going into executive session to hear
another witness now.
(Thereupon, at 4.45 p. m., the subcommittee went into executive
session. The following testimony was taken, the name of the witness
being withheld at his urgent request.)
EXECUTIVE SESSION.
TESTIMONY OF MR. .
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Senator Wolcott. Is your home in New York City?
Mr. . My home is in New York.
Senator 0^'ER]^tAN. When did you leave Russia?
Mr. . I left Eussia on the 2&th day of last February, the day
after the embassies left. I was not in Eussia during the revolution
which led up to the abdication of the embassy. I had returned to
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 363
this country, and was on my way back to Russia when that occurred.
I returned by the Siberian line and arrixed in Petrograd in the first
week in May, 1917, so I lived in Eussia Iroui May, 1917, until the end
of February, 1918. Therefore I have no particular evidence that is
worth while, or any testimony that is worth while, after 1918, except
that I have been a careful reader of the newspapers. But I have
nothing from observation. Therefore my testimony will be very
simple.
I was quite intimately connected with Mr. Francis, and saw a good
deal of the workings of the Kerensky government in consequence
of it.
My own business was gradually going to pieces during that sum-
mer. 1 returned to find that my whole office force of about 50 clerks
was on strike, and they laid down to me conditions which made it
impossible to work with them, notwithstanding I tried very hard to
compromise. This was before the Bolsheviki came in, but it was the
outcome of the revolution and the labor excitement at that time. In
spite of all I could do in the way of reasoning with them I was
obliged in September to dismiss the whole force and move my whole
office, which was at Petrograd, to Moscow, where conditions were
considerably quieter. There was not the same revolutionary spirit
at that time in Moscow that there was in Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. Let me see if I get my bearings correct. You
came there in May ?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. That was a month or two after the Kerensky
revolution, and the Trotsky-Lenine revolution occurred in Novem-
ber?
Mr. . The 7th of November, yes.
Senator Nelson. Now, go on.
Senator Steeling. Was there not an interval before Kerensky
came into power, after the March revolution ? How long a time in-
tervened there?
Mr. — . Kerensky, you will remember, was minister of justice
in the first cabinet. Kerensky came into power as premier and
minister of war about the 15th of May.
Senator Steeling. Did you meet Col. Lebedeff while you were
there?
Mr. . I met him several times in Petrograd.
Senator Steeling. How are you impressed with him ?
Mr. . He is an extremely live fellow, very well acquainted,
and a very intelligent man.
Senator Steeling. He tried to organize a force, did he not ?
Mr. . He organized an army and would have accomplished
things with that army. If he had had a little more support after the
capture of Kazan he would have been able to reach Moscow. Have
you read his book?
Senator Nelson. If our Archangel forces could have gotten down
there at that time and given them a little help they would have ex- -
tinguished the Bolshevik government. He makes that plain in his
Mr. - — . That seems to have been the original plan, to establish
a force at Archangel to connect up with the force at Omsk by way
of Perm.
364 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. Will you please tell us what they had done with
the banks when you were there ?
Mr. . The banks had been entirely nationalized before I
left. I lived through that and all the inconvenience of it. Of course
I was very intimately acquainted with the various banks there, and
I need only say, in view of what I have heard said here — ^I do not
have to repeat — ^that this sudden action was taken by the Bolshevik
government because they were suspicious of the activities of these
banks. They were under the impression, they claimed, that a number
of these banks were financing Korniloff, Kaladines, and their forces
in the southern part of Russia, and in order to cut off that financial
support which they thought was going south, they took all of a sud-
den, much sooner than thej' expected to do, all the banks in charge.
Senator Nelson. The gold reserves of the coimtry were kept in the
imperial state bank, were they not ?
Mr. . They had always been kept there ; and, as I said, they
were all removed in the first fifteen days of the war in 1914, to the
various branches of the state bank on the Volga, and that was how
it happened that Lebedeff was able to get so much money in Kazan. I
think that is probably a true statement. The banks were taken over,
and chaos reigned there for about 10 or 15 days, and then they
worked out an organization of this sort. All the private banks were
put into categories of the state bank, first, second, and third catego-
ries, and you could draw money from these banks only to be used in
payment for labor. Private citizens having credit there could draw
150 rubles per week, when I left. In order to get that 150 rubles per
week it would take you three clays of that week to get the necessary
vises and permissions in the various parts of the town. I was not
put to that inconvenience because at the same time I had a large
account in the National City Bank, and special arrangements were
made bj' the Bolshevik government which enabled Americans to
draw up to 500 rubles at one time from their account in the National
City Bank, and as I had a large balance there, I simply had to send
the boy down every noon and get 500 rubles and hold a reserve in ray
office, as I was afraid we might get short of money, and I left a
great many signed checks when T left, to enable them to go on and
draw in that way ; but the bank closed about a week after I left.
Senator Steeling. In what form was the ruble with which you
were paid. Was it in specie or pppcr?
^Ir. . There was no specie after the outbreak of the war,
and they were using the Kerensky money ; that is, the dies which
were adopted during the Kerensky regime. The denominations were
1,000- ruble bills, 250-ruble bills, and 40 and 20 ruble bills. These
40-ruble pieces and 20-ruble pieces were about the size of four post-
age stamps, made out of the margins of the paper that was formerly
thrown away in making the imperial money.
Senator Sterling. What was the value of the ruble at that time?
Mr. . The value of the ruble when I left varied anywhere
from 10 cents to the ruble. I would say that the ruble had from 8 to
10 cents purchasing power, instead of 50 cents.
Senator Steeling. Then the nominal value is 50 cents?
Mr. . Fifty cents. This money was taken with great re-
luctance when I left, a year ago. Mr. Simmons, of course, knows that
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 365
there was much more opposition later on, but this money was taken
with great reluctance, especially these little 40-i-uble and 20-ruble
pieces. They continued to print the 1-ruble, 3-ruble, and 5-ruble
pieces from the old imperial dies. The 10-ruble note and the 100- ruble
note of the imperial dies were at a premium, and it was getting more
and more difficult to get hold of those pieces of money. They were at
a premium because evidently Germany was buying them up, and I
think a little experience of mine will show you Germany's activity
right there.
When I left the country, you were allowed at that time to take out
500 rubles per person.
Senator Steeling. That is, the Americans were ?
Mr. . The Americans were. Now, to take out 500 rubles per
person, you were supposed to be examined at the frontier. I had my
500 rubles of this money ; none of this Kerensky money, but of
the old imperial dies of the smaller denominations, 10-ruble pieces
and 25-ruble pieces, and to make doubly sure I took the chance of put-
ting under my arm 10,000 rubles of the 500-ruble pieces.
Senator Wolcott. Of the Kerensky money ?
Mr. . No; the imperial, with the face of Peter the Great
watermarked in it — a very beautiful bill — and I got through without
being searched, and I got that money landed in Stockholm. I was
allowed to take, as I said, 500 rubles. I had with me my wife and
sister, which allowed me to take 1,500 rubles altogether. When I ar-
rived in Finland the ruble was worth less than the Finnish mark.
The Finnish mark was worth ll cents. I had an indefinite stay in
Finland before me, and it was costing me 100 marks per day per per-
son, so you can see how far 6,500 rubles would go. Fortunately, I met
an American there who wanted to get his money out of the country,
or I should have had a hard time. As a matter of fact I stayed in
Finland 25 days, negotiating with the authorities, before we got
through, and it cost me 5,000 marks.
When I got to Stockholm with that money I wanted to realize on
it, and there was pointed out to me a little money dealer who was
buying this money, and I went in with my 500-ruble bills and I
realized 26 cents per ruble on them. That aroused my curiosity and
I said, "Why such a price for this money here? " Strange to say, I
realized 26 cents per ruble for the good bills, but a bill which was
slightly worn or a trifle torn I could only get aibout 23 cents for, per
ruble. " Well," they said, " there is a great demand from Germany
for this money to put into use in the occupied territories in Eussia.
The Germans have not been able to get the mark accepted there, and
the old imperial ruble is the only money they can use, and therefore
thev are paying that price for tliis money." You can see that in that
way I benefited innocently from this German manipulation with the
Eussian money.
The banks, as I say, were all organized in this way. This is
merely a little incident that, perhaps, will show you the kind of man-
agers they are. They took the great bank of the Volga, where
I-had a very large balence and where I had my safe deposit box
for the company and myself. That Volga Bank bore to Eussia about
the same relation that the City National bore to the United States.
They put in charge of that bank a fellow who kept the back court of
366 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the bank clean. He was a man that I had met when I went in there.
I could do nothing at that bank except to talk about the condition of
my safe deposit. There was no question of drawing any money there.
I had lost all control of the account, and there was nobody who could
give me any information about the account. My safe deposit was
there. Shortly after assuming control of the banks there was a decree
put out that all the holders of these safe deposits must appear and
open them and let the contents be examined, and that all specie would
be confiscated, and all jiaper money would be taken and put into the
state bank to your credit.
I put off this examination as long as I could, until there came out
a decree that those whose boxes which were not opened by such a
date would be forced open — blown open — so I took the American
consul, who was then Mr. Treadwell, who is now in prison down in
Tashkend, over there to make a formal protest, and see what would
happen, and we met this almost illiterate commisar. who was in charge
of the bank, and Mr. Treadwell protested in the name of his office and
the I'^nited States that they had no right to interfere with the prop-
erty of an American citizen or an American firm. This commisar
said that he was not taking his instructions from the consul of the
United States, and that the instructions he had he would have to
carry out. He opened the box and he took hold of the money. An-
other protest was made then by our consul against the taking of the
property of a foreign citizen. The same answer. The result was that
this money which I liad tliere was taken. I had always carried quite
a good deal of cash in my safe deposit as an emergency fund, not
knowing what might happen at any time, and there happened to be
.57,000 rubles there at that time, which was counted out in spite of the
protest of the consul and my own protest, and a young student who
was there, who was able to write, wrote out a receipt saying that this
was in the state bank. T have never heard anything about those
57,000 rubles since then.
Senator Nelson. Was it paper?
Mr. . It was paper money. I had no specie there. My
own personal effects, which wei-e Russian silver, etc., were at that
time not disturbed. I do not know what their condition is now. All
my personal effects are in Russia still. That shows you the high-
handed way in which they treated the property of other people,
especially Americans.
Senator Nelson. You have never heard what became of them,
since ?
Mr. . No; that is the last I heard of what became of the
57,000 rubles. That was in the city of Petrograd, in connection with
one of the largest private banks of Russia.
Senator Steeling. Did they have any force there to do the busi-
ness of the bank at that time ?
Mr. . No.
Senator Nelson. Were they doing any banking business ?
Mr. . No ; they were not doing any banking business. There
were only three or four there — ^that is, the commissar and his assistant
and a boy or two — and 30 or 40 soldiers standing around all the time
with their bayonets fixed, to take care of any disturbance that might
arise among the people wno came there to have their business done.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 367
Senator Nelson. The soldiers were supposed to do the banking
business ?
Mr. . The soldiers were supposed to do the banking busi-
ness. From the time that they closed the Russian banlts I could
do no business with them, and I simplj^ relied upon the account I
had in the National City Bank, where I could draw up to 500
rubles at a time. Strange to say, our business went on and has been
going on since then, so far as it has been possible.
I have the conviction that all this Bolshevik money will be re-
pudiated as soon as there is a responsible government in Russia.
This money is printed, and has been printed, as I understand, for the
last year without date and without number, and without signature
also, using those dies, and that makes it pretty bad ; so I never expect
a responsible government, if there ever is one in Russia, to redeem
that money.
Senator Nelson. I understand a great deal of it has been printed at
Leipzig, Germany?
Mr. . That money, I think, was printed from the old im-
perial dies, and while I do not know anything about it, I understand
that a great deal of the money has been printed in Germany from the
old dies. There were times when Russia could not get that money
printed, and those dies were kept in Germany when the war broke out.
With reference to the political phases I have not very much to say,
except one fact that I have not heard brought out. When the Bol-
sheviki took control of Petrograd in November, 1917, for sometime
thereafter it was quite impossible to get a call on the telephone unlesp
you spoke German. That was a pretty good evidence of German inr
fluence in the town at the time.
Senator Nelson. Were there many Germans in the town at that
time?
Mr. . There were a good many Germans, ever since the war
started, who had the run of the place. T never was in a position,
and I do not think anybody was in a position, to say that the Germans
were there officially. This I do know, and this fact, I think, is signifi-
cant, that when the Brest-Litovsk treaty was in process of negotiation
there came to Petrograd 160 — so the papers said — German commercial
agents, and the hotel was cleared out, the Russian occupants of this
hotel were ejected, and these 160 Germans lived at that hotel, and a
gala performance was_ given them in the Imperial Opera House.
Those men stayed for atout 15 or 20 days, and as the negotiations pro-
ceeded and were not altogether agreeable, these men found that their
life in Petrograd was not altogether agreeable and, perhaps, not safe,
and so they rather disappeared; but before these particular agents
had left town, they declared that while they had read in books about
anarchy and disorder, they never knew what those terms meant until
they had seen them in operation in Petrograd.
We were shot up practically every night by Red Guards really trying
to keep order. The soldiers had broken loose and begun a systematic
looting of the wine shops and the drinking up of the liquors, and it
took them 20 or 21 days, and each night there was a collision between
the irresponsible soldiers who were doing this looting, and the Red
Guards, who went out to make a pretense of keeping order.
Senator Nelson. There were two elements, then ; there were thesf
looters this rabble, and then there were the Red Guards ?
368 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. . The Red Guards. I have a little higher opinion of the
Red Guards than some people who have spoken about them. They
were, up to the time I left, a rather serious organization. They were
made up largely from inexperienced young fellows from the factories
who had never had any military experience, and they were turned
loose in the town with a rifle on their shoulders, and they tried to keep
order. When the Bolshevik overthrow took place, on the 7th of
November, the three preceding weeks before that, there had been dis-
orders in Petrograd reported in the newspapers. I do not know how
many there were, but I counted in the newspapers 450 cases of robbery,
attempts on life, murders, etc.
Senator Nelson. In the Russian newspapers?
Mr. . In the Russian newspapers, in the three or four weeks
preceding the Bolshevik revolution. That was under the Kerensky
regime; showing how thoroughly demoralized the town had become
under the Kerensky government.
. Now, immediately after the Bolsheviks got control, we looked for
a general massacre and throat-cutting, etc., but nothing of the sort
happened. We had vastly better order in the town for the next three
weeks than we had had for the preceding two months. While they
were under the glow of success, and so on, that continued, but at the
same time there were upward of 400,000 soldiers and sailors in Petro-
grad, and they were quite beyond control, and these small Red Guards
.were quite unable to keep order, and gradually we drifted into chaos.
Before the 1st of January we had gotten into chaos again worse
than before the Bolshevik revolution, which continued up until the
time I left.
I left Petrograd not necessarily because the town was so uncom-
fortable to live in, but it was because the Germans, after the failury
of the Brest-Litovsk treaty — the first one — were advancing and were
within three or four hours of the town. That was the time when the
embassies all left, and I left the next day to go to Finland.
I arrived in Finland, and we found civil war in progress there, and
conditions vastly worse, and in the beautiful town of Helsingfors the
conditions were worse than they were in Petrograd. The reds were
hunting out the whites, and there was a man hunt going on, with ;i
great many encounters in different parts of the town, and shooting
going on constantly. Our party, of which Mr. Simmons was one,
all had diplomatic passports, and therefore we were in a position to
get some consideration from the red authorities.
Senator Nelson. They were in control at that time ?
Mr. . They were in control of southern Finland. There was
a battle line thrown across the whole country from east to west.
Senator Nelson. The whites were in the northern country?
Mr. . Yes, and the reds were in the south. The whites had
control of the largest amount of territory, but the reds had the busi-
ness end of it and the big estates.
When I came in contact with the authorities and was engaged
along the line of trying to get a passport to get through, I went
to the chief of staff of the Red army and I came up against a fine
young man about 36 years old, who spoke English perfectly, and
whose name was August Wesley. That was the way it was spelled in
English.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 369
Senator Nelson. He was Swedish, then?
Mr. -. No, it is a good Finnish name, Oesslei, which comes
out Wesley, if you pronounce it fast. Mr. Wesley had been 12 years
in Seattle as an organizer in the I. W. W. He showed me every
courtesy in the world, and endeavored to make arrangements at
the next town farther west for getting through there. He called
up police headquarters jxnd there found out that there were horses
to be gotten, and a conveyance by way of the Aland Islands to
Stocldiolm.
I went back to my family and made all arrangements, and then
as I got about ready to start, I was called up and told that the Ges--
mans were at the Aland Islands, and I had better not undertake tliat
trip. I telegraphed to my friend at the north, and the man who re-
ceived my telegram said that I was overcautious, and that he would
undertake it ; and he did undertake it, and was captured by the (Tcr-
mans and kept eight months in Germany.
Senator Nelson. He tried to get away by way of the Aland Is-
lands?
Mr. . Yes, sir ; but I went back and began negotiations with
the Minister of War, a gentleman whose name was Sirola; and thi ;
Mr. Sirola had been formerly in Illinois as an organizer of strikes
among the coal miners.
Senator Wolcott. Did you find the real names of these people?
Were those their real names ?
Mr. . Those are their real names, and they are real fellows.
They showed me no discourtesy. They tried to discuss these things,
but I refused to discuss them at all. I simply said to them, " Gentle-
men, you do not want us here eating your food, and perhaps if you
will let us out, we will be able to get some food for you."
Senator Wolcott. They both talked English?
Mr. . Very well, and as the food situation there was catastro-
phic at the time, it was perhaps due to their idea that we could prob-
ably send them food that they were so considerate. Wesley, as I said,
offered me all facilities for getting horses to go on the ice to tlie
Aland Islands. Sirola put at my disposal two cars to go to the north-
western part of the red line, and he allowed us to hold those cars for
fully two weeks.
Another very interesting man in this Government of the Reds was
a man named Tokol, and I speak of him merely to show what hap-
pened subsequently. When the Whites got control and beat back the
Eeds they drove out these leaders from Finland, and there was a
oreat massacre, of course, in connection with that victory. Then our
friends Wesley, Sirola, and Tokol were driven down into Rus^,'"
where they had a chance to see Bolshevism in full operation, and
after wandering about there for four months, they became convinced
that it was not a working program. They drifted then up to Arch-
ano-el and joined forces with our people in Archangel, where Tukoi,
the spokesman and most intelligent of the three — I will not say that
either of those other two was not intelligent— writes a very strong
letter a wonderful letter, to Mr. Nuorteva, the Finnish Red pub-
licity'man in this country — and by some chance that letter got pub-
lished in the New York Evening Post — wherein he showed that the
Bolshevist program under no conditions can work ; that in Russia it
S5723— 19 24
370 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
attracts to itself onlj' the people who have nothing and the criminal
element, and that the only way to work out a socialistic program is
through democratic channels, and asking him to please use his influ-
ence in America to stop this "whole movement. He was the prime
minister of Eed Finland, writing to his friend in this country.
Maj. Humes. Have you that letter in your possession?
Mr. . I have not that in my possession. That letter was pub-
lished in the New Yorli Evening Post of October 22.
Maj. Humes. That would be interesting in connection with this
testimony.
Senator Nelson. How did the writer of this letter spell his name?
Mr. . Tokol.
Senator Nelson. That is a Finnish name.
Mr. . It is a Finnish name.
Senator Wolcott. He is right here in Washington and has been at-
tending our hearings.
Senator Overman. Did he speak English?
Mr. . I did not meet him. I met only the two, the foreign
minister and the chief of staff.
Senator Nelson. How do you spell the foreign minister's name?
Mr. . Sirola.
Senator Nelson. That may be either Polish or Finnish.
Mr. . Sirola, it was pronounced.
Maj. Humes. What do you know about the activities of Col.
Thompson and Raymond Robins, and the distribution of funds by
them?
Mr. . I was very intimately connected with those gentlemen
for some time. I supposed you might ask me this question. As I
told you at the beginning, I was appointed by the allied governments
in charge of publicity work in Russia. My appointment was con-
firmed by the President, but the President, when he confirmed it, said
to make no expenditures without special authorization from him.
We never got this authorization, and no money ever came to us until
]Mr. Thompson arrived. The Ajnbassador, of course, was trying to
get these funds. He thoroughly realized how important it was to get
the press in order in Russia, but succeeded in getting no money.
When this matter was presented to Col. Thompson he became very
much interested, and began to use his influence at Washington,
through the Red Cross, to get f imds.
Senator Wolcott. When did Col. Thompson arrive; as of what
date; about when?
Mr. . I am speaking of the month of August, 1917. He
arrived right after the Root commission, about the time that the
Root commission left. Col. Thompson became very much interested,
and saw how vital this was, the question of straightening out the
Russian mind, and he laid out a program with me to spend $3,000,000
per month for eight months, and we wanted a guarantee of three
millions per month for eight months.
Maj. Humes. Do you mean dollars or rubles?
iSiv. . Dollars. We meant to corner the paper market in
Russia and choke off the Bolshevik press. A great many j)apers
were published at the front that we wanted to suppress, to give us
a chance to establish a good many papers among the soldiers, and
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 371
put on their feet a number of struggling papers that were sound in
doctrine. This work we proposed to do through a committee known
as the Breshkovskaya committee. Madame Breshkovskaya was at
the head of it, and there was working with us Tchaikovski and
other persons of considerable standing. When Col. Thompson did
not succeed in getting any ihoney, he ordered a million dollars of his
own money from Washington sent over. That money, I think, all
went through my hands, and I know it was spent in support of the
Kerensky Government through this Breshkovskaya committee, and
the person in charge of that Breshkovskaya committee, the lead-
ing person, was Tchaikovski for some time, in addition to the repre-
sentatives of the northern government. When that was spent,
we put about 17 papers on their feet and had a very good press there
in Petrograd, but we did not have very much influence with the
press at the front, which was the most vital point. No money came
from America, and, of course a million dollars does not go very far
in supporting 17 newspapers. I do not think that any more money
of Col. Thompson's was spent in that way. I have no reason to
believe that he spent any money in support of the Bolsheviki.
My recollection is that Col. Thompson, at the time the Bolsheviki
overthrew the Kerensky Government, had no interest in them; but
he and Col. Eobins seemed to think, " Here is the only Govern-
ment that is left. For two or three weeks they have kept law and
order, and we have got to work with somebody, and we had better
work with them."
Maj. Humes. The statement is made by Williams that Col. Thomp-
son contributed $1,000,000 to the Bolsheviki.
Mr. . I would like to hear him make that statement under
oath. I have no reason to believe that Col. Thompson ever spent any
money in support of the Bolsheviki.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know anything about whether he did
or not? Have you any facts upon which to base a reasonably re-
liable opinion?
Mr. . I do not think he did, because unless he had some
special channels for getting money over there, he could not have
gotten it over there. My money was marooned. I had $5,000 due
me on the 7th of November. I have never seen that $5,000.
Senator Steeling. Was Col. Thompson there when you came
away?
Mr. . No; Col. Thompson left about three weeks after the
Bolshevik overthrow of the Government. Col. Thompson was — —
Senator Overman. What was he doing there?
Mr. . After the departure of Dr. Billings, who was in
charge of the Red Cross there, he was put in charge as lieutenant
colonel.
Senator Wolcott. When did Mr. Eobins leave?
Mr. . Well, Col. Thompson left, and he turned the Red
Cross over to Col. Eobins. Col. Eobins I do not think left until
June of 1918. He was there when I left, but not in Petrograd. He
was in Moscow when we left.
Senator Sterling. Do you know what his relations were with the
Bolshevik Government ?
372 BOLSHEVIET I'KUi'AUAJN LIA.
Mr. . I think I do. It is all a question of motive. I do not
feel myself qualified to speak about his motives. I think Col. Rob-
ins's idea was, " Here is the only organization, the only thing that has
governmental po^ye^, in Eussia. Let us do what we can to get some-
thing done with them." I do know that he saw a great deal of the
officials at the head of the Bolshevik Government, like Lenine and
Trotsky and Tchitcherin.
Senator Sterling. Did you come in contact with Trotsky and
Lenine ?
Mr. . Xeither one of those at all, except to hear those gentle-
men speak when they had the platform, several months before the
overthrow. Trotslvy was a man who was holding meetings nightly in
a big auditorium near my house, and very frequently, after the over-
throw of the Government by the Bolsheviki when they felt their power
wavering, he was always suggesting the propriety of setting up the
guillotine in the Palace Square. Three times I remember his doing
that ; a piece of work which I never could comprehend, coming from
an intelligent man addressed to the people of Russia, whom he must
have loiown as I knew them.
Senator Nelson. You used a phrase there which should be correct-
ed in the notes. You spoke once of the Bolshevik overthrow. It
should be the Kerensky overthrow.
Mr. — . The Kerensky overthrow ; yes.
Senator Nelson. By the Bolsheviki.
Mr. . Yes; by the Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. That is the way it should be put.
Maj. Humes. Do you know whether the Committee on Public In-
formation spent any money 'I
Mr. . Yes ; Mr. Sisson had the first money to spend on pub-
licity and information that the Government spent over there. I did
not work with Mr. Sisson. I had had a bit of experience in trying
to get something oA-er, a month previous to that, and I had lost all
interest in it. Mr. Sisson went to work by himself and got a great
deal of matter published, like the President speeches and other mat-
ter, and published daily bulletins, and, so far as it was possible to get
them in, daily bulletins were published and transmitted to the daily
press.
My. Sisson, however, found himself soon in opposition to Raymond
Robins and those people and worked by himself and acquired
through mysterious channels those documents which I l.iy chance
read in the original on the 4th day of March. When I read those
documents there Avas not the first shadow of doubt in my mind that
they were original.
Senator Nelson. How?
Mr. . I was sure that thej' were all genuine.
Senator Nelson. Your impression was that they were all genuine?
Mr. . Yes; that was my impression. I am familiar with
the ordinary Russian official documents, as I had been mixed up with
them for IS years previous, and I saw no reason to doubt the genuine-
ness of these documents.
Senator Nelson. What were they ?
Mr. . They were documents that had passed between differ-
ent departments of the Bolshevik Government, especially concerned
with orders given and taken by the Germans to the Bolsheviki. I am
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 373
speaking this strictly in confidence. Some of them concerned put-
ting our American Embassy under watch by the Germans. I had
seen enojigh of Germans about there to know what they were to con-
trol, and directly opposite our embassy there was a window where
a German sat all the time, to see who entered the embassy and who
went out. All these documents concerned German activities and Ger-
man Bolshevik operations.
Senator Nelson. There was cooperation between the Germans and
the Bolshevik men, the leaders ?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Nelson. What was Mr. Sisson doing, gathering up those
documents ?
Mr. . He saw the importance of getting that information
out of Eussia, and it was a very delicate piece of work, getting those
documents out, because if he had been caught with those documents
on him, he would never have gotten out of Russia ; but he got them
out, and I have no doubt of their genuineness, as I was able to read
all of them in Eussia, originally.
Senator Nelson. Then the documents that he got out were genuine?
Mr. . I regard it as one of the most remarkable pieces of
work that has been done in our Secret Service.
Senator Nelson. Did he bring out the originals or copies?
Mr. . He brought out a great many originals, I would not
attempt to say how many.
Maj. Humes. There were 53 originals.
Mr. . I will tell you, I think some of them Avere photographs.
We have either the originals or photographs of the originals, so that
in reading them you have no doubt, when you read a photograph
of an original.
Senator Nelson. And they show conclusively the cooperation be-
tween the Germans and the Bolshevik government?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. Did you know a man by the name of Martens?
Capt. Lester. Eichard Martens?
Mr. . Who is at the head of Martens & Co. in New York?
Capt. Lester. Yes.
Mr. . I knew him. I never knew him in this country ; only
in Eussia. I would like to say, for Mr. Martens, that I have seen his
work, and I would like to say that I think he has got the most re-
markable and useful data relating to economic Eussia that exist —
maps, and so forth.
Senator Overman. He has been over there, has he?
Mr. . Yes; he knows his Eussia, and I think he is Eussian
by birth.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know whether Col. Thompson saw these
documents prior to leaving Eussia ?
Mr. . I do not know. I have no reason to believe that he
ever did.
Senator Nelson. Did he appear to be in conflict with the Bolshevik
Government ?
Mr. • He was very opposed to the Bolshevik government up
to the time of the Kerensky overthrow.
374 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Xelson. Yes; but I mean after that?
Mr. . He was the scaredest man, for a week, that I ever saw.
Senator Xelson. I did not catch that.
Mr. . I say for a \yeek after the Bolshevik overthrow of the
Kerenslry government, he was the scaredest man I ever saw.
Senator Nelson. You mean after the Bolshevik capture of the
government ?
Mr. . Yes.
Senator Steeling. And the overthrow of the Kerensky govern-
ment ?
Mr. . Yes, after the overthrow of the Kerensky govern-
ment. Xo, I am sure he was tremendously depressed by that, be-
cause he really hoped to be able to do something to bolster up Keren-
sky and make a success of the provisional government.
Senator Xelson. You were there in February, 1918, and they got
in control in November. Can you not tell us something about their
activities, how many houses they occupied and how many people they
killed, or something of that kind?
Mr. . Very little, because I was not a newspaper man, and
during that whole winter it was unsafe to be on the street at night.
I attended to my business in the daytime, and I stayed at home nights.
All rny friends who went into the streets, almost without exception,
were robbed — lost their fur coats, or their money, or boots, or some-
thing : they were held up on the streets and robbed ; and it was not
a question of fighting, so that I did not care to go into it.
Senator Xelson. There was a reign of terror and chaos prevail-
ing?
Mr. . When I left, there were 28 of the large houses of
Petrograd that had been sequestered. A constant threat was held
over the house where I lived, that it would be sequestered.
Senator Xelson. They threatened to take that?
Mr. . Yes: and we had it all arranged what to do, if thev
did.
Senator Xelson. Were they confiscating all kinds of property; I
mean, were they taking it over?
]Mr. — • ■. For instance, if you started out with your automobile
in the morning — if j'ou had one — the chances were that you would
come home on foot. I do not think there was a private automobile
in Petrograd left, when I left there ; they had all been taken over.
Senator Xelson. Were there factories there?
Mr. . Are there factories there ?
Senator Xelson. Were there, before the revolution ?
Mr. . Yes; that was quite a factory center. There were at
least 400,000 workmen in Petrograd.
Senator Xelson. Had they taken possession of those, too?
Mr. . I do not know of any factories which were seriously
in operation, excepting those connected with munitions. The Pouti-
loff Works were running when I left.
Senator Sterling. Those were munitions works?
Mr. . Those were very large munitions works; the largest
in Eussia.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 375
Senator Wolcott. Speaking of Col. Thompson, and the week of
fear that he underwent
_ Mr. . I will tell you, that was natural, because he was a very
rich man and he thought that he would be a natural target for loot-
ers. He imagined the looting would begin at once; but there was
not anything of that kind happened.
Senator Wolcott. Is it not a fact that his statements favorable to
the Bolshevik were made to appease them, and to protect himself,
when he was over there ?
Mr. : I do not know. Col. Thompson came home and made
three extraordinary statements, which were not borne out by the
facts. Those statements were these. He had lived there three weeks
under the Bolsheviki. He came back and spoke for them, and said.
" The Bolsheviki will never make a separate peace with Germany."
That fell. That is one statement.
Then he said, " The Bolsheviki will never repudiate the public
debt.',' That fell.
Then he said, " The Bolsheviki are very anxious that a constitu-
tional assembly meet." I saw that constitutional assembly dispersed
with bullets. So that those three great statements Avhich he made in
regard to Russia were not justified by the facts.
Senator Wolcott. Here is a statement which he made. My eye is
attracted by this, in view of the fact that you say that he was in
such mortal fear during such a period, there. He said : " If at any
time I saw danger, it was not in Russia."
Mr. . Yes ; I saw that statement also, and I wondered what
he meant by that.
Senator Overman. How long was that after he gave this money
to the Kerensky government?
Mr. . That money to the Kerensky government had all been
given before that. That was given in the early weeks of September.
Senator Overman. How long did he stay there after the BoIsIk;-
viki came in ?
Mr. — . He stayed there until about the 1st of December.
Senator Overman. May he not afterwards have gotten in touch
with the Bolshevik government and contributed to them?
Mr. ■ . I do not know.
Maj. Humes. Wliat do you know about the Bolsheviki or any other
element turning over to Col. Thompson large amounts of pillaged
property which he now has stored in Stockholm ?
Mr. . I do not think there is anything in that at all. I
think — this is only my personal opinion — that there was a great deal
of American money unwisely spent in Russia, ostensibly Red Cross
money. I think it was not Red Cross money. I had no reason to
believe it was. But Mr. Thompson was at one time interested in
purchasing some private collections from peOple who had become
practically bankrupt, and who were glad to depart with what they
could get for their goods, and left those things. He never inter-
ested himself in it at all, and I know he did make purchases.
Senator Overman. How was Raymond Robins's administration of
the Red Cross funds? , . , ^ ,, . -, . , ,
j^lj. . I do not think Robins had anything to do with the
R^d Cross management. I think that was almost exclusively in the
376 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
hands of Mr. "Wardwell and Mr. Thacher, who, so far as I could
judgGj were honest, conscientious workers.
Ma]. Humes. Was not Wardwell sent to Petrograd to relieve
Eobins, and had not Eobins been in charge up to that time ?
ilr. . When I left, Robins was still in charge.
Maj. Humes. Yes.
Senator Nelson. How did you finally get out of Finland?
Air. . Well, as I say, the prime minister gave us some cars
and we went up to the end of the Red line, about 150 miles northwest
of Helsingfors, and there we camped for 11 or 12 days, negotiating
with the local guards and headquarters in Helsingfors, and we finally
got permission to go through. Meanwhile we had not been able to
get in communication with the Whites on the other side, and we took
our chances as to the reception we would get.
Senator Xelson. You had to go by way of Haparanda?
]Mr. . Yes ; but I mean going through the line we took our
chances. We took our chance on going through the White line, as to
the reception we would get.
Meanwhile we had gotten the Reds to agree, and the red flag and
a wliite flag on the ramparts stopped the firing on the other side.
Senator Nelson. The White guards were friendly to you, were
they not?
Mr. . No more than the Red.
Senator Nelson. No more than the Red?
iSlv. . No more than the Red ; no. We received just as many
( curtesies from the Reds as from the Whites, and probably more.
iNIaj. HrMEs. You had two Americans to deal with in the Red
guard ?
Mr. . Yes. I will tell you what our trouble was, when
we got into the Whites. The officers we met at the lines were very
fine fellows, but as we got into the interior we came in contact with
yeagers. There were from 3,000 to 5,000 Finnish soldiers who had
been in the German army, and who came up there and organized
the White army, and those fellows were very anti-Ally, and we were
not sure we would get by them.
Senator Overman. You say Helsingfors is a very pretty city?
Mv. . Yes ; a beautiful city. I expect to be there in a few
weeks.
Senator Overman. You sav that it has how many people?
Mr. ■ . It is a city of 250,000.
Senator Nelson. It has a university with from 800 to 1,000 stu-
dents.
Senator Overman. Is there anything else, gentlemen?
Senator Nelson. Is there anything else you would like to tell us?
Mr. . No; I think not.
Senator Nelson. Anything bearing on this matter?
Mr. . No: I think not.
Senator Overman. What Avas Col. Thompson doing there? What
was his business ?
]Mr. . He was in charge of the Red Cross there, to which
he had made very heavy contributions.
Senator 0\erman. Was he appointed in this country?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 377
Mr. . He was appointed in this country, and I think he
spent a great deal of his own money in the support of the work after
he got there ; but I know, as a fact — I will state that as a fact because
I saw so much of him that he could not have done anything of that
sort without my knowing it — that he refused absolutely to meet
anybody who came to talk business with him, and he said to me, " I
want no interests whatsoever in Eussia^no business interests in
Russia." That rumor is not foundefl.
Senator Wolcott. You can answer this question or not, as you de-
sire. Were your differences with Col. Thompson on a personal mat-
ter over the merits of Bolshevism ?
Mr. . Just on the merits of Bolshevism.
Senator Overman. You speak Russian, do you?
Mr. . Yes, sir.
Senator Steeling. Did you meet some of the leaders of the first
revolution — Miliukoff, and those men?
Mr. . Yes, sir ; I know those gentlemen well.
Senator Steeling. How did those men impress you?
Mr. . Well, they are men rather above the average in bril-
liancy of intelligence, and, like all Russians, highly educated men,
they do not know the first letter of compromise. They can not get
together and agree on anything. Every man is cocksure. Miliukoff
is one of the most brilliant men that I ever met, but he launched a
proposition which he might just as well have kept to himself, about
taking over Constantinople, etc., which cost him his position in the
cabinet, and lost his influence with the rest of the revolution.
Senator Overman. Were you brought in connection with the Czar
at any time?
Mr. . Only to see him passing through the streets. Business
people did not meet the Czar very often. I have seen him a great
many times, and his family.
Senator Steeling. Did you ever see that monk?
ilr. . Xo ; I never saw him, I am sorry to say.
Senator \elson. In a general way, how did you find doing busi-
ness under the government of the Czar?
Mr. . It was extremely easy. Life there was extremely
comfortable, and I always found the courts absolutely fair. That is
the chief thing. If the courts are fair, it is a good place to do busi-
ness.
Senator Xelsox. The Russian peasants who live in the mirs are a
fine, good-natured people, you think?
Mr. . They are the sof test-natured people in the world, when
they are not wild. It is one of the most comfortable countries to live
in, from my experience, in Europe. Traveling there was most com-
fortable, also.
Senator Nelson. And perfectly safe?
Mr. . Yes. Collecting your bills was as easy as in the
United States.
Senator Nelson. And those peasants were a good, honest set of
people ?
JjIi-. . Very. I could have told stories about them in the
revolution; how they came to the rescue. Fellows who worked for
378 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
me in the past, when they heard we were short of food in Petrograd
would come in the night time and bring us food.
(Thereupon tlie executive session was concluded.)
(A letter and inclosure, ordered by the chairman to be inserted
in the record, are here printed in full, as follows :)
The American Jewish Committee,
SI Union Square West, New York, Fehruary 15, 1919.
Deab Senatob : I have been following the published reports of the investiga-
tion that has been in progress by thfe committee of which you are the chairman,
with relation to Bolshevism. The account of the statements made by Dr.
George S. Simons and the form of some of the questions which purport to have
been addressed to him are of such a character as to satisfy me that, to say
the least, there is a grave misunderstanding as to the attitude of the Jews
toward Bolshevism. I have accordingly, as president of the American Jewish
Committee, prepared a statement covering various of the features of Dr. Simons'?
deposition, which corrects the inaccuracies and, what I regard, the unfairness
of much that he has said. I should appreciate it if you would make this state-
ment, which appeared in to-day's New York Times and of which I inclose a
clipping, a part of the records of the proceedings pending before your committee,
in order that the antidote may go with the poison.
There is such a lack of understanding throughout the country with regard to
the East Side, and such a misconception of what it is and what it stands for, that
it is to be regretted that those who know are never asked to give information,
but that a man like Dr. Simons, who. has apparently been out of the country lor
eleven years, is at once looked upon as an expert concerning it and is heralded
as such throughout the country.
The residents of the Bast Side of New York are, as a whole, a reputable,
honorable, and patriotic a body of people as are to be found in any other part
of the country. They are industrious, law-abiding, and intellectual ; they per-
form the duties of citizenship, they pay their taxes, they participate in elections,
they have ideals, they educate their children, they understand the spirit of
America, and are in every way entitled to fair treatment. There are but few
illiterates among them, no paupers, and no intemperance. They are ambitions
and are unwilling to be exploited. The records of our public libraries show
that they read more books, and better books, than are read in any other part of
the city, and, I may add, in the country. I have attended meetings of pushcart
peddlers, where they listened with interest and understanding to lectures on
philosophy and the higher mathematics. I have visited classes of boys and girls
who worked hard for a livelihood, who were engaged in studying Aristotle's
ethics and politics. During the past few weeks I have been engaged as one of
the arbitrators in conjunction with Prof. William Z. Ripley and Prof. Felix
Frankfurter in adjusting the clothing workers' strike, which involved fifty-five
thousand East Siders, and I can say to you that America can feel proud of
having among its citizens men of the capacity and character of those who were
the leaders of the workers and the manufacturers who were concerned in this
economic conflict.
It has become fashionable for newspaper men who desire copy to treat the
East Side as a bugaboo. By this time the average citizen of other Stai;es
imagines that the East Side is an inferno and the dwelling place wherein evils
of every kind lurk. Consequently, for a stage setting and for dramatic effect,
Bolshevism, with gnashing teeth and scraggly beard and dripping dagger, is
pictured as stalking through the noisesome alleys in the imaginary East Side.
The actual picture of the East Side, which would confront a visitor who pro-
ceeds with open eyes and open mind, would lead him to wonder how it is pos-
sible in this day and generation, to permit prejudice and ignorance to malign an
entire community which possesses qualities which will eventually be recog-
nized as constituting one of the most valuable assets in American life. There
are to-day prominent in every walk of business, in every profession, in every
industry, the products of the East Side, and a sense of sadness possesses me
when I consider the injustice which has been inflicted for so long, and which
seems never to end. upon these people.
I have studied the East Side for 2.5 years. During that period I have been
a director of the Educational Alliance, of which the late Isidore Strauss, who
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 379
met death heroically on the Titantio, was the president. I have been privileged
to address many meetings in that section of the city and to participate in
dozens of activities. I read the Yiddish newspapers and am constantly called
into consultation and , conference with respect to every imaginable movement
that can concern the public which affects the East Side, and I can therefore
speak with authority when I say that there never has been a baser slander
uttered than to charge by innuendo that the Jews of the East Side are Bol-
shevists.
I speak thus feelingly, because I believe that nothing can be more injurious
to the welfare of our country than to create artificial divisions between the
different portions of our population, than to disseminate false opinions, and to
engender hatred and misunderstandings. We are all of us talking too much
about differences of nationality and of race. We are accentuating the varia-
tions which will always exist where there are human beings. Would it not
be better if a real effort were made for mutual understanding to the end
that we may constitute a unified people? I am inclosing a report of a meeting
in November last .at Madison Square Garden, in which I had the honor to par-
ticipate, which represents what to my mind is the ideal attitude for those who
are concerned in the future of this country to adopt.
Very truly, yours,-
LotFis Maeshall,
President American Jewish Gommiitee.
Hon. Lee S. Overman,
Senate Chamber, Washington, D. C.
[The New York Times, Saturday, Feb. 15, 1919.]
SAYS MASS OP JEWS OPPOSE B0I.SHEVIKI LOUIS MARSHALI,, HEAD OF AMERICAN
.TEWISH COMMITTEE, REPLIES TO DR. SIMONS — EAST SIDE NOT A HOTBED — STATE-
MENT CALLS TESTIMONY TO THE CONTRARY BEFORE SENATE COMMITTEE
" BIDICULOTJS."
Louis Marshall, president of the America u .Jewish Committee, has given out
a statement taking issue with the testimony of Dr. George S. Simons last
Thursday before the subcommittee on the Judicary of the Senate, which is
investigating Bolshevism. Dr. Simons testified regarding the activity of Jews
in the Bolshevist movement in Russia, and said that the present chaotic con-
ditions there are due in large part to the activities of Yiddish agitators from
the Bast Side of New York City, who went to Russia immediately following
the overthrow of the Czar. Mr. Marshall's statement reads :
" I do not know Dr. Simons, who has made a sensational statement affecting
the Jews before the Overman committee, but the fact that he seems to love the
Russia of 1907 the period when Czarism was at its height, would indicate that
his association' with the Jews has been but limited. He is entirely correct in
one statement that the so-called Bolshevist Jews of Russia are apostles. They
are more than that. Like all Bolshevik!, they bitterly hate all religion, and all
that is comprehended in the abhorred word bourgeoisie.
" The statements made by Dr. Simons, in other respects, are inaccurate, un-
reliable and unfair. The Jews of Russia, as a mass, are the opponents of
Bolshevism both because they belong to the bourgeoisie and because they
ierisht^ir religion. The Bundists are an organization of Jewish working-
men, whom the Bolshevikl are seeking to exterminate.
JEWS IN OTHER PARTIES.
"ThP Tews are also largely represented in the Social Democratic and the
n +. .-^,^01 ^pmocra tic Parties, who are the sworn foes of Bolshevism.
S?i''^''^*fTvnT who became the premier of Russia at the outbreak of the
When Prince Lvof^^ YoiT was here recently, he stated to me that in his opinion
revolution in March lJ17^^as anti-Bolshevist, that there are some men,
95 per cent of ^^e .lews of Russia ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ prominent mem-
b^'fol'thf pSvlld pai^' and whose sins were seized upon by the anti-
Semites for their own illegitimate purposes
380 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
" He told me that shortly before he came to this couutrv he had been for
time imprisoned liy the Bolshevlkl, and while incarcerated he wns visited In- nl
Pohakoff, A\ho held an office of some importance under the Bolsheviki ' The
prince had known him for simie time, and expressed his surprise that he should
have affiliated himself with that' party, 'for,' he said, 'you know that, b'eins i
Jew, whatever you do will, as usual, be charged against the .Jews as a whole'
To this PoliakofC replied : 'Although I was born a .Tew I have no interest what-
ever in the .Tews or in any other religious body. I am an internationalist, and
I am not in any way concerned with what becomes of the .Tews.'
" At about the same time there had been an outbreak, which resulted in the
loss of many .Tewish lives, and a committee called on Trotsky to urge upon
him the necessity of taking steps for the protecting of their lives. He very
coolly answered that he was not interested in the .Tews or in whnt might
happen to them, and that he did not regard himself as a .Tew in any sense.
CAI.I.S DEDUCTIOXS ILLOGICAL.
" The fact that Dr. Simons may be able to prepare a list of Jews who iire
Bolsheviki means nothing. I could go to Ossining to-morrow and preiiare from
the records there a list of criminals who may happen to be of English, French,
Italian, or Slavonik parentage, or who may belong to the Episcopalian, Metho-
dist, Baptist, or Catholic Churches and seek to deduce from such lists con-
clusions derogatory of the nationality or of the church to which they belong
with as much reason as Dr. Simons has to deduce from his list the conclusion
which he is apparently seeking to inculcate. In fact, Lenine, who heads the
list, is not a Jew, and Martoff, who appears upon it, is strongly opposed to
Bolshevism.
" He says that Jews from the East Side went to Russia immediately after
the revolution and are now active Bolsheviki. It is well known that when
the news of the revolution came, there were qviite a number of Russians, both
.Tews and non-Jews who returned to their native land. Some of them placed
themselves at the disposal of Milukov and Kerensky. Others doubtless joiaed
the Bolsheviki. Their return was encouraged by the Russian Government,
which supplied them with the means of transportation. The suggestion that
any financial or other assistance came from the T>-ist Side is a ridiculous
fabrication.
" There is an intimation that there are .Jewish Bolshevists in this cnuntr.v,
The term ' Bolshevist,' as now used, means anything or everything to which
the speaker may for the moment be opposed. I deny that there is ou the
East Side any considerable number of those who are opposed to government, or
who adhere to or sympathize with the anarchistic conceptions of Lenine and
Trotsky. In fact, several of the leading Socialists who knew Trotsky when
he was in this country looked upon him as a lunatic, and are unable to conceive
how it was possible for a man of his character and mental qualities to attain
the station that he now occupies. They deride him to-day as they did when
he was a Bronx penny-a-liner.
JEWS LOVE LAW AND ORDEB.
"Everything that real Bolshevism stands for is to the Jew detestable. His
traditions wed him to law and order, make of him a legalist. The Bolshevists
are the enemies of law and order. The Jew makes the very center of his life
and of his existence the home and the family. The Bolshevists decry marriage
and contemn morality. The Jew is .iustly noted for being thrifty and economi-
cal, and with recognizing as necessary the institution of property. The Bolshe-
vist is seeking the destructicn of the very concept of property. The great
mass of the Jews are faithful \n their ancient religion and iire ever ready i»
help their brethren in distress. The club of the Bolshevist knows no brother and
he despises religion. ' t ^ ti -r
"The innuendo is alsn thrown out that the Jews are not patriotic. Le. then
record during this war speak for them. They constitute but 3 per cent of the
population of this country, yet more than 5 per cent of their number entered
our .Army and Xavy, and a larger pro]iortion of the number as vohuite-n's. 1
expect shortly to supply an authentic list of all the men who served under
the colors, so as to be able to present to our maligners irrefragable iirool that
the .Tews have furnished in proportion to their numbers a larger quota to our
military and naval forces than any other part of our population.
:bolshevik propaganda. 381
"Let me also refer to the casualty lists to establish the fact that the Jews
of this country not only served, but that they were brave and heroic, and were
prepared to make the suijreme sacrifice for America because they love it. Let
me also refer to the list of citations for exceptional heroism, to the men who
fought in the Argonne Forest, to those- who constituted a part of the lost bat-
talion, and who participated in every movement of our troops. You will find
among them E^st Side Jews in large numbers.
■ " It is difficult to understand the motive behind this attempt to arouse un-
worthy passions. Attack Bolshevism as much as you please, and the Jews of
America are with you. But ■\\-hat justification is there for charging the Jews
with Bolshevism, when in reality there is a smaller percentage of thcni wlw
can truthfully be so denominated tlian there is in any other section of the
American people? I might illustrate this point by referring to the recently
published list of I. W. W.'s who are awaiting deportation, the vast majority of
whom are non-Jews."
(A statement in writing submitted by Mr. Simon Wolf, of Wash-
ington, D. C, is, by order of the chairman, here printed in the
record, as follows:)
Statement of Mk. Simon Wolf.
As chairman of the board of delegates on civil rights of the Union of Amer-
ican Hebrew Congregations, and as resident member of the Independent Order
of B'nai B'rith, a national and international organization, I beg leave to briefly
state that I am in hearty accord with the statement submitted and filed (and
made part of your record) by the Hon. Louis Marshall, of New York City.
I am not at all surprised that the accusations against a certain portion of
the human family entitled the Jewish is always made the scapegoat of every
movement. It has been so from time immemorial. I am also reminded of the
Irishman who beat the Jew and when asked why he did so said that he had
killed Christ. When the answer came that that had been done thousands of
years ago, the Irishman replied that he had never heard of it until that day.
And. again, when a Jew was walking along the street, a stone was thrown
from the opposite side. Naturally the .lew dodged and the stone went crashing
into the plate glass window. The owner sued the Jew for damages and the judge
decided that the Jew must pay, for had he not dodged the window would not
have been broken. A great judge — but the misfortune is that the Jew through-
out all history has been dodging those kind of missiles and subjected to such
unjust decisions.
In my book entitled " The American Jew as Soldier, Patriot, and Citizen," I
show conclusively that from the founding of the Republic up to the present
day the Jewish contingent of our American citizenship have done more than
■their proportionate share — not more than their duty, but more than their
numerical strength would warrant. The same is equally true in the great
war thiit has so far terminated. Again we have shown a greater proportion.
But, as I have said time and again, no class of citizens show more readiness
to live and to die for our great institutions and to uphold our flag than the
Jew, for here is our promised land, and from here goes forth the trumpet call
for democracy and liberty. „ ,,
Senator Vance, of North Carolina, in his famous lecture on The Scattered
Nation " truthfuilv stated that the Jews are the gulf stream of history.
Do not forget, gentlemen, that whatever the .Tew is, the Christian, being in
the majority and in control, has made him. If he equals the best, it is because
the opportunity to be so has not been denied him. If he stands on an equality
with the worst no one is to blame except his surroundings, and whatever he
does whether o-ood or bad, is not done as a Jew but as a human being, and
after all the Christian world has not a mortgage on the good or the bad. If
crimes and outrages have been committed in Bussia they are not due to the
Jews but to oppression and persecution which the Jews, in common with the
other governed of that country, have had to endure. . .
I incorporate herein a naracrrnph sent me hy an eminent Russian gentleman,
an American citizen born in Russia, but whose judgment I highly value:
" T note this morning that Lloyd George admits that the Soviets have accumu-
lated sufficient military strength to require formidable force to conquer them.
I note further that George claims that Wilson positively refuses to participate
382 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
in any armed invasion of Russia, and that the miUtary burden would conse-
quently fall on England and France, and that these two nations lack both
the strength and the will to undertake such a task. Hence, I conclude that the
Russian revolution will boil itself out and through, the same as did the French
Revolution. There will be no foreign invasion or participation. The Russian
people will decide and determine their own destiny.
" How much of the ' reign of terror ' Russia has already gone through is
hard to say. Thanks to a strict censorship, we know nothing authentic of
doings in the interior of Russia. One thing is sure — the Russian people, and
mark, please, that I do not mean the grand ducal families, mostly educated in
France, but the actual Russian peasantry, is not bloodthirsty. No guillotine
has yet been set up or worshiped. There may be a Robespierre, or several
Robespierres, but I am sure there is no Marat. Of course, we have Girondlnes
in plenty. Since there is to be no foreign invasion, Russia has no further need
for a Dante. So that, on the whole, I say that for the present, there is nothing
else to be done or said, except to leave the Russian revolution to boil itself
out."
I also quote the following extract from the Outlook of last week, entitled
" The valor of the east side," which speaks for itself :
"A recent letter home from a staff officer in France glories in the splendid
mettle and loyal Americanism of the men drafted from the motley foreign-born
population of New York's east side. An editorial in the New York Times
recently devoted a column to one of them, Abraham Krotoshinsky (said to have
been a barber), cited by Gen. Pershing for his heroic exploit in aiding in the
rescue of " the lost battalion " in the Argonne Forest.
" The following paragraphs in the above-mentioned letter are of more than
local and private interest :
" ' This division is made up of the puny east siders, who a New York dude
thought could never hold their own with the sturdy sons of the West. We
have got something to be justly proud of in this, the great melting pot of New
York typified and glorified. Our burial lists show the names of the Jew, the
Italian, the Russian, the Polack, the Irishman, the German, fighting for the free
Government which has aided and protected each. They have offered their lives
for their country, and in so doing have become real Americans — ^no matter
where they came from and how they spell their names, as good Americans as
those of us whose ancestors fought in all our wars. (The writer is one of
these. )
" ' War is the great equalizer, the real melting pot. It has welded for us a
great people united by the common bond of sacrifice and devotion, courage and
suffering in a common cause. It is our regeneration, our rebirth, a revolution
such as we have never experienced in all our history. This will not be
realized till after the business has been finished up.' "
And in this connection I wish to state that when the Spanish War broke out
over 600 Jews volunteered from the east side, most of whom had come from
Russia, who had fled from persecution and serving in the Russian Army, and
yet had volunteered to fight for liberty. There is no danger in this country
in the direction of Jewish influence or action, and it gives me great pleasure
to state that the danger to our institutions does not come from those who are
illiterate or from those who come with brain and brawn, but from those vvho
speak seven languages and are patriotic in none. Watch the mouthing, ranting
anarchists and the scheming politicians, who cater to their accursed plotting,
and all danger will be averted. The Jew as a man and a citizen will aid you to
bring about that perfect accord in the affairs of Government without which
the Republic would be a mere " scrap of paper."
Simon Wolf.
(At 6.30 O'clock p. m. the subcommittee adjourned until to-morrow,
Tuesday, February 18, 1919, at 10.30 o'clock a. m.)
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
TUESDAY, FEBKUABY 18, 1919.
United States Senate,
Subcommittee of the Committee on the Jtidiciaey,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., pursuant to adjourn-
ment, in Poom 226, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman
presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman), King, Wolcott, Nelson,
and Sterling.
Senator Overman. The committee will come to order. Maj.
Humes, who is the next witness?
Maj. Humes. The next witness is Mr. Herman Bernstein.
TESTIMONY OF MIt. HERMAN BEENSTEIN.
The witness was sworn by the chairman.
Maj. Humes. Mr. Bernstein, where do you live?
Mr. Bernstein. I live in New York ; 2761 Briggs Avenue.
Maj. Humes. What is your business?
Mr. Bernstein. I am a journalist and correspondent, representing
many American newspapers.
Maj. Humes. In connection with your newspaper work, have you
been in Eussia during the last few years at various times?
Mr. Bernstein. I was in Eussia three times since the Eussian
revolution. I was there in 1917, and then I was there in 1918, and
I have just returned from Siberia, two weeks ago.
Maj. Humes. Mr. Berstein, you are representing the New York
Herald, I believe?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes; the New York Herald, and about 40 other
newspapers affiliated Avith the New York Herald.
Maj. Humes. Will you give to the committee the result of your
observations in Europe or Eussia, on these various trips, of the
operations of the revolutionary government.
Mr. Bernstein. Gentlemen, first of all, permit me to correct a
wrong impression that has been produced with regard to the Jewish
people by the testimony of certain witnesses at these hearings. Dr.
oimons, who lived for a number of years in Eussia, practically
branded Bolshevism in Eussia as a movement of Jewish origin, even
though he endeavored to soften the impression by calling the Bol-
shevist leaders apostate Jews. He made public a list of names of
Jewish Bolshevist leaders. Some of the names in that list are not
Jewish and some are not Bolshevists. He also stated that the great
383
334 BOLSHEVIK. FROPAGANDA.
majority of the Bolsheviki in Eussiii came from the East Side of
Xe^Y York.
Senator Wolcott. I do not think he said exactly that, Mr. Bern-
stein. I do not think lie said the majority of the Bolshevists came
from Xew York.
Mr. BEE^•STEI^^ If I remember correctly, I think he mentioned — -
Senator "Wolcott. He said a great number.
ilr. Bernstein. I think he mentioned a very large number.
Senator Oveemax. He said many. He did not say a majority
of them or an}' considerable number.
Maj. Humes. He referred to one soviet in Mhich
ilr. Bernstein. There were about nine-tenths, I think he said.
Maj. Humes. The officers of one soviet, the majority of whom were
apostate Jews.
Mr. Bernstein. Well, I think that such statements are as unjust as
they are inaccurate. It would, of course, be quite as absurd and un-
just to call Bolshevism a Christian movement because its fitther and
founder. Nicholas Lenine. is a Christian, or because the most active
and most influential Bolshevist leaders, such as Commissar for For-
eign Affairs Tchitcherin, the commander in chief who demoralized
the Russian Army, Ensign Krylenko, Commissars Dubenko, Kollon-
tay, Lunacharsky, Bonch-Bruyevitch. and Maxim Gorky who first
aided the Bolshevist movement, then denounced it, and now supports
it again, are all Christians.
Senator Overman. You mean Christians as distinguished from
Jews?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Overman. You do not mean they acknowledge the Chris-
tian religion, because it has been testified here that the}' are against
that religion.
Mr. Bernstein. That is, so-called Christians. Nor would it be fair
to call the Bolshevist movement in this country a Christian move-
ment because the leading apologists, defenders, and agents of the
Bolsheviki. such as Albert Rhys Williams, John Reed, Raymond
Robins, Col. Thompson, and Louise Bryant are Christians.
Bolshevism is not a question of religion or race. Xor does the East
Side of Xew York deserve the blame for all the wrongs and horrors
committed in Russia under the Bolshevist tyranny.
Senator Xelson. Did not Trotsky come from the East Side?
INIr. Bernstein. Well, Trotsky was two months on the East Side of
Xew York and was very unpopular there.
Senator Xelson. Did he not stay there almost all the time he was in
A.merica ?
]\Ir. Bernstein. Trotsky was two months on the East Side in the
beginning of 1917, just before the outbreak of the revolution, and
returned to Russia.
Senator X'elson. And now he is one of the head men over there?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes. When the autocracy of the Romanoffs was
overthrown, the provisional government threw the doors of Russia
wide open to all political exiles. The provisional government was
(Composed of such conservatives and liberals as Prince Lvoff and Paul
Milikoff. There was only one Socialist in the first cabinet, Alexander
Kerensky, then minister of justice. And from all corners of the earth
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. ,385
all sorts of political exiles hurried to Eussia. Some came from
America, some from England, others from France, Italy, Switzer-
land, and the Scandinavian countries. Among the political exiles
there were many ordinary criminals who suddenly styled themselves
also political exiles, and these hosts of discontented preachers of un-
rest have played an important part in paralyzing Russia.
Bolshevism, as a faction of the Social Democratic Party, was born
about 15 years ago. Several Russians kept it edixe quietly but ener-
getically. Lenine was the founder of the movement. In 1909 a
Bolshevist school was established in Capri, Italy, on funds secured
by Maxim Gorky. That school was organized by the following men:
Lenine, Maxim Gorky, Lunacharsky, Alexinsky, Bogdanov, and
Milhallov. .None of these are Jews. The Bolsheviki had representa-
tives in the Russian Duma under the Czar's regime, and their leader
was Malinovsky, an intimate friend of Lenine's Shortly after the
outbreak "of the war it was established that while being a member of
the executive committee of the Bolsheviki Malinovsky was also an
agent provacateur in the pay of the Tsar's government. When this
was revealed, Lenine tried to defend and whitewash him. During the
war Malinovsky was in Germany conducting Bolshevist propaganda
for the German Government among the Russian prisoners of war.
The Bolshevism of Lenine, Trotsky, and Tchitcherin is the natural
offspring of the monarchistic Bolshevism of Nicholas II and Wil-
helm II. Reactionary Bolshevism breeds anarchistic Bolshevism.
The Prussian militaristic government of the Kaiser helped to create
the Bolshevist movement that has now transformed Russia into a
huge graveyard, into a tyranny over the people by a small but daring
set of fanatics and unscrupulous charlatans.
It is true there are a number of Jews among the leaders of the
Bolsheviki in Russia. They disclaim their Judaism. They say they
are neither Jews nor Russians, but internationalists. Besides, it
should be remembered that despite the educational restrictions the
Jews had a proportionately larger percentage of intellectuals than
the Russians ; that the despotism of the autocracy was directed chiefly
against the Jews; that all governmental departments wei'e closed to
the Jews, no matter how capable they were. The government of the
Tsar preferred to employ Germans in the various departments, so
that Russia was Prussianized long before the outbreak of the war.
While the Bolshevist movement is directed also against the intel-
lectuals, the Bolsheviki could not help choosing a number of Jews
among the leaders. But the great mass of the Jewish people in
Rnsfiia is strongly opposed to the Bolsheviki, for there is no element
of the Russian population that has been hit harder by Bolshevism
than the Jews. One of the worst Jewish pogroms was made by
the Bolsheviki. The entire Jewish population of the town of
Glukhov was massacred by the Red Guards last year.
Under such circumstances it is both absurd and unjust to charge
the Jewish people with the responsibility for the Bolshevist move-
ment.
■ Senator Nelson. What is it composed of? Russians?
Mr. Beensteix. This social revolutionary- party is the party of
Kerensky and the saner elements in Russia who want a democratic
Russia.
35723—10 •2-
386 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. That was before the Bolsheviki came in?
Mr. Bernstein. No ; while the Bolsheviki were in power.
Senator Nelson. I thought it was under the Kerensky adminis-
tration.
Mr. Bernstein. No ; I say the socialist revolutionary party is the
party
Senator Nelson. Who wanted this revolution?
Mr. Bernstein. No ; this was in April, 1918 ; this was six months
after Lenine and Trotzky had already come into power.
Senator Nelson. They came in in November, 1917 ?
Mr. Bernstein. They came in in November, 1917.
Senator Wolcott. Is the socialist revolutionary party in Eussia a
typical socialist party, or would it be more properly described in this
country as a party advocating a democracy or a people's government?
Mr. Bernstein. The socialist revolutionary party is the party
that is advocating a democratic form of government for Eussia—
a democratic representative form of government.
Senator Nelson. The term " social " in that party does not mean
necessarily socialism, as we understand it in its various forms in this
country ?
Mr. Bernstein. It is socialism, but it is the saner form of social-
ism. They believe the doctrine of socialism can not be introduced
in Russia for many, many years to come.
Senator Nelson. Is not this the distinction that we make in this
country, that they believe in what you call state socialism — we have
the term that we use, and Bismarck was an advocate of it, " state
socialism '' — in other words, have the state carry on as many govern-
mental activities as possible, instead of private parties.
Mr. Bernstein. That is it, exactly.
Senator Nelson. And they are distinguished from these other
radical socialists who believe in upheavals and the seizure by violence
of the property of what they call the capitalists, and taking it in
that way and operating it, in that they believe in having it done by
legislative and peaceful means?
Mr. Bernstein. Exactly.
Senator Nelson. Is not that the distinction?
Mr. Bernstein. This socialist revolutionary party has been advo-
cating all along a constituent assembly.
Senator 0^'ERMAN. A representative assemblj'?
Mr. Bernstein. A representative, national, constituent assembly;
and the Bolsheviki overthrew Kerensky on the ground that they
said they also advocated a constituent assembly, and that Kerensky
was postponing it too long. But the moment the constituent assem-
bly was called they dispersed it because that constituent assembly
happened to be against the Bolsheviki, two-thirds of it.
Senator Wolcott. The difference seems to have been, then, in its
practical manifestations, that Kerensky advocated a constituent as-
sembly that was representative of the people, whereas the Bolsheviki
wanted a constituent assembly that was representative of them.
Mr. Bernstein. That is it exactly ; that is very true. That is a
very important point.
Senator Overman. Proceed.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 387
Mr. Bernstein. I am glad that our Senate has at last started an
investigation into this movement whose purpose is to dynamite the
world. I have called attention to its dangers in 1917 and through-
out 1918. I have seen it at close range. I have visited Russia three
times since the revolution. I was there when Prince Lvoff and
Kerensky were the premiers; I have seen Russia under Lenine and
Trotsky in 1918; and I have just returned from Siberia, which was
liberated from Bolshevik rule by the brave Czecho-Slovaks.
I have no fear of telling the truth about Russia. I have published
the facts in the columns of the New York Herald, the Washington
Post, and other important newspapers in various parts of this coun-
try. For many years before the revolution I described in the New
Yor)?: Times and Sun the cruelties of the Russian autocracy, but at
the same time I familiarized American readers with the better side
of Russia, with Russian genius, with Russian literature, and Russian
art. I was not afraid to tell the truth about the tyranny of the Tsar,
apd I am not afraid to tell the truth about the tyranny of Lenine and
Trotsky. Those who believe in democracy, in social justice, in " gov-
ernment of the people, by the peop'le, for the people," in freedom of
the press, in freedom of speech, in the rule of the majority, de-
nounced the tyranny of the Tsar, and now denounce the tyranny of
the Bolsheviki. For they have no democracy, .no social justice, no
government of the people, no freedom of press, no freedom of
speech — they hare a dictatorship over the people including the
proletariat.
I believe that the only way of disarming Bolshevism is to tell the
truth about what it is doing. The Bolsheviki know this too, and that
is why they havg strangled the free press in Russia, and allow no
news to leave Russia.
There are four types of people who have seen Russia under Bol-
shevist rule and who nevertheless praise it, advocating its cause,
seeking to spread it in this country, and but a short while ago urged
the recognition of the Bolsheviki by our Government under the dis-
guise of Soviets. These are the Bolshevik emissaries, propagandists,
and agents who are paid by the Bolsheviki.
Senator Overman. You mean these agents in this country are paid
by the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Bernstein. I mean some of them have been employed by them
in Russia.
Senator Overman. You do not know whether any money has been
sent to this country or not?
Mr. Bernstein. I do not know about money being sent to this
country.
Senator Nelson. You believe they have sent agents to this
country ?
. Mr. "Bernstein. Yes.
Second, parlor socialists, reformers, and faddists of all kinds who
do not know Russia, who could not speak to the Russian people, who
could not read the Russian newspapers, and who get their informa-
tion from the Bolshevik leaders just as ambassadors in bygone days
received their information about the Tsar's government from the
Tsar and his bureaucrats.
388 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Third, the Bolsheviki — or ^TOuld-be Bolsheviki — the extremists of
all kinds, wherever they are.
Fourth, those ^Tho were pro-German and who concealed their
pro-German leanings mider the cloak of Bolshevism, for it must
not be forgotten that Russian Bolshevism was nourished in this war
by Prussian militarism.
Senator Nelson. Let me see if I imderstand you. You believe that
Bolshevism in Russia was launched and nourished and put forth by
Germany ?
Mr. Bernstein. By Germany. The fact that the Bolsheviki
handed Russia over to the Prussian militarists at Brest -Litovsk can
not be denied. Lenine, who arrived in Petrograd from Switzer-
land— not from the East Side of Xew York — by way of Germany
one month after the revolution, with a trainload of his followers,
commenced to dynamite Russia by his false promises and spurious
theories, demoralizing the Russian Army and the working people.
It was this destructive work that culminated in the betrayal at
Brest-Litovsk.
Those who are inclined to praise the Bolsheviki on the ground
that they brought about a revolution in Germany do not. face the
facts squarely. The German revolution came not because of the
Bolsheviki but in spite of them. In fact, they retarded the German
revolution.
Senator Wolcott. You say the Bolsheviki retarded the German
revolution ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. How so?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, the socialist elements in Germany saw the
horrible example of the destruction of Russia by the so-called
socialists, and that, of course, has intensified the reactionary move-
ment in Germany and has weakened the more liberal elements.
They always pointed to what revolution means to a country, and
in that way they have retarded the revolutionary movement in
Germany.
Senator Wolcott. Then your idea is that the Bolsheviki of Russia
retarded the German revolution, not deliberatelj', and intentionally,
but in an indirect waj^?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. By showing to Germany by horrible example
what the thing is in action?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. And creating a revulsion against it in Ger-
many ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
To summarize what the Bolsheviki have achieved as destroyers of
Russia is to recount the tragedy of the Russian people, who are now
suffering untold agonies under the new slavery that has been im-
posed upon them with the aid of Prussian bayonets and machine
guns. They demoralized the Russian Armv', they demobilized it.
they unchained the mob spirit, they incited civil war, they signed
the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty which dismembered Russia, they
paralyzed the industries, they increased the hosts of unemployed,
they intensified starvation and suffering, they encouraged looting.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 389
murder, and teri'or, they strangled the press, they abolished courts
of justice, they dispersed the constituent assembly, the representatives
of the people, they murdered leading members of the constituent
assembly, they shot down working people who made a demonstra-
tion against the closing of the constituent assembly, they did ex-
actly what the Tsar did on that terrible bloody Sunday in 1905, and
then they established a dictatorship over the people of Russia, sup-
ported by well-paid red guards, and they hounded the champions of
Russian liberty, branding them as enemies of the people.
While professing socialism they intensified reactiopi everywhere by
their horrible example, they brutalized the Riissian masses, they pro-
faned the ideals and symbols of liberty, and they discredited the idea
of representative government, and retarded all sane movements for
the betterment of mankind. They saved the imperialistic govern-
ment of Germany in October, 1917, just when Austria was ready to
break away from Germany. The Bolsheviki overthrew the Keren-
sky government with the aid of German officers and prisoners of war.
They enabled Germany to remove millions of her troops to the west-
ern front, transforming Russia into a German colony. In the mean-
time they wrecked Russia, they conducted a systematic campaign
against the allies and the friends of Russia, particularly against the
President of the United States, who on all occasions manifested the
deepest sympathy for the Russian people, they attacked England,
France, and the United States, they published secret treaties found
in the Foreign Office, but shielded the central powers — particularly
the Kaiser.
They did whatever the Prussian militarists ordered them to do,
and when the German ambassador. Count von Mirbach, was assassi-
nated by Russian patriots who could not endure the new yoke of
Kaiserism imposed upon Russia through the Bolsheviki, the wretched
tools of the Kaiser put to death a large number of Russian revolution-
ists. But when Shingaryov and Kokoshkin were murdered in a
hospital during their sleep by Red Guards and sailors, Lenine did not
punish the murderers, even though all Russia knew who they were.
For Shingaryov and Kokoshkin were not German officials, they were
only great Russian patriots and reformers who devoted their lives to
the betterment of the condition of the Russian people — and they were
opposed to the Bolsheviki.
The Bolsheviki pillaged and looted and robbed the Russian people
of the conquests of their revolution, of their liberty. They were
corrupt, they were merciless and cynical in their grafting. There
was nothing that one could not get by bribing a commissar, begin-
ning with a passport and ending with a battleship.
On August 14, 1917, 1 cabled an interview with Kerensky in which
he made the following plea at the time the Bolshevist wave was
ebbing :
I wish the great American democracy, especially at this moment, would come
to our assistance energetically, for only in the hour of need we can best tept
our friends. A deep, strong source of moral power is insufficient just now. It
is necessary to add 'material support.
On my return from Russia, in September, 1917, I wrote the fol-
lowing lines in my note book concerning the Bolsheviki :
Those who feared or hated the new freedom in Russia did not remain idle.
There were three elements that sought its destruction. The agents of the
390 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGA^TDA.
secret police department and tlie gendarmerie of tlie old regime, together with
leaders of the Black Hundred, painting themselves red, posing as revolution-
ists, spread disorder, race hatred, and provocation against the new revolution-
ary government.
Senator Wolcott. Just to get it in the record, will you tell us what
is meant by the phrase '" Black Hundred "?
Mr. Been'stein. The Black Hundred was the reactionary organ-
ization in Eussia which had for its program the spreading of Jewish
massacres.
Senator Xelson. "Was it not the leavings of the old nihilists?
^Ir. Bekxsteix. Xo: I think that Avas an entirely different move-
ment. That was a movement supported by the reactionary elements
under the Tsar, and it was the purpose of «that organization to create
race hatred and to set one oppressed nationality against another.
Senator Xelsox. You think this was a movement in favor of the
Tsar's government ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Nelson. I see.
Mr. Bernstein. I say this was one of the elements that was nat-
urally opposed to the revolution.
Then came the Bolsheviki — radical social democrats, irresponsible
demagogues, apostles of dissension, of permanent revolution, and
unrest — who boldly attempted to overthrow the new freedom. The
third element, Avhich was responsible for the activities of the others
in a large measure, is the German military clique which conspired
against new Russia and attempted to violate her freedom.
All these elements worked in the same direction. They cun-
ningly circulated among the ignorant Russian masses incendiary
propaganda and appeals to demand all radical reforms immediately,
to divide the land immediately, to disregard authority, to attack the
capitalists, to shout for immediate peace, to distrust the new revo-
lutionary leaders of the ^Deople. The vilest slanders against revo-
lutionary heroes were spread throughout the land, in the army and
the navy, in large cities and little villages. The seeds of discord
:=;own diabolically soon commenced to bring forth fruits of demorali-
zation. Anarchy, chaos, general suspicion, and A'iolence broke into
ithe festivities of Russia's young liberty.
I have seen Russia in convulsions, torn by partisan conflicts, quak-
ing feverishly from amateurish experiments of every kind, from
quack remedies made in Germany and applied by impractical dream-
ers of internationalism, by charlatans, by escaped criminal convicts
posing as revolutionists, by agents provocateurs. The most fantastic
falsehoods were injected into the unthinking gray masses; dangerous
slogans Avere circulated, inciting anarchy.
I have seen the Bolsheviki, the Leninites, in action. Their destruc-
tive propaganda, which was carried on by ii-responsible theorists,
hand in hand with escaped murderers, and German provocateurs;
their attempts to reap the fruits of their dastardly work during the
first months of the revolution ; their efforts to impose the dictatorship
of the mailed list upon the majority of the Russian people.
I have seen heroes and traitors, saints, martyrs, and cowards, all
passing with kaleidoscopic rapidity upon the historic screen of the
Russian revolution. I haA^e seen people who gaA^e their all — then'
energies, their dreams, their lives — to save Russia, and I have seen
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 391
the great mass of the people who do not know, because they were
never permitted to know before, what real love of country means.
Having been kept in darkness and oppression the Russian people
were dazed by the great flood of the sudden light of liberty. They,
who suffered under the reign of the knout and the bayonet, suddenly
set free, mistook license for liberty.
I went to Russia again in, February, 1918. Upon my return from
Bolshevik-ridden Russia, in May, 1918, I wrote the following notes
ill my summary of the Russian situation :
After the betrayal at Brest-Litovsk, the official organs of the Soldiers' and
Workmen's Council boasted with cynical bravado and ■clumsily defended the
action of the Lenine government, endeavoring to prove to the masses that the
peace procured by their delegates at Brest-Litovsk gave Russia a breathing
spell during which the proletariat could gather new strength to continue the
social revolution throughout the world.
While the government was hurrying away from Petrograd the lines of
human beings waiting for food kept growing longer and longer ; the people
, seeking permits to leave the city kept increasing rapidly ; confusion and panic
were spreading as the rvimors and legends became wilder from hour to hour.
But when the government had moved away, when it was announced that
the commissars had actually arrived in Moscow, Petrograd heaved a sigh
of relief. The people did not know exactly why, but instinctively they felt
relieved. Little by little the looting in the streets decreased. It was as though
the epidemic of Bolshevism, which had broken out first in Petrograd, was sub-
siding in that city first. There appeared a perceptible tendency toward order
at once. Fewer people were shot in the streets. If the cost of living was
higher in Petrograd than anywhere else in the world, the cost of human life
was lower there than anywhere else. The holding up of men and women in
the streets, often even in broad daylight, was a matter of common occurrence.
Such episodes no longer attracted attention. No one interfered, because it
was dangerous to interfere.
Men in uniform would stop prosperous-looking passersby, rob them, and some-
times kill them. There was no police or militia to defend them, and the people
in the streets, pedestrians or izovschiks, hurried on, glancing back furtively to
see whether anyone was following them. Men in uniform arrested people in
their homes, broke into hotels, searching and robbing them. The pretext was
that they were searching for firearms, for counter revolutionists and specula-
tors. Red Guards would often lead their victims away " somewhere." Many
never returned home alive. They were shot on the way. The usual excuse for
such executions was that the prisoners attempted to escape and had to be shot.
The newspapers contained daily records of innocent persons shot on the way
to prison because they attempted to run away. As a rule the victims were
found with bullets in their chests. Some succeeded in bribing their way to
safety by large sums of money divided among the uniformed gunmen.
Senator Sterling. AVho was the Secretary of War at that time, do
you know? That was before Tx'otsky, was it not?
Mr. Bernstein. That was before Trotsky. When Trotsky was
named Secretary of War, at that time Krylenko was Secretary of
War.
Senator Overman. You used the word there, and I notice it has
been used frequently by witnesses, " speculators." What do you
mean bj' that ?
Mr. Bernstein. That is a term used by them for profiteers. They
have a special office
Senator Wolcott. Is that a fair description in (English? A
" profiteer," as we understand the term in this country, is a man who
makes an unreasonable, or what might be called an unsconscionable,
profit out of the Government. Is not a profiteer, or speculator, as
392 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
they think of him, a man who buys and sells for a fair profit ? Would
he not be a speculator ?
Mr. Bernstein. They established an office in Petrograd, a commis-
sariat, on counter-revolution and speculation, and anyone who was
opposed to the Bolsheviki could be classified as either a counter-
revolutionist or a speculator and dealt with according to their pleas-
ure, ilany people were taken there and charged with being either
a counter-revolutionist or speculator, and they were later shot in the
yard at that commissar's office. The head of it was Uritsky, who
was later assassinated.
Senator Xelson. At all events, they did not belong to the prole-
tariat '.
Mr. Bernstein. Xo.
Senator Xelson. They were not supposed to belong to them ?
Mr. Bernstein. Xo. Anyone who was opposed to them was easily
classified by them as either a counter-revolutionist or a speculator.
It did not matter whether he was even a workman.
Senator Sterling. So it was really a reign of terror there, and by
force, murder, and assassination they sought to impose the rule of
the Bolsheviki on the people ?
]Mr. Bernstein. Absolutely.
On the day the Brest-Litovsk peace was being ratified by the
Soldiers and Workmen's Council in Moscow, I interviewed Leon
Trotsky at the Smolny Institute, in Petrograd. He told me that
neither Germany nor the Bolsheviki considered that peace was of
long duration, and added that he had just been appointed head of the
revolutionarj' committee to organize the Red army. He defended
himself and other Bolshevist leaders against the charge that they
were German agents by saying that the allied ambassadors in Russia
had made many mistakes which aided the German Government in
Russia. He made various sensational assertions on that occasion.
One of them was that he knew that there was a secret treaty be-
tween Japan and Germany during the war, and he said that Ger-
many was to get a part of European Russia and Japan was to
get a part of Siberia.
He did not go to Moscow at the time, for he had become extremely
unpopular on account of his attitude at Brest-Litovsk. Trotzky
made way for Lenine, who took the center of the stage. The LeninL
view on separate peace prevailed.
The eyes of the working people are opening. They are beginning
to realize how cruelly they have been deceived. Discontent is brew-
ing everywhere in Russia among the working people.
Here is a characteristic resolution adopted in May, 1918, by the
workmen of the Petrograd arsenal :
The only measure which could lead Russia out of her terrible plight is the
immediate convening of the constituent assembly and the unification of the
democratic forces. Instead of the agreement with Germany there should be
an agreement with all the democratic parties in Russia. We demand the free
import of products and the increase of the bread rations. There shall be no
special privileges for the Red Army or any other organization. All organs
supervising the department of provisions shall be reformed and new elections
held.
This resolution was adopted in Petrograd by 1,500 workmen
against 2. There were hundreds of such resolutions recently adopted
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 393
in various parts of Russia, indicating that the Bolshevist epidemic
is nearing its end.
Russia is paralyzed by bolshevism, but the world must knoAv the
facts. The industries, labor, and commerce are at a standstill; the
schools are practically closed ; the railroads are crippled ; unemploy-
ment is spreading rapidly ; anarchy is struggling to take the place of
anarchistic socialism for a while ; the press is absolutely muzzled ;
the Russian liberals and sane revolutionary leaders are men with-
out a country. Only the presses turning out paper money without
end are working uninterruptedly. Graft and corruption have reached
the depths of depravity.
The small imitators of the French revolutionists, instead of de-
fending their country, as the French did, are wrecking it, and though
they call themselves the advance agents of the social revolution
throughout the world, they strike at the proletariat as well as at the
rest of society, not only for the ]3resent but for generations to come ;
they give new strength to the forces of darkness and reaction in
every land; they undermine the work and achievements of the real
reformers. As a famous Russian economist has aptly described the
effect of bolshevism to me, the Bolsheviki have made Russia their
laboratory and the Russian people their rabbits and guinea pigs upon
which they are experimenting. And they are producing the strongest
antidote to socialism for the whole world
Senator Steeling. Did not Mr. Trotsky tell you in one of your in-
terviews, and did he not tell a number of other persons to whom he
spoke, that the Bolsheviki movement which culminated in a treaty
witli Germany, had for its object ultimately the destruction of the
allied governments, including the United States ?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, that is the program of Bolshevism — to
destroy all other forms of government, to overthrow all other forms
of government, and impose the dictatorship of the proletariat through-
out the world.
Senator Sterling. Did he not state that by Russia withdrawing, it
would weaken the allied forces so that Germany would have greater
strength against the United States and the allied governments?
Mr. Bernstein. No ; he did not make that statement. I mean, the
effect of what they have done is known throughout all the world.
The things they have done helped Germany more than anything else
at any time.
Senator Steeling. Did he denounce the United States as a tyran-
nous form of government?
Mr. Bernstein. No; he praised Germany for her being practical
in dealing in realities, and ridiculed the United States and allies for
dealing in ideals.
Senator Nelson. He must have known, Mr. Bernstein,, that the
effect of their propaganda was to help Germany against the allies.
Mr. Beenstein. Oh, yes; there is not any doubt that they knew
that.
Senator Nelson. They must ha^e known that, and they must have
intended it by their acts.
Mr. Beenstein. Oh, yes; there is not any doubt that it was in-
tended to help the central powers against the allies.
394 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Enslaved under Czarism, accustomed to obeying the master's
voice and knout, the people suddenly heard another master's voice-
that of the Bolsheviki — and they obeyed by force of habit. Thev
followed blindly the new leaders, who were not blind but who
blinded the masses by false doctrines and insincere promises.
If Lenine and Trotsky were sincere when they came to Russia,
if they really imagined Russia ripe for the great experiment of social
revolution, if they actually believed that the illiterate Russian people,
backward in education, commerce, industry, and agriculture, were
ripe enough to ser\'e as the model for their Utopian reform — if
Lenine and Trotsky were sincere and naive enough to believe this
when they came to Russia, they are surely insincere now when they
see the results of their destructive schemes, when they see how their
childish diplomacy has handed Russia over to German imperialism,
how their promises of peace have brought civil war to the Russian
people, intensified by the yoke of Kaiserism. They can not be
sincere and remain at the helm of the despotism which they call
government.
They can not be considered anything else than adventurers or mad-
men, charlatans and gamblers, with Eussia as their stake and world
destruction as their diabolical purpose.
Senator Sterling. Mr. Bernstein, is it not a fact that the Lenine-
Trotsln' regime executed a large number of men who wanted to con-
tinue the fighting with the allies against the central powers?
Mr. Bernstein. They executed a large number of men who disa-
greed with them on any point.
Senator Sterling. Well, were there not a good many Russians
who, after the shameful betrayal of Eussia and the allies by Lenine
and Trotsky, wanted to continue in the contest, having Eussia as a
belligerent with the allies against the central powers, and made such
representations to Lenine and Trotsky; and Lenine and Trotsky
and the Bolsheviks murdered those men?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, they executed a number of people who de-
fended the government of Kerensky, which wanted to continue the
struggle against Germany with the allies ; and then, of course, when
they came to power they began to demobilize the army, and anyone
who showed any resistance was either executed or thrown into prison.
Senator Nelson. They executed many Eussian officers, did they
not?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes: large numbers of Eussian officers were exe-
cuted. Many of them were executed during the first few days of the
revolution when the soldiers were given absolute freedom and they
lost control of themselves; but many of them were shot when the
Bolsheviki came to power, simply laecause they were regarded as
counter revolutionists.
Senator Wolcott. The term " counter revolutionist " as applied
by the Bolsheviki means what?
Mr. Bernstein. Anyone who wants to make a revolution against
them.
Senator Wolcott. Against them?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes. They have been called counter revolutionists
by all democratic Eussia, and they are regarded so to-day.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 395
Senator Wolcott. That is the point I wanted to get at. A man
might have been a violent and sincere advocate of revolution against
the Tsar and the old regime, but if he was not in favor of the Bol-
sheviki they called him a counter revolutionist?
Mr. Bernstein. A counter revolutionist and an enemy of the
people.
Senator Steeling. Even though he is a proletariat?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes; and that applies to all the best men and
women of Russia simplj^ because they are opposed to the Bolsheviki.
Senator Wolcott. Was that when you say these officers were shot
and murdered?
Mr. Bernstein. I mean they simply called them
Senator Wolcott (interposing). Because they claimed they were
counter revolutionists does not mean that they were in favor of the
old Tsaristic regime?
Mr. Bernstein. No; that does not mean that.
Senator Wolcott. It simply means that they were opposed to the
Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Did you find any substantial sentiment any-
where in Russia for the return of the monarchy ; at any rate before
the Lenine-Trotsky saturnalia of crime and murder?
Mr. Beenstein. I think the Tsar and his regime were so thor-
oughly discredited in their last days, especiallj' in the course of the
speeches that were made in the Duma, that there was no sentiment
for it; but there was a great desire on the part of the people in
Russia for the return of peace and order, of any orderly Government,
and the danger was that if the Bolsheviki remained too long in power
the Russian people might welcome Tsarism in preference to Bol-
shevism.
Senator Wolcott. That was the thought underlying the idea, that
the Bolsheviki were themselves counter revolutionists, was it?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. And that by their excesses they might drive the
people back to their old regime.
Mr. Bernstein. Exactly that. The democratic forces in Russia
believed that the Bolsheviki movement was a counter revolutionary
movement and that by its extremities it would drive the people into
the arms of the other extreme.
Senator Sterling. And all of those brave and courageous men and
women who have been fighting against Czarism and autocracy for
many, many years, whom they did not. murder, they drove from
Russia?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes; most of them are either exiled now or in
hiding. Some of them have been executed — those that I have men-
tioned.
Senator Steeling. They could not, by any stretch of the imagina-
tion, be claimed to be reactionaries or supporters of the Tsar's
regiine ?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, they are known by their past lives and by
their work as champions of Russian liberty. They have suffered for
it; they have been imprisoned for it; they worked for it; and now
396 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
all these men and women have been classed by the Bolsheviki as ene-
mies of the Russian people.
Senator Steeling. The money probably came from Germany.
Mr. Bernstein. At first they helped them. When they secured
the printing presses themselves they needed no outside help.
Senator Sterling. Were yon able to learn how much money Ger-
many furnished Lenine when he came into Eussia ?
Mr. Bernstein. No; I do not know that; but at the time I was
in Russia in 1917, when the July riots took place and the first at-
tempt was made by the Bolsheviki to overthrow Kerensky, the
minister of justice at that time made public a certain number of
documents showing that large sums were transmitted to the Bol-
shevik leaders from Germany by way of Stockholm.
Senator Steeling. Did they conceal the fact that Germany was
financing them?
Mr. Bernstein. I do not think the Bolsheviki concealed this.
Their answer is, or has been, that they would have taken money
for their purposes from anybody ; but the fact is that they did
take it from Germany.
Senator Nelson. When did you return from Siberia; last month?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes; on the SOth of January.
Senator Nelson. By way of Vladivostok?
Mr. Bernstein. By way of Vladivostok. I went as far as it was
possible to go — to the Czecho-Slovak front in the Ural Mountains,
at Ekaterinburg, the headquarters of the Czecho-Slovaks.
I traveled as far as the capital of the Ural, Ekaterinburg, the head-
quarters of the Czecho-Slovaks. I have written a report embodying
my observations and impressions concerning the expected readjust-
ment of Siberia with allied aid. Perhaps my conclusions with regard
to the present situation may be of interest in connection with this
investigation.
It seems to me that the time has come when the allies in Siberia
should take an absolutely definite attitude. They should either
leave Eussia entirely and let the Russians fight their own battles
while Russia is working out her own salvation, absolutely without
interference on the part of any foreign power, or the allies should,
first of all, come to a clear understanding and definite agreement
with regard to Russia, and really help her to establish order and or-
ganize a democratic representative government through a national
constituent assembly.
If the allies leave Russia to herself just now, there is hardly any
doubt in the minds of those who know conditions in Russia that the
world will witness in that country a series of unprecedented whole-
sale massacres, followed by years of intense strife and bloodshed, by
years of terrible civil war, and by the spread of Bolshevism far be-
yond the boundaries of Russia.
If the allies determine upon a policy of active and effective aid
they must create a situation under which the people of Russia
could express themselves through a representative national assembly.
Should the Russian people at such an assembly express themselves
in favor of Bolshevik rule or in favor of monarchy, then there
would be nothing else left to do but to let Russia have the govern-
ment she wants — the government she deserves. But knowing Eus-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 397
sia, having studied the temper of the Russian people, especially dur-
ing my three visits to Russia since the revolution, I feel certain that
the Russian people would not choose either of these extx'emes. I be-
lieve that the Russian people want true democracy, and the allies
should assist them to establish such a democracy for the good of
Eussia and the other nations as well. The longer our uncertainty
-and inactivity in Russia continues, the nearer the restoration of a
monarchy — and in Russia this means a reactionary, mediaeval
tyranny — and the greater also the danger of Bolshevism, the
fiercer the international bonfire which the Russian so-called com-
munists have set ablaze.
Bolshevism in Russia is the natural child of Tsarism and Kaiser-
ism. Just as Kaiserism and Tsarism destroyed themselves, so will
Bolshevism destroy itself in the end; but meanwhile we have a
situation in Russia where most dangerous and daring criminals, even
murderers, suiround themselves with the nalo of heroism and ideal-
ism, calling themselves the saviors of the working classes, the bene-
factors and reformers of the world, while they commit savage
crimes upon a huge scale.
Like Kaiserism, Bolshevism now seeks to dominate the world.
Kaiserism and Bolshevism should have been fought simultaneously
and ended in this war. If Bolshevism is not checked now intelli-
gently. Avisely and energetically, this great war will have served
merely as the prelude to the next war, that of the Bolsheviki, of
Spartacus, against the world.
The war for democracy has been fought and won, but so long as
Russia is not readjusted the war is not over, no matter what the peace
conference may decide. As long as Russia remains a storm center, the
scene of bitter strife and civil war, the breeding place of a grave
international menace, as long as 180,000,000 people are writhing in
the agony of anarchistic and monarchistic Bolshevism, the war for
the safety of the world and enduring peace is not yet concluded. For
Bolshevism may gather strength, and, mobilizing the forces of hate.
bitterness, ancl dissatisfaction, overrun the Avorld if proper measures
are not now adopted without delay to disarm it in time by a wise
policv of social justice and equitable peace.
Unfortunately the interests of those who have sought to aid Rus-
sia were not identical. Some were interested in seeing Siberia weak
and disorganized, and these financed and encouraged in various ways
the conflicts of several factions against one another. Others, inter-
ested in a stronf Russia, unfortunately employed the wrong methods
to solidify and "reorganize Russia.
Senator Wolcott. IVIr. Bernstein, in the course of your statement
you mentioned the fact that many of the people who had been. in
comfortable circumstances in the past were forced to work on the
street carrv bundles, act as porters, and so on, whereas the Bolshe-
viki leaders were living in palaces, riding around in automobiles,
and o-enerallv enjoying that kind of life which the very rich in the
rest of the worlcl are able to enjoy. Now, I read an article in the
"Good Housekeeping Magazine,'" of FebruaiT, this year, by one
Harold Kelloek, entitled "Aunt Emmy wants, to know who is a
Bol'-'hevi^t. and why ? " The editor states that he selected this au-
thor to write this article from a list of, I think, nine persons sug-
398 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
gested to him by the Author's League of America, and that this
author
Senator Nelson (interposing). This league.
Senator "Wolcott. No, this author, wlio Avas one of nine suggested
by the Author's League to write on Bolshevism, got his information
from Col. Raymond Robins, head of the American Red Cross mis-
sion in Russia; the report of Maj. Thomas D. Thatch, and Col. Wil-
liam B. Thompson, also of the mission; talked with Mr. Gregory
Yarros, the Associated Press correspondent in Russia, recently re-
turned, and various other correspondents ; and numerous docunients,
official and semiofficial, that have come from Russia.
There are two pai-agraphs here which created upon my mind the
impression that the leaders of Bolshevism are living in a very
modest wa}', a very plain and simple way, and are not grasping the
opportunity to give themselves all the luxuries and the comforts that
the so-called capitalists have been able to enjoy. I want to read you
these two paragraphs and see what you have to say as to their
accuracy in describing the manner of life of these men :
Some remarkable personalities have been included among these commissars.
They work for workmen's salaries 600 rubles (about $90) a month, with an
extra allowance of 100 rubles for each dependent. Thus, Lenine, whose wife
is employed in the department of education, gets 600 rubles ; and Trotzky, who
has a wife and three children, gets 900 rubles. Both Lenine, and Tchitcherin,
the commissars for foreign affairs, come of old and well-to-do Russian families.
Trotzky is the son of a prosperous Jewish merchant. In Petrograd Trotzky
and his family lived in a little garret room in Smolny Institute, the Soviet
headquarters.
Tchitcherin served as a diplomat under the Czar before he became a Revo;
lutionary Socialist. While commissar of foreign affairs, in Petrograd, he
lived in a shabby little lodging house in the working quarter, and members
of the American Red Cross mission, who had occasion to call upon him at his
office, would find him transacting affairs of state clad in a soiled sweater and
baggy old trousers.
Your statement of the Bolshevist leaders riding around in auto-
mobiles and living in palaces arrested my attention, because of these
paragraphs I have read from this district.
Mr. Berx STEIN. Well, I have seen the manner in which they ride
about in Petrograd and Moscow ; I saw the house in which Trotslcy
lived in Moscow, when he moved from Petrograd to Moscow. It
was a very fine, luxurious house. I traveled in the train from Mos-
cow where the commissaries were my fellow passengers. They spoke
Russian and they spoke of the fact that only the day before, on our
trip, they had to confiscate 1-^ poods — that is, 60 pounds — of choco-
late for Commissar Trotsky.
Senator Nelson. Commissar who ?
Mr. Bernstein. Trotsky.
Senator Wolcott. Sixty pounds of chocolate for Mr. Trotsky.
Mr. Bernstein. The fact that they have been using cars used by
the royal family before is well known.
Senator Wolcott. And the automobiles.
Senator Overman. And private cars on the railroad?
Mr. Bernstein. Private cars on the railroads, and automobiles.
Senator Wolcott, They confiscated these things?
Mr. Bernstein. For themselv^.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 399
Senator Wolcott (continuing). These luxurious things, for the
state. Taking them over for the people — for the state — in its essence
amounted to taking them over for themselves?
Mr. Bernstein. For themselves, when the children of Eussia
could not get any food.
Senator Wolcott. Now, this article I have read, so far as it tends
to create the impression that these are very plain, simple-living
people running this Bolshevik thing over there, you would say is
not correct at all?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, I would say that the statements are not
correct ; that they were probably given to him by people who were
prejudiced in favor of the Bolsheviki.
It was impossible to draw any more than perhaps 150 rubles a
month from a bank ; that is, from the accounts that people had
there before the banks were nationalized. It was necessary but to
give from 15 to 20 per cent to the commissar in charge of those
banksj and they could get any sum they wanted, and I was told that
in one instance they got a larger sum than they had there by giving
the commissar one-half of it.
Senator Wolcott. You could overdraw your account if you would
divide the loot with the commissar?
Senator Nelson. When did you first go to Russia?
Mr. Bernstein. When' did I first go to Russia? I came from
Eussia 25 years ago to America.
Senator Nelson. I mean since the war began.
Mr. Bernstein. Since the war I was in Eussia. I went to Eussia
in May, 1917, when the Brest-Litovsk treaty was being consummated.
Senator Nelson. When Mr. Kerensky was in power?
Mr. Bernstein. When Kerensky was in power. I came back in
November and went again in February when the Lenine-Trotsky gov-
ernment— so-called government — was established.
Senator Overman. You were bom and raised in Eussia?
Mr. Bernstein. I was born and raised in Eussia.
Senator Nelson. What part of Eussia ?
Mr. Bernstein. In the part called " White Eussia " on the
Dnieper and Dniester. I was educated there.
Senator Nelson. In your visits to Eussia what points did you visit
over there?
Mr. Bernstein. During the Kerensliy regime I was in Moscow
and Petrograd and neighboring places there, and Finland, and I
visited these places also during the Bolshevik regime.
Senator Nelson. Did you go anywhere into south Eussia — in the
Ukraine?
Mr. Bernstein. Not this time. I was in the Ukraine before the
war. Now it is almost impossible to travel there. It is very diffi-
cult, I mean. Going from Petrograd to Moscow is achieving a great
feat, because one takes his life into his hands just now.
Senator Nelson. Now, you came back on the Siberian Eailroad in
November or December last ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes. I went to Siberia in the early part of Sep-
tember and left Vladivostok on the 24th of December.
Senator Nelson. How far Avest did you go on the Siberian Eail-
road ?
400 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Bernstein. I crossed as far as the capital of the Urals, as far
as it was possible to go.
Senator Nelson. As far as Moscow ?
Mr. Bernstein. Oh, I could not go to Moscow.
Senator Nelson. Did you go to Perm?
Mr. Bernstein. No. Perm was at that time in the hands of the
Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. Coming back on the Siberian railroad, who
were in possession of that railroad then, who controlled it from
the Ural Mountains to Vladivostock ?
Mr. Bernstein. Practically, the Czecho-Slovaks are in control of
this railroad up to Irkutsk; and then the Japanese; and further
down, the Americans.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Senator Overman. Mr. Bernstein, have you observed, since your
return, any propaganda in this country by the Bolsheviki, and the
extent of itf Please give to us, in your own way, what yoti have
on that.
Mr. Bernstein. Yes ; I have noticed that. There have appeared in
a large number of newspapers and magazines statements of facts
with regard to Eussia, misrepresentations as to the beauty of the
Bolsheviki regime, by men who were in Russia at about the same
time I was; so that I know these things- are not true, because I
have seen. I was in Russia about the same time. I could speak to the
people without the aid of an interpreter ; I could read the press with-
out the aid of an interpreter; I could speak to all representatives
in various shades of the political parties, representatives of the
political parties, so that I could get my information at first hand;
and I find that there is a systematic campaign of misrepresentation
in this country with regard to the Bolsheviki.
Senator Overman. Did you ever interview Lenine?
Mr. Bernstein. No ; it was impossible to do that. He was hiding
at the time — he was afraid to see representatives of the press.
Senator Nelson. Did you interview Trotsky?
^Ir. Bernstein. I interviewed Trotsky on. the day they ratified
the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty.
Senator Nelson. By that treaty, among other things, they sur-
rendered a lot of gold to Germany, did they not ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Nelson. $200,000,000?
Mr. Bernstein. More than that.
Senator Nelson. More than that?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Of the gold that belonged to Russia?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And by the terms of the armistice that was to be
given back?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And then they surrendered a lot of provinces?
Mr. Bernstein. Oh, yes; they surrendered
Senator Nelson. Finland and Esthonia and Livonia and the
I^kraine, and nearly all of the Baltic shore except Petrograd, did
thev not?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 401
Mr. Bernstein. Yes; they practically signed away the greater
part of Kussia.
Senator Nelson. Yes ; and a part of the country down around the
Caucasus ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Nelson. It was evident to you that that treaty was a com-
plete give-away to Germany, was it not?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes. On the opening of the peace conference at
Brest-Litovsk I wrote that the Kaiser was offering himself peace
through the Bolsheviki. Later I found that that was so.
Senator Overman. Do you know of any money coming to this
country from the Bolsheviki for propaganda ?
Mr. Bernstein. I do not.
Maj. Humes. Mr. Bernstein, what can you tell us about the specific
acts of violence and terrorism ?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, one of the acts that attracted perhaps more
attention than the others, although acts of violence no longer attract
attention in Russia, because they are common, everyday occurrences,
was, first of all, the murder of two of the greatest revolutionary
leaders, both of them members of the constituent assembly, both of
them members of the constitutional democratic party, people who
had devoted all their lives to the betterment of conditions in Russia,
especially the betterment of the conditions of the peasantry, and the
poor. These men were members of the Kerensky government. One
was minister of finance, Shingaryov, a well-lmown physician, and he
was first thrown into the prison of Peter and Paul, and then when he
took sick he and his friend and associate, Kokoshik, also a member of
the constituent assembly, were removed to the hospital. Shortly
after they were removed to the hospital. Red Guards and sailors
entered the hospital at night and while they were asleep they
murdered them both, and took some of their clothing away. The
press, of the country that was still not suppressed began to protest,
and people began to arrange demonstrations and protests. Lenine
issued a statement that he wanted the thing investigated — ^this mur-
(Jer — and he wanted reports sent to him every day as to the progress
of the case.
The fact is that in Moscow and Petrograd everybody knows who
the murderers were ; that they were soldiers and sailors who said that
they did only what their leaders had ordered them to do ; that they
executed and put to death the enemies of the people because they
were opposed to the Bolsheviki. Now, although everybody Jmows
the names of the murderers, Lenine or Trotsky have not punished
them in any way.
The second case that attracted attention all through Russia was
this: There were six young men who were on the eve of leaving
Russia to go to France to join the French Army to fight for the allies,
and before their departure a banquet was given to these six men.
They were to leave on the following day. At that banquet about 30
Red Guards broke into the house, and under the charge that they
were counter revolutionists they took the six men out that night.
The woman who was the mother of the girl that arranged this ban-
quet and who was a well-known Red Cross worker, said that she
would go with them. She wanted to know what would happen to
85723—19 26
402 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
them. They allowed her to go to Smolny Institute, the headquarters
of the Bolsheviki GoTernment. Then they sent her away and the six
men without any trial were executed — shot. Three of them were the
sons of a French professor who had lived in Petrograd for 30 years,
and was a teacher at one of the Petrograd universities, and his three
sons were going to France to fight for France.
Senator Nelson. Another one of the acts of the Kerensky govern-
ment was to pardon all criminals and all political exiles?
Mr. Bernsteix. Not all criminals, but all political exiles.
Senator Nelson. And a lot of the criminals, too ?
Mr. Bernstein. You see at that time it was very diificult to say
who were exiled for political reasons, so that a number of criminals
found it to their advantage to claim to be political exiles, therefore
manj' who had no connection with the revolutionary movement re-
turned to Eussia, and in many instances the consulates of the old
Eussian Government that still had no faith in the revolution, helped
anybody to come there and sent them to Eussia, hoping that they
would disrupt Eussia, and in that way the old Government would be
able to return to power. '
Senator Nelson. And this element that returned under this par-
doning power became an element from which the Bolsheviki re- ■
cruited their forces, became a part of the Eed Army?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Now. the Eed Army is perhaps the best paying proposition in Eus-
sia to-day. They pay so well to any one joining the Army and they
pay each one for any city or any town that they would take, I mean
they make an offer of a prize for acts of brutality and acts of cour-
age of that kind, and many of the unemployed have joined the Army
because that pays better than anything else in Eussia just now.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think that it was one of the mistakes
of the Kerensky Government?
Mr. Bernstein. The Eed Army was not organized
Senator Nelson. No ; I mean opening the door to all of those peo-
ple and bringing those elements back. Do you not think that was one
of the things that undermined the Kerensky government?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, there were many mistakes. Kerensky was
a great idealist, and he could not believe that people who called them-
selves political exiles or revolutionists or socialists would come and
overthrow the freedom which Eussia had secured. But he was not
prime minister at the time this happened. He was minister of jus-
tice, and as minister of justice he issued the first decree liberating the
political exiles and prisoners in Siberia, and it was this decree that
liberated Madame Breshkovskaya, who testified here, and others of
that type, and he looked upon all as upon Madame Breshkovskaya.
Senator Nelson. He let out a lot of the criminals?
Mr. Bernstein. He let out a lot of the criminals, but just as politi-
cal offenders. You see, for instance, Trotsky was in this country and
returned after the revolution to Eussia. "He was detained by the
British authorities at Halifax. They suspected him ; that is they be-
lieved that they had proof that he was going there to preach a sepa-
rate peace. They detained him there for several weeks. Then there
was a great movement in Eussia asking for his liberation. They ap-
pealed to the minister of foreign affairs in Eussia, who at that time
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 403
was Miliukov, a constitutional democrat, a very conservative liberal,
and it was he who asked the British Government to release Trotsky.
I mean that Kerensky had no connection with this because he was
minister of justice, while Miliukov was minister of foreign affairs.
Senator Nelson. But the outcome of liberating all those classes
furnished some of the means that undermined the Kerensky gov-
ernment?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes; I think if all these political exiles had been
allowed to return a year or two after the revolution, after the gov-
ernment had' stabilized itself, Russia would be now a democratic and
well-organized government.
Senator Overman. Do you know what has become of Kerensky?
Mr. Bernstein. I understand that he is in London now.
Senator Overman. Do you know what became of Gen. Nicholas,
the grand duke?
Mr. Bernstein. Grand Duke Nicholas?
Senator Overman. Yes.
Mr. Bernstein. I understand he is somewhere in the South of
Russia — in Crimea.
Senator Nelson. Down in the Caucasus?
Mr. Bernstein. Crimea.
Senator Nelson. Well, now, Mr. Bernstein, you are well posted
about this, and I would like to hear your views as to what you think
we ought to do in this country — you have stated it partly — what
we ought to do both in respect to Russia and in respect to protecting
our own people?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, of course, these are very difficult problems
at the present moment. It would have been so easy, it seems to me, to
adjust the problem of Russia about eight or nine months ago. So
many mistakes have been made, not only by Kerensky, but by others,
at the time Kerensky was in power.
But now I think the only way to adjust Russia is to create a situa-
tion by which Russia can express herself as a representative Gov-
ernment.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think that it is the duty of the allies
to help them to organize a constitutional government there?
Mr. Bernstein. I think it is.
Senator Nelson. And do you not think that if we do not help them,
chaos will reign for many years?
Mr. Bernstein. Absolutely.
Senator Nelson. And do you not think further, Mr. Bernstein,
that unless something is done, Russia will be a sort of ground on
which Germany can carry on her commercial and political propa-
ganda ? It will leave the door open for Germany to exploit Russia,
unless we help them to restore a stable government?
Mr. Bernstein. Absolutely. I think it is in the interest of the
whole world that a representative and democratic form of govern-
ment be established in Russia.
Senator Nelson. While Germany inspired this Bolshevik jjropa-
ganda in Russia, and fed it in the first instance, it is now proving to
Germany herself to be a kicking gun, is it not?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
404 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
_ Senator Nelson. She is getting some of the benefit of the Bolshe-
vik system?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes. I said in 1917 at the Jersey Teachers' Con-
vention, at Atlantic City, that Kaiser Wilhelm the Second was the
greatest Bolshevik in history, and would be remembered as Kaiser
Wilhelm the Last; that he was helping the organization of a move-
ment that would eventually destroy him. Although, as I pointed out.
I think that the horrible example they have set in Eussia, by ruining
Eussia, has retarded in that way the revolution in Germany, and has
also made it impossible for the extremists to get control of the Gov-
ernment there.
Senator Nelson. Now, Mr. Bernstein, as I understand it, about
75 or 80 per cent of the population of Eussia are peasants — what
you call peasants?
Mr. Bj;rnstein. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And their disposition on the whole is not frendly
to the Bolshevik government, is it?
Mr. Bernstein. No; they are opposed to the Bolshevik govern-
ment, but they are not actively and energetically opposed to it thus
far for the reason that the Bolshevik government has not been able to
collect any taxes from the peasants and therefore the peasants have
not been actively opposing them. In one instance, in one of the Kus-
sian village, an attempt was made by Eed Guards to collect a large
sum from a community, and they held a meeting there and proposed
to tax the peasants, but; the peasants declined to give them the silm
they wanted. Then the Eed Guards were going to use force. The
result was that the 30 men who came to collect the taxes never re-
turned from that village. They were buried in the square.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think that when the Bolshevik at-
tempt to commandeer or requisition the grain and the provisions of
the peasants, they will be against it ?
Mr. Bernstein. Oh, yes. I mean that they can not continue very
long. I think that if the Bolsheviki had known that there was a
definite policy among all the civilized Governments of the allies that
there should be a representative and democratic government in Eus-
sia, they would have collapsed long ago, but because they noticed a
certain hesitation, and perhaps a lack of unity in the policy of the
allies, they have gained strength in that way; and they have also
gained strength by the fact that in Siberia, for instance, the gov-
ernment that was perhaps the most representative since the revolu-
tion, the government known as the all-Eussian government, headed
by a directorate of five, headed by the president, Avxentieff, who was
also the president of the all-Eussian council of peasants before that
government, was overthrown by the dictator Kolchak.
Senator Nelson. He is an admiral?
Mr. Bernstein. Admiral Kolchak; yes. And the bolsheviki used
that as an excuse for fighting Siberia and that element, by saying
that they were fighting counter-revolutionary monarchistic elements.
They say that the dictatorship of Kolchak is a monarchistic dicta-
torship, and therefore they have been able to gain strength among
their followers by saying they are fighting for the revolution against
monarchists.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 405
Senator Nelson. What is the attitude of the Cossacks as a class ?
Mr. Bernstein. The Cossacks were loyal to the all-Eussian rep-
resentative government. I am speaking now of Siberia. But re-
cently because a dictator was chosen, this Admiral Kolchak, and be-
cause is was brought about in so clumsy and so unjust a way, the
other Cossack leaders are eager to be dictators themselves in dif-
ferent territories which they control.
Senator Nelson. They are not friendly to the Bolshevik govern-
ment ?
Mr. Bernstein. Oh, no ; they are not.
Senator Nelson. That is what I mean. They are not inclined to
join them?
Mr. Bernstein. No ; they are not.
Senator Overman. Why is it, Mr. Bernstein, history shows always
that in such conditions of tragedy and chaos there has always arisen
some great leader who could rally around him enough of the patriots
to overturn such a government. Why can not that be done by the
Grand Duke, or some other man ?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, you see Russia was oppressed for many
centuries and there has been no room for real popular leadership,
and when Kerensky came to power he was, perhaps, the most popu-
lar— ^he was the most popular — man at the time ; but many blunders
were made then even by the friends of Russia. Many people did not
realize that the Bolsheviki would be in position to overthrow the
provisional government. He did not realize it himself. At the time
he was prime minister Trotsky was in prison, and he released him on
3,000 rubles bail, which is $300, about. And, of course, the Bolshe-
viki overthrew the Kerensky government on the eve of the trial of
the Bolsheviiri, at which all the documents were to be brought out
connecting them with the German Imperjal Government.
Senator Overman. And feeling the sadness and recklessness among
the people, they have about given up and surrendered to this Bol-
sheviki movement?
Mr. Bernstein. I think, as far as I could judge, there is great
bitterness against them; but the Russian people are exhausted and
disorganized.
Senator Overman. I do not suppose they have any arms?
Mr. Bernstein. And the Bolshevik groups had the assistance of
experts in arms. They were helped by German officers to overthrow
the Government, and they have succeeded since then in getting con-
trol of most of the firearms, machine guns, and so forth, and that is
how they have been able to gain the control of Russia.
Senator Overman. They have practically taken all the arms from
the people ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Nelson. All the arms and ammunition are under the con-
trol of the Bolsheviki, are they?
Mr. Bernstein. Oh, yes.
Senator Nelson. What is the feeling there — is there much feel-
ing— against the Japanese in the country, and is there feeling against
their troops coming into the country ?
Mr. Bernstein. There was a feeling of fear. That feeling has
been there ever since the Russo-Japanese War, and they feared that
the Japanese intentions were to establish themselves in Siberia. But,
406 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
of course, that has been changed, especially since the armistice has
been signed. I notice that if there were any other intentions on the
part of Japan, Japan has changed her attitude toward Russia, and
she has withdrawn.
Senator Nelson. And they have been withdrawing their troops?
Mr. Bernstein. They have been withdrawing their troops.
Senator Nelson. Back to Vladivostok.
Mr. Bernstein. I suppose in agreement with the allied policy.
Senator Nelson. What is the feeling toward our people there,
among the people ?
Mr. Bernstein. Where there is no artificially created hatred
against America, such as has been spread by the Bolsheviki, America
•is the best-loved and most trusted of all countries, of all democracies
in the world, in Eussia.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think that if Kerensky had had sense
enough to keep Lenine and Trotsky out of the country, his govern-
ment would have survived ?
Mr. Bernstein. It seems that that is so.
Senator 0\terman. The Bolsheviki, you say, are spreading propa-
ganda of hatred against this country ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes. I have here a newspaper that was published
by the Bolsheviki, in the German language.
Senator Nelson. Where?
Mr. Bernstein. Published in Petrograd, for distribution in the
German trenches. It is both in the Russian and the German lan-
guage. It is the organ of the international Soviets of the soldiers'
and workmen's and peasants' deputies, and the first page of it con-
tains a vile attack on the President of the United States, especially
in connection with his
Senator Nelson. Have you a translation?
Mr. Bernstein. I have a translation which I can read.
Capt. Lester. What is the date?
Mr. Bernstein. January 16, 1918. On January 16 the Peace of the
Nations, the oflGtcial organ of the Soviets of workmen, soldiers', and
peasants' deputies, published in German for distribution in the Ger-
man trenches an attack on President Wilson and his message of
January 8 — that is, the speech in which the 14 points were mentioned.
The paper first quotes the following from the President's speech :
It Is the voice of the Russian people. They are prostrate and all but helpless,
it would seem, before the grim power of Germany, which has hitherto known
no relenting and no pity. Their power, apparently, is shattered. And yet
their soul is not subservient. They will not yield either in principle or in
action. Their conviction of what is right, of what is humane and honorable
for them to accept, has been stated with a franlmess, a largeness of view, a
generosity of spirit, and a universal human sympathy which must challenge
the admiration of every friend of mankind, and they have refused to compound
their ideals or desert others that they themselves may be safe.
It then continues :
Thus spoke recently Citizen Woodrow Wilson, the Executive of American
capital.
Senator Nelson. Of "American capital " ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes. [Reading:]
Mr. Wilson is obliged to admit that the fight of the Russian delegation is
undoubtedly animated with the sincere desire to obtain a general peace —
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 407
That is, with regard to the Brest-Litovsk peace conference—
on the basis of national self-determination, " Not selfish aims, but the com-
mon weal of humanity " have the delegates of the soviet government in view,
declares the President of the United States.
And he hastens to add that as a result the entire sympathy of the American
people is with the " noble Russian revolution."
Of course, we do not for a moment entertain the slightest doubt concerning
the true value of the compliments of the representative of the American
stocl£ exchange.
We have no faith in the friendship and the noble sentiments of the servitor
of American capital, who " in the name of peace " furnished Europe — the
allies as well as their enemies — for three years with all the means necessary
for war and the annihilation of men.
We know that Wilson is the representative of the American ipiperialistic
dictatorship, which strikes with imprisonment, forced labor, and the death
penalty those workers and the poor who are opposed to the war and the ideas
of government, Morgan, Rockefeller & Co.
In the words of the most notorious diplomatic rope dancer one finds without
trouble the old mottoes of war to the bitter end, of exploitation under the. mask
of self-determination of nations and disguised demands for indemnities.
There is nothing surprising in this, for Wilson is just Wilson, and seeks to
cover up with words his real opinions.
However that be, the admission of Mr. Wilson shows that the American
bourse considers it not only necessary to reckon with the power of the
Bolsheviki, but also. In any case, to make obeisance to it.
This naturally does not prevent the American ambassador to favor — perhaps
even to-morrow — the participation of the agent of the American invasion in the
counter-revolutionary conspiracy against the power of the Soviets.
But only if this is done not officially but publicly.
Publicly the American Government not only does not break with revolu-
tionary Russia, the Soviets, but even makes avowals of sentiments of friendship
for her and readiness for "a common fight for peace."
This admission has been reached through the fight of the revolutionary
power of the Soviets, by that method the Governments have been forced to make
public answer concerning their war aims and to count with the attitude of their
own people.
At the same time the undoubted fact of the growth and consolidation of the
power of the Soviets (the workers' and soldiers' deputies' councils) in Russia
must needs deepen the contrast between the interests of the various im-
perialistic robbers.
There can be no doubt that In no case can America admit the exaggerated
exertions (ambitions) of England or of Japan. The stubborn rivalry of
America with the young imperialism of the Bast and the growing conflict with
English hegemony appears, therefore, as one of the grounds for Wilson's atti-
tude, which no doubt aims to set limits to the appetites of Japan and Britain.
Senator Oa^erman. You have thrown very much light on this sub-
ject and we are obliged to you.
Senator Wolcott. Just a moment. Do you know anything of the
so-called policy of the nationalization of women by the Bolsheviki ? ■
Mr. Beenstein. Yes, I have heard their project. It was published
in one of the newspapers.
Senator Wolcott. Is that a publication of what purports to be the
official attitude of the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Bernstein. That was the plan, but I think it was not adopted.
I have seen that published as a project: I had that Saratov news-
paper, but I have not seen that they adopted any of those sugges-
tions.
Senator Wolc»tt. The newspaper to which you refer was pub-
lished by the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. It was an official organ, so to speak, was it?
408 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Bernstein. Yes ; it was. You see at the present moment no
other newspapers are permitted to appear. First of all the Bol-
sheA'iki devised a novel waj' of killing newspapers. They Mlled
them off by prohibiting anybody to advertise in newspapers that
were not official organs of the Bolsheviki. Nobody under any cir-
cumstances is allowed to insert any advertisements in newspapers
that are not official organs of the Bolshevik government. That is
first. They have, secondly, been suppressing any organs of the press
that appeared without advertisements but that in any way criticized
or censured their activities.
Senator Xelson. They have suppressed all papers except Bolshe-
vik papers?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Xelson. And. practically, you can say that all the papers
that are published now are their organs?
Mr. Bernstein. They are their own organs or organs that are
servile to them.
Senator Wolcott. At any rate, they are organs that express views
that do not displease the Bolsheviki.
Mr. Bernstein. They are organs that are not permitted to teU the
truth as to what is happening at the present moment in Russia.
Senator Overman. What is their position on the subject of re-
ligious freedom?
Mr. Bernstein. They tried to separate the church from the state,
and they did it very crudely and very cruelly by attacking some
of the priests during religious services; and later, when they saw
there was a strong religious movement growing up in various parts of
the country, that is opposed to Bolshevism, they changed their tactics
and they ceased to enforce that decree against the church.
Senator Nelson. The Russian church was a state church?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Nelson. The authorities of that church, the leading men
in it, are not friendly to the Bolsheviki, are they ?
Mr. Bernstein. No; the church is absolutely unfriendly to the
Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think that the church will be one of
the rallying points in restoring order there?
Mr. Bernstein. The church could be one of the rallying points, I
think.
. Senator Nelson. Take the church and the Cossacks and the peas-
ants.
Mr. Bernstein. I think that the people, if only given an oppor-
tunity to express themselves, will express themselves so that every-
body will know that they are opposed to the Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. Did you observe the operations of the Duma
while it was in existence?
Mr. Bernstein. During the Tsar's regime; yes. I interviewed
many of the members of the Duma. I interviewed many of the mem-
bers of the Tsar's cabinet at the time of the Duma in 1908, 1909,
and 1911.
Senator Nelson. Did they exhibit any legislative capacity or legis-
lative instinct — any capacity as legislators?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 40&
Mr. Bernstein. They did. They were, of course, hampered and
interfered with at that time. I think that they have the ability to
govern themselves. But, unfortunately, a situation has been created
where a small group was helped by a great militaristic power to gain
control over the majority of the people by armed force.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think that for the Russian people the
best form of government would be a limited monarchy, something
akin to that of Great Britain or the Scandinavian countries, with a
responsible ministry. That is, they are hardly ripe and fit for a rep-
resentative form of government such as we have, are they?
Mr. Bernstein. I think that Russia will readjust herself as a re-
publican state or a republican federation of states, something along
the line of the United States.
Senator Nelson. With a president ?
Mr. Bernstein. With a president.
Senator Nelson. You think that ?
Mr. Bernstein. Oh, yes; I think that as soon as
Senator Nelson. Or something like France ?
Mr. Bernstein. Or something like France.
Senator Overman. Did you know Eazputin?
Mr. Bernstein. I did not know him, but I knew a great deal about
him.
Senator Nelson. Was he really in tbe control of Germany, as is
claimed ?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, his influence over the Tsar was used by Ger-
man agents in Russia, and in that way, of course, he exerted that
German influence on the court.
Senator Nelson. Stiirmer was a friend of the Germans?
Mr. Bernstein. He was.
Senator Nelson. And Protopopov ; he was a friend of Germany ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes; he was advocating peace with Germany all
along.
Senator Nelson. Even before the Kerensky government?
Mr. Bernstein. That was, to a great extent, the cause of the revo-
lution.
Senator Nelson. Had not the Germans encamped on the Russian
Government under the Tsar before the Kerensky revolution had
really got control of it?
Mr. Bernstein. For more than half a century the most responsible
men in the various government departments were Germans.
Senator Nelson. Germans or of German descent ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Overman. I have read something, it seems to me, about
spiritualism — that the people in the court believed in spiritualism.
Mr. Bernstein. Yes; they were religious mystics; and the Russian
Tsar, especially, believed in fortune-telling and spiritualism, and he
had about six or seven who influenced the policies, both internal and
foreign of the government through these fortune-tellers and spirit-
ualists. .
Senator Overman. I have read that that prevailed with the Kaiser,
too. I do not know.
Mr. Bernstein. Perhaps. That is peculiar.
410 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Senator Overman. And it prevailed among many of the crowned
heads of Europe.
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
_ Maj. Humes. You referred to having seen the decree that was pub-
lished in the Saratov newspaper?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Maj. Humes. Is the Izvestija, a newspaper published in Petrograd,
the official organ of the soviet?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Maj. Humes. Have you seen the decree on the subject of women
that was printed in that paper?
Mr. Bernstein. I have not read that.
Maj. Humes. But that was its official organ?
Mr. Bernstein. The Izvestija is the official organ; yes.
Maj. Humes. But you did not see published there the decree
which provided that a girl having reached her eighteenth year is to
be announced as the property of the state ?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, I read the decree in the Saratov renspaper.
Maj. Humes. I am speaking of the one in the Izvestija.
Mr. Bernstein. I have not seen it. I have not seen it in the origi-
nal Russian.
Senator Wolcott. Referring again to the article in Good House-
keeping, which I mentioned awhile ago, I want to call your attention
to a photograph of two women who seem to be drinking soup or tea,
or something. Are they Russian in their costume and the general
makeup of that picture?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes; they" look like Russian women.
Maj. Humes. Did you ever see any cups like that in Russia?
Mr. Bernstein. Perhaps in some of the old women's homes they
have those costumes, but, of course, I could not tell whether they are
Russians or not.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know Harold Kellock, who wrote this
article ?
Mr. Bernstein. I do not know him personally.
Senator Wolcott. If you will permit me, I just want to call your
attention to certain things appearing in here. This committee pri-
marily is interested in the appearance of anything in the nature of
propaganda in this country in favor of Bolshevism. This article is
headed by this note, which I assume is written by the editor :
We read a lot about Bolshevism in Russia, the mass of whose people we think
of as being like these war refugees, but do we really know what it means — and
whether we want it here? Mr. Kellock is thoroughly familiar with the subject
and tells here just what it means to lie a Bolshevist. Are you one — in your
heart? Read lief ore you answer.
Mr. Bernstein. Well, judging from the sources where he gathered
his information, I would expect that he would advocate Bolshevism,
because I understand that Mr. Raymond Robins was looked upon by
Bolshevist leaders as the American representative or ambassador
in Russia. Some of them have told me that they regarded him as
such.
Senator Oatirman. I wish you would repeat that with regard to
Raymond Robins.
Mr. Bernstein. They looked upon him as the American ambassa-
dor to Russia.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 411
Senator Wolcott. Then they did not recognize Mr. Francis?
Mr. Bernstein. No ; they did not recognize Mr. Francis.
Senator Wolcott. One of the other sources of information he
mentions here is Col. Thompson. Do you know anything about his
relations with the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, Col. Thompson, I understand, favored at
one time the Kerensky regime and was endeavoring to help it in
every way possible, but when Kerensky was overthrown he remained
ia Russia for a short while, and then I understand he met some of the
Bolshevik leaders, and he was willing to help them; and then he
published a series of interviews here, which I understand were later
brought out in pamphlet form translated into Russian, and I can
tell you from my knowledge in Russia that the interviews published
by Col. Thompson in this country and brought back to Russia have
done more harm and have helped more to spread Bolshevism than
that which has been done by any American advocating Bolshevism,
because they said, "Here is what an American millionaire says about
Bolshevism."
Senator Wolcott. It is a wonder they would believe a millionaire,
he being a capitalist.
Mr. Bernstein; Well, a millionaire who is with them is a good
millionaire.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know about Mr. Thacher, another
source of his information?
Mr. Bernstein. I do not know.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know Mr. Gregory Yarros, the Asso-
ciated Press correspondent in Russia, who is another source of his
information ?
Mr. Bernstein. I knew Gregory Yarros before he went to Russia.
I have not read any of his articles about Russia, and I do not know
what his views are, or whether his views are authoritative.
Senator Overman. Is it your opinion that Raymond Robins is
in sympaSiy with the Bolsheviki, from what you have seen and
observed ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes, absolutely. I understand he has been advo-
cating here the recognition of the Bolshevik government, under
the name of the Soviets.
Senator Nelson. Do you know anything of Albert Rhys Williams?
Mr. Bernstein. I understand that he says he is a representative
of the Bolsheviki in this country.
Senator Nelson. How ?
Mr. Bernstein. I understand he admits he is a representative of
the Bolsheviki in this country.
Senator Nelson. He admits it, does he?
Senator Wolcott. Well, he held an official position over there, did
he not?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Was he employed by the Bolshevik government
over there and did he hold a position under them?
Mr. Bernstein. As far as I know, he was a member of their propa-
gandist committee over there.
Senator Wolcott. Then, he was the head for a while of the Bureau
of International Revolutionary Propaganda?
412 . BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. And he used to carry on the propaganda largely
in this counti-y, did he not ^
Mr. Berxsteix. Yes.
Senator Xelson. Do you know from what source he gets his
revenues i
Mr. Bernstein. No; that I do not know.
Senator Wolcott. Are the industries going along and moving and
busy in Russia now ?
Mr. Bernstein. "Well, thej; were not at the time I was there.
Senator "Wolcott. Are you speaking of last December, when you
left?
Mr. Bernstein. If you mean Siberia, or the part controlled
by the Bolsheviki, I was in Petrograd and Moscow in May, and I
am just coming back from the other part of Russia that has been
liberated by the Czecho-Slovaks from the Bolshevist rule.
Senator Wolcott. But in the part of Russia under the control of
the Bolsheviki, is it fair to say
Mr. Bernstein. The industries were at a standstill, practically.
Senator Wolcott. In this article I have referred to I find this
statement, and the author is a bit cautious in the statement, I note.
He says :
It is likely that most o£ the industries in Eussia to-day are still under private
control, but profits are limited by the government, and committees of workers
share in the management.
The material thing I would like to know is whether they are run-
Mr. Bernstein. Judging from his sources of information, he could
not get any later information than I had, because Col. Raymond Rob-
ins left Russia at about the same time that I did.
Senator Wolcott. And Col. Thompson had gone before him ?
Mr. Bernstein. Had gone ; yes, sir. So that he is simply making
statements that I know are inaccurate.
Senator WoLCorr. This statement is inaccurate?
Mr. Beenstein. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Now, let me read you this paragraph :
The general soviet idea is to make the wealth and productivity of the nation
the heritage of all the people instead of a few. Production is organized in the
interest of the general needs, instead of for profit. To this end ambitious plans
have been projected, such as harnessing the Volga and other rivers to furnish
light and power for the cities. Extensive irrigation projects are planned. A
systematic control of production has been introduced. Thus, instead of 40 dif-
ferent types of plows produced in Russia under individual enterprise, the num-
ber has been reduced to 7 normal types. Government purchase of necessary im-
ports has been designed on a great scale to eliminate speculation. Half a billion
rubles were voted last spring to purchase cotton from Turkestan. Similar
appropriations have been made for the import of wool, farming implements, and
textiles. The number of cooperative stores has increased remarkably. There
were over 30,000 last fall.
That is a statement of plans and a statement of some existing facts.
With respect to the things that are planned and projected, have any
of them materialized, or is it simply all paper stuff ?
Mr. Beenstein. They have been publishing and making decrees
every day. The newspapers are full of decrees, and the people
stopped reading them, even though they could not tell whether some
of these decrees affected them directly. They had plans, many of
them, daily, but most of them have not been put into effect.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 413
Senator Wolcott. It is all just intangible, filmy, imaginative stuff
on paper?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes. Then, I know that the cooperative move-
ment in Siberia, counting millions of members, was definitely opposed
to the Bolsheviki.
Senator Wolcott. He says here that the number of cooperative
stores has increased remarkably and there were over 30,000 last fall.
Do you know whether that is true or not — in the Bolshevik part of
Eussia, I mean ?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, I do not know about last fall.
^Senator Wolcott. Before that?
'Mr. Bernstein. It was not true in May, 191'8.
Senator Wolcott. As a matter of fact, it could hardly be said that
the stores were open at all, could it ?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, the stores were open, but there was nothing
in them to sell.
Senator Wolcott. They had been looted, had they not, to a very
large extent ?
Mr. Bernstein. Most of the shops and stores in Petrograd were
closed, or they had no goods to sell.
Senator Wolcott. Let me read you this paragraph :
The complete overtvirn of society in Russia lias, beyond doubt, caused tre-
mendous confusion, and much hardship and bitterness among the " nicest "
people. By the " nicest " people we mean, of course, the well-to-do people. For
many of them there is no immediate place in the new order. Many of them
have, no doubt, actually starved because they could find no place. Of course,
powerful elements of the old order have resisted the new rfigime, and there has
been fighting and bloodshed. A revolution is always terrible. In our Ameri-
can Revolution some of our most respestable people — Tories — were chased into
Canada and their property confiscated under a sort of mob rule. That sort of
thing has been going on on a much larger scale in Russia. After the allied
Invasion began, the so-called Red Terror broke out in many places, as it did
during the French Revolution after a similar allied invasion. An infuriated
populace in many cases turned on all persons suspected of complicity in bring-
ing in the foreign armies. How far the Soviet leaders were Implicated in these
outrages is a question.
Is it true that it was only the " nicest " — using the term in the sense
of meaning only the well-to-do — people who were caused hardship
and bitterness ?
Mr. Bernstein. I know this, that anybody who opposed the Bol-
shevist form of tyranny, whether he was a professor, or a teacher, or
a laborer, or a millionaire, was classed among the bourgeoisie, and
therefore an enemy of society and of the people; but if anyone
was willing to cooperate with them, whether he was a millionaire
or a member of the old Tsar's government, an agent provacateur, or a
member of the secret police department that had been hounding the
revolutionists, he was welcomed and taken into their midst and could
work for them.
Senator Wolcott. Let us come to this specific question : The state-
ment that this author has made here in this article is, according to
your observation, by no means accurate?
Mr. Bernstein. It is not accurate.
Senator Wolcott. I notice he draws a parallel here between
the manner in which the bolshevists treat these nicest people in
Eussia and the manner in which the American patriots of Seventy-
six treated the Tories here. Evidently he is attempting to dignify
414 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the Bolshevik practices with respect to their opponents in Eussia by
leading the readers of this magazine in America to believe that that
is just what our American patriots of Seventy-six did. Is that a fair
comparison ?
Mr. Bernstein. That is deliberate Bolshevist propaganda.
Senator Wolcott. That is what I am trying to get at ; that that is
Bolshevist propaganda.
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Senator, that is utterly untrue. It was only the
men in this country who sided with the British who were forced into
Canada.
Senator "Wolcott. Tories.
Senator Nelson. Yes, Tories; and not any of the American sol-
diers.
Senator Overman. There were not any of them forced into Canada.
Senator Wolcott. I think, myself, that anybody who attempts to
compare the practices of the American Kevolutionary soldiers with
the practices of the Bolsheviki and put them on the same level is a
Bolshevik sympathizer.
Now, Mr. Bernstein, when did the so-called Red Terror break out
in Russia?
Mr. Bernstein. The Red Terror broke out from the day the Bol-
sheviki seized the reins of government from Kerensky, in November,
1917.
Senator Wolcott. Do you recall when the allies landed their troops
up in the northern part of Russia, and also down at Vladivostok?
Mr. Bernstein. I think it was some time in August.
Senator Wolcott. Of 1918 ?
Mr. Bernstein. Of 1918.
Senator Wolcott. That was my recollection of the facts, but I
wanted to check up my memory.
Senator Nelson. Senator, may I interrupt you ? I understand this
paper you are quoting from is one of the Hearst publications.
Senator Wolcott. I do not know who publishes it. It is the Good
Housekeeping Magazine.
Senator Nelson. It is one of the Hearst publications ; is not that
so?
Mr. Bernstein. I do not know.
Senator Wolcott. I do not know who publishes it, but I know it
sounds kind of Bolsheviki to me. I want to quote this sentence here.
Bearing in mind the historical sequence of events that I just brought
out, from the beginning when the Red Terror broke out, and when
the so-called allied intervention in Russia took place, it being in
August, I want to read you this sentence :
After the allied Invasion began —
I take that to mean after the allies landed their troops, in August,
1918, or thereabouts —
the so-called Red Terror broke out in many places, as it did during the French
Eevolutlon after a similar allied invasion.
Did it not break out long before that ?
Mr. Bernstein. Well, the Red Terror broke out immediately the
Bolsheviki came into power, in November, 1917. Then it was in-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 415
tensified greatly after the assassination of Count von Mirbach, the
German ambassador, and the Bolsheviki commenced their real Eed
Terror in order to avenge the German officials.
Senator Wolcott. That was about when ?
Mr. Bernstein. That was, I think, in July.
Senator WoLCOTT. 1918?
Mr. Bernstein. June or July, 1918.
Senator Wolcott. Well, that was still before the so-called allied
intervention ?
Mr. Bernstein. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. The significance of this paragraph
Mr. Bernstein. Was to connect it with the allied intervention.
Senator Wolcott. And, furthermore, to put it on a parallel with
the breaking out of the Reign of Terror in France when the Austrians
started their invasion of France in the time of the French Revolu-
tion under, as I recall it, the Duke of Brunswick, when the foreign
armies came into France, in the French Revolution, and the French
people rose to meet that foreign army. Then it was, as I recall my
history, that the Marseillaise was born, in going to meet that host
of foreign invaders. This sentence conveys to my mind the impres-
sion that what the Bolsheviki did there in that reign of terror was
only parallel to what the Frenchmen did when they went to meet
the Austrian invaders under the Duke of Brunswick, whereas the
historical sequence of events was just the reverse, in that there was a
reign of Red Terror in Russia, and then the allies came in after
that in order to protect their supplies, and the invasion of the allies
was not what incited the Red Terror at all.
Mr. Bernstein. Not only that, but it was in response to a demand
on the part of the better elements of the Russian people for help
from the reign of terror which was going on there. The only thing
is that perhaps the intervention was not sufficiently coordinated to
be as effective as it might have been.
Senator Wolcott. I have not any doubt in my mind but what that
article was written by a man who sympathizes with the Bolsheviki,
and is trying to compare this Bolshevik business with the great
events of history which were real, genuine movements of real
patriots — of America in the one case and France in the other.
Senator Nelson. Maj. Humes, what do you know about that
paper?
Maj. Humes. Mr. Moore, who represents the Hearst periodicals,
testified that it was one of the magazines owned and controlled by
Hearst, one of the Hearst magazines.
(Thereupon, at 12.50 o'clock p. m., a recess was taken until 2.30
o'clock p. m.) -
(A letter printed in the New York Evening Post, referred to in
the testimony of Mr. Bernstein, is here printed in the record, as
follows:)
Aechanqel, September 10, 191S.
Santeei Nuobteva,
Pitchburg, Mass.
Deab Comeade : I deem it my duty to appeal, to you and to other comrades
over in America in order to be able to make clear to you the trend of events
here
The situation here has become particularly critical. We, the Finnish refu-
gees who, after the unfortunate revolution, had to flee from Finland to Russia,
416 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
find ourselves today in a very tragic situation. A part of tlie former Red
Guardists who fled here have Joined the Red Army formed by tlie Russijin
Soviet Government, another part has formed itself as a special Finnish legion,
allied with the army of the Allied countries, and a third part, whicli lias gone
as far as to Siberia, is prowling about there diffu.sed over many .sections of the
country, and there have been reports that a part of those Finns have joineil
tbe ranks of the Czecho-Slovaks. The Finnish masses, thus divided, may there-
fore at any time get into fighting each other, which indeed would be the greatest
of all misfortunes. It is. therefore, necessary to take a clear position, and to
make all the Finns to support it, and we liope that you, as well, over in
America will support it as much as is in your power.
During tbese, my wanderings, I have happened to traverse Russia from one
■end to another, and I have seen tbe whole misfortune into which Russia now
has fallen, and I have become deeply convinced that Russia is not able to rise
from this state of chaos and confusion by her own strength and on her own
accord. That magnificent economic revolution, which the Bolshevik! in Russia
are trying now to bring about, is doomed in Russia to complete failure. The
■economic conditions in Russia have not even approximately reached a stage
to make an economic revolution possible, and the low grade of education, as
well as the unsteady character of the Russian people, make it still more
impossible.
It is true that magnificent theories and plans have been laid here, but their
putting into practice is altogether impossible, principally because of the fol-
lowing reasons : The whole propertied class — which here in Russia, where small
property ownership mainly prevails, is very numerous — is opposing and obstruct-
ing; the officials and the educated classes are obstructing; technically trained
people and specialists necessary in the industries are obstructing; local com-
mittees and sub-organs make all systematic action impossible, as they in their
respective fields determine things quite autocratically and make everything
unsuccessful which should be based on a strong, coherent, and in every re-
spect minutely conceived system — ^as a social production should be based. But
even if all these, in themselves unsurmountable, obstacles could be made away
with, there remains still the worst one — and that is the workers themselves.
It is already clear that in the face of such economic conditions the whole
social order has been upset. Naturally only a small part of the people will
remain backing such an order. The whole propertied class belongs to the
opponents of the Government, including the petty bourgeoisie, the craftsmen,
the small merchants, and profiteers. The whole intellectual class and a great
part of the worlcers are also opposing the Government. In comparLson with
the entire population only a small minority supports the Government, and,
what is worse, to the supporters of the Government are rallying all the
hooligans, robbers, and others, to whom this period of confusion promises a
good chance of individual action. It is also clear that such a rfigime cannot
«tay but with the help of a stern terror. But, on the other hand, the longer
the terror continues, the more disagreeable and hated it becomes. Even a great
part of those who from the beginning could stay with the Government and
who still are sincere, social democrats, having seen all this chaos, begin to
step aside, or to ally themselves with those openly opposing the Government.
Naturally, as time goes by, there remains only the worst and the most demoral-
ized element. Terror, arbitrary rule, and open brigandage become more and
more usual and the Government is not able at all to prevent it. And the
outcome is clearly to be foreseen : the unavoidable failure of all this magnifi-
•cently planned system.
And what will be the outcome of that?
My conviction is that as soon as possible we should turn toward the other
road — the road of united action. I have seen, and I am convinced that the
majority of the Russian people is fundamentally democratic and whole-
heartedly detests a reinstitution of autocracy, and that therefore all such ele-
ments must, without delay, be made to unite. But it is also clear that at first
they, even united, will not be able to bring about order in this country on their
own accord ; I do not believe that at this time there is in Russia any social
force which would be able to organize the conditions in the country. For that
reason, to my mind, we should, to begin with, frankly and honestly rely on the
help of the Allied Powers. Help from Germany can not be considered, as
■Germany, because of her own interests, is compelled to support the Bolshevik
rule as long as possible, as Germany from the Bolshevik rule is pressing more
•and more political and economic advantages, to such an extent even that all
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 417
o( Russia gradually is becoming practically a colony of Germriny. Russia thus
would serve to compensate Germany for the colonies lost in South Africa.
A question presents itself at once whether the Allied Powers are better.
And it must be answered Instantly that neither would they establish in Russia
any socialistic society. Yet the democratic traditions of these countries are
some surety that the social order established by them will be a democratic
one. It is clear as day that the policy of the Allied Powers is also im-
pevialistic, but the geographical and economic position of these countries is
such that even their own interest demand that Russia should be able to develop
somewhat freely.
The problem has finally evolved into such a state of affairs where Russia
must rely on the help either of the Allies or Germany ; we must choose, as
the s-aying goes, " between two evils," and things being as badly mixed as they
are the lesser evil must be chosen frankly and openly. It does not seein possible
to get anywhere by dodging the issue. Russia perhaps would have Siived her-
self some time ago from this unfortunate situation, if she had understood
immediately after the February revolution the necessity of a union between
the more democratic elements. Bolshevism undoubtedly has brought Russia
a big step toward her misfortune, from which she cannot extricate herself
on her own accord.
Thus there exists no more any purely Socialist army, and all the fighting
forces, and all those who have taken to arms, are fighting for the interests of
the one or the other group of the great Powers. The question therefore finally
is only this : in the interest of which group one wants to fight. The revolu-
tionary struggles in Russia and in Finland, to my mind, have clearly estab-
lished that a Socialistic society cannot be brought about by the force of arms
and cannot be supported by the force of farms, but that a Socialistic order
must be founded on a conscious and living will of an overwhelming majority
of the nations, which is able to realize its will without the help of arms.
But now that the nations of the world have actually been thrown into an
armed conflict and the war, which in itself is the greatest crime of the world,
still is raving, we must stand it. We must, however, destroy tlie <jriginator
and the cause of the war, the militarism, by its own arms, and on its ruins
we must build, in harmony and in peace — not by force, as the Russian
Bolshevik! want — a new and a better social order under the guardianship of
which the people may develop peacefully and securely.
I have been explaining to you my ideas expecting that you will publish them.
You over in America are not able to imagine how horrible the life in Russia at
the present time is. The period after the French Revolution surely must have
been as a life in a paradise compared with this. Hunger, brigandage, arrests,
and murders are such everyday events that nobody pays any attention to
them. Freedom of assemblage, association, free speech, and free press is a
far-away ideal, which is altogether destroyed at the present time. Arbitrary
rule and terror is raging everywhere, and, what is worst of all, not only the
terror proclaimed by the Government, but Individual terror as well.
My greetings to all friends and comrades.
OSKAK TOKOL.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
The subcommittee reconvened, pursuant to the taking of the recess,
at 2.45 o'clock p. m.
Senator Overman. The committee will come to order. Call your
next witness.
Maj. Humes. The next witness is Mr. Kryshtofovich.
TESTIMONY OF MR. THEODOR KRYSHTOFOVICH.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Senator Overman. What is your name?
Mr. Krtshtofovich. My name is Theodor Kryshtofovich.
Maj. Humes. Mr. Kryshtofovich, when did you leave Russia?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. I left Russia on the ISith of December last.
85723—19 27
418 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Maj. Humes. Where were you residing in Russia up to that time?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. In Petrograd.
Maj. HtTMEs. Have you been in Petrograd during the whole pe-
riod of the Bolsheviki reign?
Mr. KRYSHTorovicH. Yes, sir; I was in Petrograd for the last
three years.
Maj. Humes. In what quarter and among what class of people were
you living in Petrograd?
Mr. KErsHTorovicH. Before the Bolshevik reign I was working in
the ministry of agriculture, and since the Bolshevists took the
power in their hands I resigned, because I could not work with them.
They invited me to a number of times, but I did not agree with them
and quit my work. I always worked among peasants, teaching them
agriculture, and mostly introducing American machinery, American
methods, Ajnerican seed, and so on. Of course, my work among
these peasants was in the summer time. In the winter time my work
was mostly of a literary nature, writing pamphlets on agricultural
subjects.
I always was and am still a poor man. One of my friends asked
me once : " Do you know, Mr. Kryshtof ovich, why you have no
money and never will ? " I told him it would be very interesting to
me to know why, and he told me it was because I was always busy
with other people's affairs and neglecting my own in my effort to
help them. For the last six years I lived in Petrograd in very
modest apartments — ^three little rooms — almost outside the city
limits, on the outskirts, among workmen. This was a large house
inhabited exclusively by workmen, so my testimony will be that of a
man who knows peasants and who knows workmen.
Senator Overman. You have lived among the workmen and the
peasants?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. Yes, sir ; and, besides, I am a man who does
not belong to any political party in Russia. Mr. Simmons told you
that we have in Russia seven or eight political parties. Perhaps he
counts only the largest of these parties, but we Russians count 25 of
them.
Senator Overman. Twenty-five different political parties?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. Twenty-five political parties.
Maj. Humes. Now, will you just relate in your own way what the
conditions were in Petrograd at the time you left and for the months
preceding your departure, and then tell the committee how you suc-
ceeded in getting out of Petrograd?
Mr. Kbyshtofovich. Yes, sir. Of course, as an agriculturist, I
was mostly interested with the question of land, production of food-
stuffs or their distribution, and so on. So perhaps you will permit
m6 to begin with these questions.
The government of Kerensky — the so-called provisional govern-
ment— began to introduce some land reforms which from the Ameri-
can standpoint were very simple. They said: "You see this land?
All this land is yours. If you see a large landowner, do not care that
this land belongs to him. Take it, divide it, and own it." But that
was under Kerensky.
When the Bolshevists took possession of the government, they be-
gan to enlarge and deepen these maxims. For instance, Lenine said:
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 419
" Bob the robber. You peasants, you workmen, were robbed by the
wealthy people; now get back everything that you have lost; take
everything you see and do not care about what you do." So, I was a
witness that workmen have taken the factories and I have read in
newspapers and have heard from other people, that peasants have
taken the whole land. According to the statistical data, land owners
had in their possession about 50,000,000 desyatin of laiid. That
means 150,000,000 acres. As we have about eighty or eighty-two or
eighty-five million peasants this land, if divided among them, would
give less than two acres to a man. So, when they had divided this
land they were not much richer than they were before, and, as the
land of the land owners is better than theirs, because the land owners
put manure on it, improved it by using better agricultural methods,
the peasants did not want their own land, but began to work the
land of the land owners, and the result of it was that the grain was
not increased, and the crops decreased.
Our best men say that we need in Russia better agricultural meth-
ods to help our people. They say that we need an organization of
emigration to Siberia ; we need to improve our waste lands by drain-
age and irrigation, and only in this case would our peasants be
richer.
As to workmen, after they had taken factories, these factories
were not in better condition than they were before, but in a worse
condition, because they had very primitive ideas about credits, about
the system of buying raw materials and so on. I can cite you an
instance of a factory which was given to workmen, or, as they say,
" nationalized." The managers asked the workmen to give them
money to buy raw materials, and they answered that when the capi-
talists were running it they had credit, and demanded that they get
credit, too. They were told that the capitalists had credit, but they
had no credit and would have to pay money ; but they did not want
to give money ; they wanted to run this factory without money.
Senator Overman. What kind of a factory was that of which you
speak ?
Mr. KRYSHToroviOH. I am speaking about a metal-working fac-
tory.
Senator Overman. I see.
Mr. Kryshtofovich. So they had to buy iron, and steel, and coal,
and everything.
Senator Overman. What became of that factory? They could
not get any money; what became of it?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. 1 will tell you. That is not an exception, but
just one among a very large number.
Maj. Humes. Is that factory running now? Is it closed or run-
ning ?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. It is closed, like many others.
Maj. Htjmes. It is closed?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. Because when the Bolshevists took possession
of everything, they offered to turn the factories and everything over
to the workmen and allow them to get returns on them. But they had
no credit ; they had no money ; they had no good managers ; and the
engineers refused to work with them, because the men that were put
in as heads of these factories by the Bolsheviki government were not
420 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
specialists. They ordered the engineers to do so-and-so, and the
engineers answered that it was impossible. They were specialists
and knew how to do it, and told them they could not do it their
way. So they quit ; they did not want to work with the Bolshevifa.
For this action they were put in prison, and so on, and so on. I
shall talk, about this afterwards, but the facts were these: When the
factories could not be run under the new conditions, of course the
workmen began to protest, and they said : " We can not sustain such
a government as ours." Then the government began to move these
factories from Petrograd to other cities; gent machinery there; sent
raw materials and workmen, so that the workmen in Petrograd would
not be in opposition to them. They wanted to clear this atmosphere
of counter-revolutionists, as they say.
Senator Sterling. Are you speaking now of the Kerensky gov-
ernment ag doing these things?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. No, no, no. I am talking of the Bolshevik
government. The Kerensky government was of very short duration,
and they began only what the Bolshevists continued. It is a very
interesting fact that while both parties are socialistic parties many
socialists now deny that Bolshevists are socialists. They say Bol-
shevists are not socialists, they are communists. While they branded
themselves as communists they were socialists and they continued
only what Kerensky began.
Senator Steeling. Then, Kerensky began the work of establishing
the factories outside of Petrograd?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. No, no, no.
Senator Steeling. I understood you to say that a while ago.
Mr. Ketshtofovich. No ; this is the work of the Bolshevists. They
did not want to establish factories outside of Petrograd, but they
wanted to evacuate factories in order that they might not have
to give up their positions in Petrograd to the workmen, and one
after another the factories were closed, and instead of getting 100,000
people against Bolshevism at Petrograd, they disseminated them
through the whole northern part of Eussia and they were not
of great opposition in that way. There are some factories there run-
ning now. For instance, there is one factory producing mostly war
material, but now they have tried to change it into agricultural
implements and other machinery. I do not know whether they have
been successful. Anyway, there are thousands of workmen yet in
Petrograd, although the population of Petrograd has decreased dur-
ing the past two years from 3,000,000 to 1,200,000 people, and, of
course, all these people must be fed.
But, as I told you, the peasants do not produce much foodstuff now ;
and another thing, they do not want to give foodstuffs to the large
cities. They say, "We do not need money any more. We have
enough of money ; but we want shoes and clothes and nails and ma-
chinery. You give us anything of this kind and we shall give you
grain and flour instead." But, of course, the Bolsheviki have noth-
ing of this kind, nothing is produced, and what is produced is pro-
duced under the condition that they can not sell it right away.
Workmen are now getting, instead of 60 or 70 rubles a month,
400, 500, and 600 rubles ; but notwithstanding that, their work is only
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 421
one-fifth or one-sixth of what it was before. It is a very interesting
fact.
Senator Sterling. Why is that — on account of the shorter hours ?
Mr. Khyshtofovich. No ; because they simply do not want to work
for themselves. They are the masters of the position, and they
work as much as they want, and they do not want to work well.
There was a question at one time of introducing the Taylor system
into Russian factories, but every time the workmen refused even to
listen to it, so Petrograd, and, as I have heard, Moscow, have very
little products to give the people.
The government, to get these products, devised this system : They
offered the workmen the right to choose the best men among them-
selves, say, 40, 45, or 50 people, and the government gave them 25
or 30 guards, and they make a so-called food detachment, and this
food detachment is given a special train and they go through the
country and oner uu the peasants 17 rubles for a pood of grain — a
pood is 36 American pounds — but the peasants answer, " We do not
want money. We want something like shoes; and, besides, we can
sell this grain for more than 17 rubles." The detachment began to
take grain by force. Thej- searched ihe peasants' houses and took
their grain and flour and anything they could find, except a small
quantity that they left for them to live on. Then they brought this
grain to Petrograd and Moscow and divided it into two parts, and
one went to the government and one went to the workmen of these
factories. Besides, the government sends detachments of their own,
composed of the Red Guards, and they are doing the same work,
asking, first, to buy for money, and then taking by force and paying
17 rubles a pood.
Senator Sterling. Seventeen rubles a pood?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Yes; 17 rubles a pood.
Senator Sterling. How much would that amount to when you
consider the present depreciation of the paper ruble? How many
cents in our money would it be a pood ?
Mr. Ketshtoeovich. The depreciation of Russian money is a very
complicated question. For instance, the factory workmen and Bol-
sheviki that get, instead of 60 rubles, 600 rubles, do not feel that they
can count on this depreciation, but people who could spend before
100 rubles, and are spending now 100 rubles, they have not 100 rubles
but 1,000 rubles. But if you want to know, I think it is $1 for 36
pounds.
Senator Sterling. You think that these 17 rubles would be
equivalent to $1 for the 36 pounds ?
Mr. Ketshtoeovich. Yes.
Senator Steeling. Would you say that, with the present deprecia-
tion of the paper ruble, it would amount to that ?
Mr. Ketshtoeovich. Yes; I think so; about seven times what it
was before. I am not a good financier, and perhaps I am mistaken.
Senator Steeling. Do the peasants as a rule refuse to sell for
that amount of 17 rubles a pood?
Mr. Ketshtoeovich. Yes, sir; as a rule. They often refuse to sell
at 40 and 50 rubles a pood, and I have told you just now why. The
result of all these politics and policies and all this social govern-
ment is this. On December 13, before I started from Petrograd —
422 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
I started on the loth — 1 pound of potatoes sold for 6 rubles. The
Russian pound is 14 ounces, and the American pound is 16 ounces:
so 1 pound of potatoes was sold for 6 rubles on Friday. On Satur-
day it was 7| rubles, and on Sunday, when 1 started from Petrograd,
it was 10 rubles for 1 pound of potatoes. Now. I will tell you other
prices.
Senator Sterling. That would be about $10 in our nionev, would
it no't?
Mr. KJjYSHTorovicH. No; $5.
Senator Sterling. I mean $5.
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Yes ; for 1 pound of potatoes, 4 medium-sized
potatoes, $5. I am not a liar. I will tell you many other prices, be-
cause they were standing in these bread lines, and I was among them
myself. I was buying this stuff on the market, and I know prices
very well. We were given bread on cards according to the cate-
gories. All the people were divided into four categories. The first
category was composed of workmen, the second was the families of
workmen, the third category was professional men, like doctors,
bankers, lawyers, and so on.
Senator Wolcott. School-teachers?
Mr. Krtshtofovich. Yes, sir ; the first time, school-teachers. But
I will tell you afterwards. The first category was composed of
capitalists ; and every one who had under him some working people,
one or two or more, as, for instance, a small storekeeper who had
one or two clerks, went into the first category; and lately, when I
started from Petrograd, teachers and professors were assigned to
the first category; and the first category received half a pound of
bread a day — ^black bread. White bread we did not see for two years.
The second category received a quarter of a pound; the third
category one-eighth of a pound; and the fourth category one-six-
teenth of a pound, if bread was in sufficient quantity. Otherwise, the
first category received nothing except two small herrings. But if
you would go to buy bread in the open market, the price for bread was
from 18 to 20 rubles a pound. When you bought bread on the cards
you paid from 25 to 30 rubles, but in the open market you had to pay
from 18 to 20 rubles. Rye flour was sold for from 22 to 23 rubles
a pound.
Senator Steeling. What kind of bread was it that you bought for
from 18 to 20 rubles?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. Black bread; rye bread. I told you that we
did not see white bread for two years; and if white flour came to
Petrograd — one carload or two carloads — ^they were taken by the
Red Army men. They did not go to the other people. Sugar was
80 rubles a pound.
Senator Steeling. Per pound ?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Per pound.
Senator Wolcott. That would he $40.
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Yes.
Senator Steeling. If the ruble was worth as much as it used to be.
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Yes. Tea was selling for 100 rubles a pound;
butter, 60 rubles ;_ pork, 50 rubles ; peas, 22, 23, and 24 rubles ; eggs,
4 and 5 rubles apiece — for one egg ; milk 2f -glass bottles, 9 rubles.
Senator Wolcott. Two and one-half glass bottles ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 423
Mr. KRYSHTorovicH. Yes, sir ; 9 rubles.
Senator Wolcott. How much is tha1>— a quart, a pint, or what?
Mr. KBYSHToroviCH. I think it is half a pint or something like
that. Salt fish, like herrings and so on, sold for from 7 to 9 rubles a
pound. Salt, ordinary table salt, 3 rubles per pound. Such things
like rice or macaroni we did not see for one year and a half.
Senator Sterling. How about beans ?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. No beans, no peas, nothing of that kind. The
time that I started from Petrograd you could eat only a little bread,
salt fish, and drink a little tea, and that is all.
Senator Sterling. How about beans and peas ? Are they not pro-
duced in considerable quantities in Russia ?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. They are produced, but the peasants, gen-
erally, do not want to give them to this government. We are pro-
ducing beans and peas and lentils and rice, and everything, because
in the Caucasus we have large rice fields.
Senator Sterling. Were the peasants successful in many instances
in keeping the grain they produced from the Red Guard and others
who were out searching for it?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. Well, of course, Russia is a very large coun-
try; and although the Bolsheviki are now only in one-quarter of
European Russia, in my estimation, under the government are from
12 to 13 governments, because in these houses people are fighting
with them, like the Ukrainian people and the Don people and Cos-
sacks of the Caucasus and so on, and the northern part of Russia
under the Bolsheviki comprises almost one-quarter of the whole of
Russia, with from 12 to 13 governments.
Senator Sterling. What I want to get at is, would the peasants
resist by force the searching parties that went out to get their grain
or other produce, or were they successful in concealing it or hiding
it, sometimes ?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. Well, sir, our people are a very good-natured
people. They begin to protest only when they can not bear condi-
tions any more. Lately they began to protest, and they even gath-
ered together and tried to make some opposition, but they were
without arms. When I shall talk about intervention it will be the
end of my talk. Sometimes they say the Russian people can not
oppose the handful of Bolsheviki because they have no arms. That
is the only reason. They tried to protest and they tried to conceal
in vain. If a food-searching detachment or a food-searching party
comes to some village they can not conceal. How can they conceal?
If you put grain into the earth it will rot. They have no special
places to conceal it, and the grain is taken, but it does not help
much, as you can see from my description of the prices. It does not
help much, because besides this condition transportation is in a
fearful condition, too. I told you about getting these products in,
and about some distribution, but the pity is that the people in this
government are completely inexperienced. Sometimes they bring in
some vegetables, they bring in a load of vegetables into Petrograd,
but they do not know how to keep them, and very often carloads of
potatoes and cabbage* are frozen and spoiled or rot, and that is the
condition when a pound of potatoes is selling for 10 rubles. Car-
loads of potatoes are spoiled on account of the ignorance of these
424 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
people, who do not know what to do with these potatoes. They
have had no experience. In Switzerland and in Prance the refugees
were talking and talking and writing socialistic pamphlets, who did
not know how to keep potatoes or cabbage. Well, sir, it is a very
interesting thing.
Senator Steeling. I know it is.
Mr. Krtshtofvich. And, besides these refuges, most of the peo-
ple that are governing Eussia now are Jews. I am not against Jews
in general. They are a very capable and energetic people, but, as
you Americans say, the right man must be in the right place. Their
place is in the commission houses, in banks, in the offices, but not in
the government of a fine agricultural country. They do not under-
stand anything about agriculture, about production, about keeping
materials, and about distribution. They do not know anything
about those things at all.
Senator Wolcott. You mean those that are in charge of the Bol-
sheviki, do you not?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. I am talking about the Bolsheviki; because,
if j'ou take our Bolshevik government, Lenine is a Russian and all
these constellations that are turning around this sun are Jews. They
have changed their names. For instance, Trotsky is not Trotsky,
but Bronstein. We have Apfelbaum, and so on, and so on.
Senator Overman. Are you a Russian?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. I am a south Russian; yes, sir.
Senator Oveeman. Why did you leave Russia?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. I came back.
Senator Oveeman. You live in this country?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. Yes, sir.
Senator Oveeman. Your home is here?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. Yes, sir.
Senator Oveeman. How long have you lived in this country?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. I have lived in this country for 16 years, and
my family has been living here for 24 years. We have a farm in
California and I came here for a few days, and expect to go to Cali-
fornia and humbly ask for citizenship, because I think I have all the
rights for it.
Senator Steeung. When were you last in Russia ? You may have
stated it at the beginning of your examination, but I was not here.
Mr. Ketshtofovich. On the 15th of December I left Russia.
Senator Oveeman. Did you have any trouble getting out?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. Well, I will tell you. It is an interesting
thing, too. You see this passport? This is a foreign passport.
Under the Imperial Government, if I wanted a passport, I went to a
local police office and asked for a certificate that they had nothing
against my going abroad, and I took the certificate and went to the
OMitral police office and presented it and told them I wanted a pass-
port to go abroad, and in a few days I received it. They made every-
thing very plain, very convenient, very easy. Under the socialistic
government, to get this passport I had to go to our house council,
formed of the poorest peoi)le living in this house, and it is called the
house poor people's committee, and I asked for a certificate that I
was leaving this house. This certificate I would take to the local
police station, and they put a stamp on it, and then I go to a judi-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 425
ciary commission and get another certificate that I am not under
their jurisdiction for any crime, and return again to the local police
station, they put a stamp on it, and there is a man who puts another
stamp on it, and then I go to the minister of foreign affairs and ask
for this passport, and in from two weeks to two months I may get it,
and I pay for it 40 rubles; and any time from two weeks to two
months it is given to me, and for it I paid 40 rubles. Then I go to
the minister of the interior and ask permission to cross the frontier,
and it is given to me. Then, when I wanted to go abroad I was told
that I must go to the military control, and in the military control I
found a young Jew, about 22 or 23 years old, and he asked me what
I wanted. I told him I wanted to go abroad, and he told me I could
not go. I told him I had permission from the minister of foreign
affairs and from the minister of the interior, and asked him why he
did not want to give me permission. He said : " I will not give you
permission; I will not give anyone permission." I told hiin I knew
of other people who were going abroad, and that there was a steam-
ship going to sail the next day from Petrograd to Stockholm, but he
said : " I will not allow any steamship to go there."
Well, I went to the steamship office and asked them whether their
steamer would sail the next day, and they told me it would. I asked
them if it would carry passengers, and they told me it would ; and at
the same time one little man, a Jew, came in and asked for a ticket
and it was given to him. I asked him if he was going to Stockholm,
and he said : " No ; I am buying a ticket for another man." " But,"
I said, " how alpout getting permission of the military control ? "
" Oh," he said, " I shall get it." " But the office is closed. It is now
1 o'clock, and the office is open only until 12." " Oh," he says, " I
shall get permission." I asked him if he could get permission for
me, and he looked at me and said, " No, sir ; I can not." It was for-
tunate that I did not get a ticket on that steamer, because I read in
the newspapers afterwards that only 10 passengers were on this
steamer. They were Bolsheviki who were going there for some rea-
son; and in Finland, at Helsingfors, this steamer was detained and
aU these people were taken from the steamer and put in jail.
Maj. Humes. How did you get out? Go on and finish the story.
How did you succeed in getting out?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. Well, sir, when I obtained this passport I
went to the Swedish consulate; and I have good friends here in
America. They asked permission from the American Government
for me to come here, and the Swedish consulate received this permis-
sion from Washington, and I was given the assistance of the Swedish
and Norwegian consulates; but I could not cross the Norwegian
border without permission of the military officials, so I tried to
escape without permission, and I found an organization that was
doing this business. I paid 1,500 rubles for that. From the station
Beloostrov I was taken by two men. I had very little with me —
only this suit which I am now wearing and four changes of under-
wear. One man took my little grip — another one was with me — ■
and we crossed the river, which is the border line between Russia
and Finland; and in Finland the three of us were taken by White
Guards. They were very kind to us and helped us in every respect.
426 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
From Finland we went to Stockholm, and from Stockholm to Nor-
way, and from Norway here.
Senator Overman. Then, there are organizations there which, for
a consideration, get people out of the country ?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Yes, sir. This system was doing a nice
business. It cost me 1,500 rubles. There were three of us, so we
paid 4,500 rubles, but on Saturday there were eight people and thev
had to pay 12,800. There were four people in this organization, but
the head one has been shot by the Bolsheviki.
Senator Sterling. Was that the regular charge, 1,500 rubles?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Yes, sir ; that was the charge in this organi-
zation, but there was another organization that charged 3,000 rubles.
It was a little more complicated and I did not want to use it. This
was more risky, because, while Red Guards who were on duty at the
border were bribed, sometimes a new Red Guard would come on and
he would shoot the people. However, this river is a very narrow
one, so, while a person risked much while crossing, he was exposed
but two or three minutes.
There is another class of people, however, that can not escape, who
do not know where to go, who have no means to pay these organiza-
tions, and so on. They are staying in Petrograd and most of them
are dying from hunger. It is not a fable; it is not insinuation; it is
a fact. I have seen on the Nevsky Prospect — it is something like
your Pennsylvania Avenue — a girl of 17 or 18 years, very thin and
emaciated, crying, " I want to eat, I want to eat, I want to eat," and
she was given little pieces of bread, and so on. But the people could
not give much; they had none themselves. Many people are lying
on the sidewalks and asking for some bread, but nobody can give
them much, only a piece as large as the end of your little finger.
Even the first category get only half a pound a day. There people
are mostly getting thinner and thinner and thinner. Then they are
taken to hospitals, but even in the hospitals they can not be fed, be-
cause the hospitals do not receive much food. So the people are
dying. You see on the streets not a procession, but simply a wagon
with three, four, five, or six coffins placed crosswise on each other
going to cemeteries. Lately a decree was issued providing that
corpses were the property of the government, and prohibiting rela-
tives from burying their dead. Only the government can do that.
This decree was issued because they have no religious ceremonies
with burials. I was there in Petrograd at the time this decree was
issued.
Senator Oveeman. They had no legal ceremony for the dead at all?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Yes. They did not want it.
Senator Oveeman. How are you regarded, as a Bolshevist or as a
Red Guard?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. What, sir?
Senator Oveeman. How were you regarded when you lived there?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Well, sir, in my opinion this Bolsheviki sys-
tem is comprised of three parties. One party can be termed lunatics,
another party
Senator Wolcott. Termed what?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Lunatics.
Senator Wolcott. Lunatics?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 427
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Another party are swindlers, and a third
party is a two-legged herd.
Senator Wolcott. What?
Mr. Keystofovich. A tM'o-legged herd.
Senator Wolcott. A two-legged herd?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Yes, sir. You asked me my opinion. This
is my opinion — a two-legged herd, because other animals have four
legs and they make a herd, but these ones have but two.
Senator Wolcott. They are two-legged beasts, I suppose.
Mr. Keyshtofovich. A two-legged herd. That is my opinion, I
say.
Maj. Humes. Well, as they classify the citizens of Eussia, did they
treat you as belonging to the bourgesie, or what class did they put
you?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. My position was an exceptional one. As I
told you, I lived in a house where workmen lived. Across the
street there was about 60 acres of vacant land. The inhabitants of
our house wanted to rent that land from the owner and convert it
into a vegetable garden, because, as I told you, vegetables were very,
very expensive.
As I am an agriculturist they invited me to show them how to.
plow this land, how to plant their vegetables and take care of them.
So I did, and I worked in this garden with them, and we had a large
crop of vegetables. When other people, for instance, at that time, in
September, bought cabbage from us, we charged them 2| rubles or 3
rubles a pound, while we sold them to ourselves at 1 ruble 90 kopecks.
Therefore, they did not look on me as a bourgeois, as a capitalist, be-
cause they knew that I was living in a very modest apartment with
but little furniture. Almost all my clothes and other things were
taken in October by anarchists, so I did not have very much. They
had taken everything I had.
Maj. Humes. You say you rented that land?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Yes.
Maj. Humes. I thought all the land was nationalized. From
whom did you rent it?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. We rented it from the owner ; but the Govern-
ment did not agree with us, and one morning they came to us and
told us not to pay rent to the owner because that land belonged to the
Government and they would not allow us to pay this money to the
owner of the land.
Maj. Humes. But they collected the rent, all right? They collected
the rent themselves?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. Yes.
Maj. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Keyshtofovich. So, I say they did not look on me as a capi-
talist or anyone that could harm them. And besides, I was acquainted
with many of these people who were living in our house and every-
one knew that I did not belong to any party at all ; and when asked
why I did not work with the Government 1 always answered that I
was 61 years old, had worked all hiy life, and being tired, wanted to
retire; but I was looking mostly to the time when I could escape
from this — those socialistic governments. I could not do it. I had
a little money in the bank. It was enough at that time to get to the
428 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
United States, but one morning it was confiscated and I was allowed
to draw only, for the first time, 150 rubles, then 250 rubles, and
finally it was increased to 500 rubles ; so, I drew them little by little,
had to spend them for food, and finally had no money at all, and no
possibilities to get here. However, fortunately, one of my American
friends loaned me money to get away from there.
Senator Wolcott. How many people were left in Petrograd when
you left there, did you hear it stated ?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. In what direction?
Senator Wolcott. How many people were in Petrograd; what
was the population of Petrograd when you left?
Mr. KRTSHToroviCH. Yes, yes. It was 1,200,000 instead of 3,000,-
000 as it was two years ago — only one-third left, because they had
nothing to eat; and another thing, they are all terrorized. Terror is
not an invention, gentlemen, it exists. I had an acquaintance of
mine living in the same house, on the same floor, and one Sunday
afternoon I went to visit him. He was clerk in a bank — a bank in-
spector— and I stayed there until 9 o'clock in the e\'ening and then
1 said goodnight. As I opened the door to leave I saw seven or eight
people, Eed Guards, and the secretary of our house committee, who
was with them, told me to go home quickly and I went.
Senator Sterling. Were these Eed Guards armed ?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. Yes, sir ; yes, sir. This man was questioned
from 9 o'clock in the evening until 2 o'clock in the morning, and was
then taken and put in jail, and was kept in jail. When he and his
wife asked the Government why he was arrested and why he was put
in jail no one answered them. They said only: "He is a counter-
revolutionary and he is opposed to the Government ; " and, when he
said he was working all the time they said, " Never mind, you did
sabotage ; you did not work as well as you should," and so on, but the
direct cause was not presented against him. Finally, he contracted
spotted typhoid fever and was transferred to the hospital, and I do
not know about his fate now. This is not an exceptional case, but
there are hundreds and thousands of these cases. They are occurring
every day.
Senator Steeling. So his offense was because he did not engage in
sabotage, as you say, did not engage in hindering the operation of
the factory or industry ; was that it ?
Mr. Keyshtofovich. He worked in the bank, but he did not want
to support the Bolshevists, and he did not want to be one of their
creed. -
Senator Steeling. Yes.
Mr. Keyshtofovich. If you go to a Bolshevist and ask for work
they say, "AJl right, are you a Bolshevist?" If you answer no, they
ask you to what party you belong. If you say you do not belong to
any party at all they say they will give you work only on condition
that you bring them indorsements from some Bolshevik party or
some prominent Bolshevik. Only when you do that are you to be
given work, and if you support them. If you do not support them,
you do not get work. You read in the papers, of course, that the
famous Maxim Gorky is trying to induce intelligent people to work
with the Bolsheviki. That is true. They organize meetings and say:
" There is enough of discord; there is enough of sabotage; come to
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 429
us; work with us; we shall give you work;" and as soon as anyone
asks for work he is told what I have said before — " bring us some
certificate that you are on friendly terms with the Bolsheviki."
Senator Sterling. What kind of work do they give men who say
they are Bolshevists, and are willing to join them? They can not
give them work in factories, because they are closed for the most
part.
Mr. KRysBCTOFOvicH. I say, mostly for intelligent people, for
, specialists; but for workmen, workmen mostly do not know to what
political creed they belong. They are working in some factories that
are running, and they are doing what the Bolsheviki say.
Senator Overman. Were you over there representing any interests
in this country? Were you a representative of some concern over
there?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. Here?
Senator Overman. Over in Eussia ?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. Eussia ?
Senator Overman. Yes. What was your business there?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. I say, I was working with the Minister of
Agriculture.
Senator Overman. To this country ?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. In Eussia, and for four years I was repre-
aeiitative of the Minister of Agriculture in St. Louis.
Senator Overman. Eepresentative of the Eussian Government ?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. Yes, sir; as agricultural agent. It was my
proposition to establish an agricultural agency in the United States
for facilitating the buying of machinery, introducing into Eussia
American machinery and seeds, and so on; and I established it, or-
ganized it, and ran it for four years. Then I asked permission to be
transferred to Petrograd to organize a cotton business there, but I
was not successful, because the minister at that time was a share-
holder of a large company that did not like this work.
Senator Sterling. During what year did you represent the Min-
ister of Agriculture in this country ?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. In this country ?
Senator Sterling. Yes.
Mr. Kryshtofovich. From 1909 to 1912.
Senator Sterling. Inclusive?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. Yes; inclusive; but for the last two years I
did not work at all. I ate my money that I gathered before — a little
sum — and was not living, but starving. I lost 37 pounds at that time.
I have been present here for three days and have heard most of
the things that have been told you, and would not like to reiterate
what has already been said, but I would like to call your attention
to some special questions. For instance, they told you about banks.
I wish to tell you about the budget of this government. For the
last half of the year 1918 their budget, on paper, was 26,000,000,000
rubles, and that is for only one quarter part of European Eussia.
Under the Imperial Government the budget for the whole of Eussia
was less than 3,000,000,000. It was 2,300,000,000 ; 2,400,000,000, about
that amount. But under the Bolsheviki government for one-half
year, for one quarter of the whole of European Eussia, the budget
was 26,000,000,000 rubles.
430 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Sterling. Why not for the whole of Eussia? Because
they did not have control of it?
Mr. Krtshtofovich. Yes, sir.
Senator Sterling. That was it.
Mr. Kryshtofovich. Yes, sir. And this article I read about reve-
nue— unfortunately I could not get it out of Russia, because in Fin-
land they do not allow the Bolsheviki literature to be brought into
the country, but I wish I could show you this article. They say that
the budget is twenty-six billion, while the income is only twelve and
one-half, while the deficit is made up by contributions from wealthy
people. There was thirteen and a half billion deficit.
Maj. Humes. You say 13,000,000,000 is the contribution from
the wealthy people?
Mr. Krtshtofovich. No; ten.
Maj. Humes. Ten billions?
Mr. Krtshtofovich. Yes.
Maj. Humes. They use the word contribution, not as meaning a
voluntary contribution, do they not, but a forced payment ? In other
words, it is money that is forcibly taken away from the people?
Mr. Krtshtofovich. Yes, sir; yes, sir.
Maj. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Krtshtofovich. You were told about commerce ; you were told
about factories. Now I will let you know something about oil and
coal production. It is a very interesting thing. When I left Petro-
fad, Petrograd had no fuel. A pile of firewood 7 feet by 7 feet by
feet was worth 1,800 rubles — ordinary birch firewood. At the
same time the city of Petrograd is surrounded by peat lands, and only
130, 140, or 150 versts — or 76 or 80 miles — from Petrograd there are
coal mines. Although the forests are plentiful around Petrograd,
and peat lands are plentiful and coal fields are plentiful, Petrograd
was without fuel. Why ? Because firewood was not brought in.
The steamers and barges on the river were nationalized and stayed
idle. They do not know how to make peat fuel, ho wto exploit coal
mines ; and the winters in Petrograd are very serious, and very long.
From October until May you must heat houses day by day. What
those poor people are doing now I do not know. Oil could not be
brought from Baku in the south. Coal could not be brought from
Poland, because they were fighting in the west. Firewood could not
be brought on the other railroads from the east, because they were
fighting in the east, and firewood could not be brought from the
north, because they were fighting in the north. They were fighting
in the north, south, west, and east.
Senator Overman. How did you keep warm ? How did you keep
from freezing ?
Mr. Krtshtofovich. I do not know, I do not know what they are
doing now. I think besides hunger and starvation, they are freezing
now. We have every kind of heating, beginning with Holland
heaters down to steam heating and hot- water heating and so on, but
no fuel to heat with.
Perhaps you want to know what effect is produced by these de-
crees, these rulings of this socialistic government, on the social life
and the individual life of the people. I can tell you in a few
words.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 431
Senator Steeling. Before passing to that, I would like to ask you
a question in regard to the fuel supply. Have you any coal mines in
Kussia?
Mr. KEYSHTorovicH. Yes ; plenty of them.
Senator Steeling. Have you any nearer than Baku ?
Mr. Keyshtoeovich. Yes, I told you that only 70 miles from
Petrograd there are coal mines.
Senator Sterling. I did not get that.
Mr. Ketshtofovich. They are excellent, and very many of them,
and near Petrograd, because I tell everything concerning the north-
ern part, and not south of the fifty-second parallel, because the Bol-
sheviki have their povper only as far south as the fifty-second parallel.
South of that is the Ukraine. I do not know what kind of power
they have in the Ukraine, as they are fighting there, too. Everyone
is fighting.
Senator Overman. Fighting in the nighttime and fighting in the
daytime and fighting all over the town.
Mr. Kryshtofovich. Yes, sir ; they are fighting, fighting, fighting,
and no end. The Bolsheviki are fighting all other parties, and I am
sure that if another party should take the power in their hands they
would begin to fight the other ones. I will tell about this just in
the end.
Now, I begin with churches. As you know, gentlemen, the Rus-
sians are a very religious people. Like here in the United States,
there are very many denominations there, but most of the people be-
long to the Greek Church. Of course, the priests and religious peo-
ple are not very pleasant to the Bolsheviki, because the Bolsheviki
deny any religion or any religious sentiment. They oppose the Rus-
sian clergy and the Russian clergy oppose the Bolsheviki, and the
Russian priests are treated very badly. For instance, they are set
to do street work, cleaning the streets, paving streets, digging ditches,
and so on. The workmen told me several times, " The Bolsheviki are
sending out priests to work in the streets. Why do they not send
their rabbis ? " And that is true. The Jewish rabbis are not sent
to work on the streets. The Bolsheviki are opposing religion to such
an extent that lately when I was going to Petrograd they raised a
question of teaching atheism in the schools. They boast that they
have opened so many schools, but they do not say that they closed as
many schools as they opened. We had schools in connection with the
churches, in connection with every church there was a school, and
all these schools are closed now.
Senator Sterling. Were those church schools what might be
termed free schools? Were they open to all children?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. Yes, sir ; they were open to all children, and
they had a subsidy from the government like the state schools, only
the difference was that in the church schools religion was taught a
little more than in the common schools. In the common schools
religion was taught some, but in the church schools religion was
taught more.
Senator Steeling. But there was no tuition to pay?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. Yes.
Senator Sterling. There was a tuition fee to pay ?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. No ; they were all free.
Now, about the newspapers. We had not as many newspapers as
you have here in America, but still we liad some, and some good ones,
432 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
but in seven or eight months they were all closed except the Bolshevik
papers. The Bolsheviki did not allow them to publish any papers
except the Bolshevik papers. They did not allow any pamphlets to
be published against Bolshevism. No book, no paper, and no pam-
phlet; and no word can be told against Bolshevism in Eussia.
Senator Sterling. Did some of the papers change and become
Bolshevik papers?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. No, sir; I do not know any of them. One
paper that was edited by Maxim Gorky tried to be between two
chairs, as we say in Eussia, but he was not successful and was ordered
to quit it. Now, there are in Petrograd only three or four Bolshevik
papers and nothing else.
Senator Steelijs'G. Where is Maxim Gorky now ? Is he in Petro-
grad?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. I think he went to Paris as the head of some
committee that was sent by the Bolsheviks to try to get into the
peace of conference ; but, of course, they Avere denied all the time, and
I do not know where he is now.
Senator Steeling. He is a recognized Bolshevik, is he not ?
Mr. Kexshtofovich. Now?
Senator Steeling. Yes.
Mr. Ketshtofovich. That is true. Before, he was in opposition to
the Bolshevik government, but finally he adopted all their teachings
and helped them, and that is a great pity, because he is a very
talented man.
You have heard about the persecution of the Eussian intelligentsia.
The Bolsheviks know very well that intelligent people understand
better than the ignorant all their decrees and all their teachings, and
they are fighting those people unmercifully.
I mentioned that we have in Eussia 25 political parties, and among
them several socialistic parties. We have already had two of them
governing us, and you see the results. But if some party like the
Mensheviks — the Social Democrats are divided into two groups, the
Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks — if the Mensheviks were in control of
the Government, they would fight the Bolsheviks and others, so, in
my opinion, if Eussia will be let alone, this continuous fighting will
last at least for 20 or 25 years to come.
Senator Sterling. What opportunities would that condition of
things give Germany in Eussia, for German exploitation of Eussia, if
that state of disorder and anarchy should continue for 20 or 25 years,
as you say?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. Of course, Germany did not count well what
results would follow from their efforts to introduce Bolshevism
in Eussia. They thought that Bolshevism would ruin Eussia—
Eussian industry, Eussian financial power, and so on — and at that
time they would conquer the allies and would come to Eussia and
establish order and be the masters of all the world; but, of course,
you know better than I do that they were not successful in this
enterprise.
Senator Oveeman. You have lived among the peasants and you
have lived among the worldngmen. What is their feeling against
the Bolsheviks?
Mr. Ketshtofovich. Well, sir, that is a very interesting question,
of course. Of course, the workmen were for the Bolshevik govern-
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 433'
/
ment; but little by little, as I have already mentioned, they /were dis-
satisfied with the conditions. They were very glad wheii they re-
ceived 400, 500, and 600 rubles a month, instead of 60 and/ 70, when
the factories were running, but they were dissatisfied nji^n the fac-
tories stopped. Of course, they were paid six weeks' pay, but it was
not enough for the seventh week; so they began to protest, but all
these protests were quenched by showing them armed red guards and
so on. As I told you, they were dispersed from Petrograd to dif-
ferent cities, and those that are left in Petrograd are more and more
dissatisfied with the Bolshevik government.
Xow, about the peasants. The peasants were on the side of the
Bolsheviks only for the reason that the Bolsheviks gave them all the'
land; but as soon as the peasants were in possession of this land,,
they thought that the Bolsheviks were not necessary for them any
more, and especially when the Bolsheviks began to take their prodr
ucts, as grain, flour, cattle, and so on, they began to be resentful
against the Bolsheviks, and now most of the peasants are in open
revolt against the Bolsheviks. When I was starting from Petrogxad,.
I heard from many people that in the government of Tula they
caught the Bolshevik leaders and buried them alive in the earth.
Senator Oveejiax. Buried them alive?
Mr. KRxsH'roFo\iC'ii. Yes, sir. You ask me now if the workmen
are against the Bolshevik government, or if the peasants are against
the Bolshevik government, or if the Bolshevik government will exist
perhaps one or two months more, and then will be obliged to run'
away. It is not quite so, gentlemen. The Bolshevik government has
behind it two interesting organizations. These are Lett sharp shoot- .
ers and Chinamen. I think that the Lett sharp shooters are between-.
25,000 and 30,000 people. They are very faithful to the Bolsheviks.
They are getting a large salary, are fed well, are clothed Avell; and,,
besides, they can not go home because at home they will be hanged
all as one man. The people at home have told them many times,
"Quit this business and go home, otherwise we will not let you go-
home." They did not pay attention, and now they can not go home.
Tliey must -work for the Bolsheviks to the end.
Senator Sterling. To what province do they belong — Esthonia,
Courland, or what?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. I can not tell, sir. I think they are dissemi-
nated from several provinces of the northwest of Russia — Courland, .
the government of Grodno and Kovno.
Senator Sterling. Esthonia?
Mr. Kryshtofovich. Esthonia, yes. As to the Chinamen, there
are now 8,000 Chinamen or more in the Russian guard and twa
Chinese officers. They are fed well, clothed well, and are happy.
Thev have round faces now, shiny, and like to work more and more
for the Bolsheviks, and the Bolsheviks want more and more China-
men, and I have heard that they sent to China their emissaries to-
get more Chinamen from China, to bring them through Turkestan
and use them as red guards. As the workmen and peasants, have -
no arms, only a little force is sufficient to keep them in subjugation.
These two causes — one that we have so many political parties, and'
the other that disarmed people can not fight armed ones— puts the-
question of intervention to the front.
85723—19 28
434 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senatcn- Sterlixu. With proper encouragement and aid. would the
several pkrties in Russia be united against the bolshevisni?
Mr. KijYSHToruvKH. Well, it can be done, I think. Seveitd
measures b&n be taken in a very peaceful way. As for myself, I
would say that two very strong props can be taken from the Bol-
shevik system. One is currency, and another one is paper.
Xow, look here, gentlemen. Until lately they issued so-called
Kerensky paper, greenbacks, Kerensky paper money. Why did thev
issue Kerensky paper money and not paper money of their own(
We must ask what paper money is. It is a note which when pre-
sented to the treasury must be paid in gold or silver, and it must
be signed with the name of a responsible uum or representative of a
party that the people believe in. They nuide this money and at fii-st
this money had some credit, but lately abroad they began to refuse to
take it, and at home it was not very favorably accepted. But lately
the Bolsheviks have decided to discontinue using Kerensky paper,
and to resume the printing of Nicholas money. What does that
mean? They take P^mperor Nicholas" name and use it and get credit
on it. That is a swindle ; that is a counterfeit.
We have in Finland the same kind of precedent. For a short tune
the Reds obtained power there and issued their marks, Finnish money,
but when they were overpowered by this government, this govern-
ment made publication of all the series and of all the numbers of the
money that was issued by the Bolsheviks, and this money is looked
on now as counterfeit, as spurious. Tlie same must be done with the
Bolsheviks now in Russia. All the money that is issued by them
must not' be taken by any banker in the world. That is the first prop
that can be taken from them.
Another one is paper. They are doing an excellent propagamhu
and their propaganda is organized in a fine way. One hundred
thousand pamphlets and leaflets perhaps are sent to the provinces to
be distributed among the peasants and workmen, and doing their
deadly work. But even before, the Russian paper industry was not
developed, and Russia bought a large quantity of paper from Finland
and Sweden. Now, the Finnish and Swedish Governments and the
Finnish and Swedish people are against bolshevism, but merchants are
always merchants, and everywhere are merchants. They are selling
paper to the Bolsheviks in Russia, and this paper is going for Bol-
sheviki propaganda. I think that America is strong enough to make
the Bolshevists do without this paper. I think that intervention
along this line is feasible if this plan were adopted, but, unfor-
tunately, for some reason this plan has not been followed, I am
sorry to say.
TESTIMONY OF COL. V. S. HURBAN.
Col. Hurban is military attache of the Czecho-Slovak Legation
in Washington.
The witness was sworn by the chairman.
Maj. Humes. Colonel, were you a part of the Czecho-Slovak army—
with the Czecho-Slovak army — that was in Siberia, in Russia?
Col. HuEBAN. Yes; I was.
Maj. Humes. During what period of time were you in RussIr?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 435
Col. HuKBAN. I ha\e been in Russia since 1908. Since 1908 I have
lived in Russia, and been with the general staff. I was aji instructor
of officers in the intelligence service.
Senator Wolcott. What is your nationality ?
Col. Htjeban. Slovak.
Senator Wolcoti'. Where were you born ?
Col. HuRBAN. In North Hungary — now the cotuitry of Czecho-
slovakia.
Maj. Hi MES. Will j'ou just relate your observations and experi-
ences with the Bolshevik government when in Russia?
Col. HuRBAN. I know a good deal about the Bolsheviki. I saw
how they started. I dealt with them because I have been a member
of the Czecho-Slovak council, in the representative national council
which was before we were recognized as a state.
Senator Overman. Were you in the war between Germany and
Russia ?
Col. HuRBAN. As the war started I entered as a volunteer in the
Russian army, and I was in the Russian army from the first of
August, 1914, imtil the end of 1916, when I became one of the organi-
zers of Czecho-Slovak Rvissia. Since then I have belonged to our
Army.
If you want to understand what happened in Russia, I think it is
necessary to tell how it was possible, and I think the present situa-
tioij in Russia is absolutely natural and logical, growing out of the
conditions that existed before the revolution. We are fighting with
the Bolsheviki, but I can not blame them alone for the present situa-
tion. The present situation has been absolutely prepared by the old
Tsar regime. The people have been held by force in absolute dark-
ness and ignorance. The governing classes have been degenerate,
corrupt, and treacherous. The Russian people have suffered for four
hundred, five hundred, a thousand years, have suffered always, in
innocent suffering. They have been held by the old Russian Gov-
ernment not as slaves but worse than slaves. I should say that to-day
the 180,000,000 people can be terrorized by some people, but it is
only because thej' are accustomed to being terrorized, because they
have been terrorized during the hundreds and hundreds of years be-
fore.
The Russian people have absolutely no national feeling as we under-
stand it. Nobody in Russia has it. Why ? The Government, the rul-
ing classes, have been the supporters of the Tsar's regime. They have
been demoralized, degenerated, autocratic, and corrupt, and every-
thing they should not be. At this time they have no national feeling.
The liberal classes rejected nationality. Under the Tsar's regime only
one part of the Russians used national feeling as a tool for propa-
- ganda, which has been the so-called Pan-Slavists, and perhaps you
know the Pan-Slavists have been the most reactionary people. They
dream'ed about a big Sla,v state under the wide rule of the Tsar, a
Tsar half divine and half human, who would rule all Russia and all
the Slav people. This is the only class in Russia that has spoken
about nationality.
The liberalists must reject them because they saw that work was
absolutely impossible, because they saw in Russia they could do
nothing. Their work was to be on an international basis. The in-
436 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
telligent and honest people did not have this national feeling at all.
and the largest class of people, the peasants, the ignorant people, did
not know anything about national feeling.
For example, it has been said that the war has been popular. It
has been said that the Russian peasant hates the Germans. That is
not the truth. Take a wounded and suffering soldier, and he gives
him bread, and gives him tea, and treats him not with hate. The
Russian peasant does not like the Germans, bue he dislikes them not
because of the basis of national feeling but because of economic
reasons, because the Russian peasant and worker Imows that the
German worker is much more clever than he is. There is a proverb
in the Russian language that everything is invented by the Ger-
mans. The Russians did not like the Germans as they went into
the ^var, but they did not hate the Germans because of their nation-
ality, because of the national feeling, since there was no national
feeling.
The Ruhsian went into the war because he was told to go into the
war, and he has been accustomed through thousands of yoars to
obey, to go into war and to fight. Xobody knew where they were
going, and they have been going into the war because they have been
obedient, and because it was against German}', and because it was for
economical reasons; but nobody can truthfully say that the war has
been popular. It never has been popular in Russia as it has been in
Germany, in France, in England, and last, as it has been in the
United States. When the war started the Russian Government was
pro-German, corrupt, and dishonest.
Senator Si"erling. Do you mean to say that the government as a
whole was cori'upt and dishonest, or only a few men under the gov-
ernment? Do you mean the Tsar himself was corrupt or that he
was pro-German, for example?
(^ol. Htjeban. It is difficult to tell about him. I saw him many
times and I heard him speak, and I thought he was mentally a
feeble man.
Senator Sterling. I may not disagree with you in that. He ^vas
not a strong man.
Col. HuRBAX. He has been nothing.
Senator Wolcott. His wife was, was she not?
Col. Htjrbak. She was clever.
Senator Wolcott. She was German ?
Col. Hurban-. Yes. You have the testimony there of Mr. Krysh-
tofovich that he wanted to establish a cotton factory there but that
one of the ministry had some stock in a factory and that he could not
get it done. Such things are absolutely true. I do not know how
you translate this Russian word " vziatka," where you put the money
in the hand and you get everything.
Senator Wolcott. Call it " graft."
Col. HuEBAi\\ You have an expression like it?
Senator Wolcoit. Graft.
Col. HuRBAN. It is such a common word; and if anybody takes
money he is not considered a bad man. It is absolutely the natural
thing there.
Senator Overman. It was not considered dishonest to accept a
bribe ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 437
Col. HuRBAN . It was not. I know thousands of men of high posi-
tion and everybody knows that they do it. It is all right. Now,
you have heard many times of Gen. Deniken. Now, he is the leader
of the army in the provinces. Now, everybody knows that his in-
tendant
Senator Wolcott. Quartermaster or commissary ?
Maj. Httmes. Supply department.
Col. Htjeban. Supply department, or intendant, it is called. It was
known everywhere in Russia that his intendant took bribes.
Senator Wolcott. I might say right here that I talked with the
foreign sales agent of one of our large munitions concerns in this
country, who dealt with all the foreign Governments, and he told
me that he had not found a Russian official yet that did not have
his hand behind his back.
Col. HtiEBAN. It is true. But Gen. Deniken said about this in-
tendant that he knew that the intendant was stealing. He said,
" He steals, but my army will have shoes and will have bread." Those
are the words of Gen. Deniken.
When the war started'the government was pro-German, absolutely.
Gov. Sturmer and others were pro-German not because they would,
perhaps, help Germany, but they knew with the help of the Germans
they could keep their autocratic government in Russia. Everybody
knows that the head of the Russian general staff was a traitor. The
general staff knew, when we started the war in August, 191J:. that
they must prepare for the war, and when we went into Galicia we
only had shells enough to last a month, and the second month of the
war we had no shells. This was because of the ignorant Russian
general staff, which were traitors.
Senatoi Sterling. Suppose the Russian army had been well sup-
plied with munitions and arms and had not grown suspicious or
corrupt, perhaps, on the part of some of the leaders — the prime
minister, like Stiirmer ; or the minister of the interior — would not
the Russian soldiers have had considerable heart in the war and
would they not have gone ahead and fought?
Col. HuBBAN. By the end of September, when we started toward
Cracow, the whole of Galicia was in our hands. We sent the Aus-
trian army back with one push. It was all that was necessary. If we
had had then 500,000 shells we would have put Austria out of the
war. Austria was out absolutely, because, when we came to the
neighborhood of Cracow, the Moravians and the Bohemians were
waiting for us, and Austria would have been absolutely cut off. It
would have been the absolute defeat of Austria. But we did not
have those shells and we did not have the rifles. I saw the attack
of a new regiment of 15,000 men that came up and did not have a
rifle, and they went into the attack with sticks. The Russian soldier
is, perhaps, the tallest soldier in history. They went to the attack
with sticks and took the position, and they were told that they could
find their rifles on the field. They took the position and they
captured prisoners. If material had been furnished and they could
have been led by honest men and not by traitors or ignorant men,
the war would have ended, if not in 1914, in 1915, surely.
Senator Overman. Do you know the Grand Duke ?
Col. HuRBAN. Yes ; I know him.
438 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overman. He was not an ignorant man ?
Col. HuRBAX. I do not believe in him.
Senator Wolcott. What do you mean by that?
Col. HuKBAN. I do not believe in his ability. He was at that time
like the rest.
Senator Wolcott. Like the rest?
Col. Httrban. It is impossible to be a man who was educated and
lived the life under the circumstances that he did and be honest.
He can not be, under such circumstances — having been educated in
the Russian court. Everybody said " Nicholas is honest." But that
was impossible. Xo one in the country believes he is an honest man.
and nobody thought he was a traitor, but he has been at the head of
the general staif. That proves that he was a man of no ability. I
do not believe in him. Nicholas said in the beginning to the Poles
that they would get their autonomy. The Germans entered the Polish
Provinces of Russian Poland, but when the military situation got
better, nobody spoke about autonomy for the Poles. It proves that
he does not keep his promises.
I nmst say that, to understand what is happening to-day in Rus-
sia, we must not think of anarchy as starting with the Bolsheviki
or* with the oveitlii'ow of the Kerensky government. I believe
anarchy started on the 27th of March, 1917, when the Tsar was
overthrown. I will explain mj' idea. All the laws, all the rules in
Russia have been passed, not for the people, but they came from the
head — passed by the Tsar. The Russian ignorant peasant never
understands a rule, that the rule is necessary to be made for himself;
but, on the other hand, he understands the rule is a law because the
boss needs it — the Tsar.
The psychology of understanding and following a law has been not
social, I should say, but it has come from above. The authority was
personified by the Tsar, as being very near to God. All the Russian
officials under the Tsar's regime were demoralized. A Russian of-
ficial never thought of doing his duty toward the people, but his
duty was toward his next boss ; and so he ne^er served the people, but
he served first the next boss, and so on up to the Tsar. When the
overthrow of the Tsar came, then the basis of following the laws
was lost to the peasant in his own mind. He had been obeying the
Tsar, and as there was no longer any Tsar, though the provisional
government ran only a very short time, yet by force of gravity and
custom the peasant continued along in the same way ; but the force
of gravity grew less and less until complete anai'chy took possession
of the Russian peasant. He had no moral basis for himself. He
had lost it ; it had been taken away. So I say he had anarchy in his
mind, and that anarchy had been caused 50 per cent by the old Tsar
regime and 25 per cent by the Kerensky government.
Senator Sterling. What is the last statement?
Col. Htjeban. If we are to decide who is responsible for the present
anarchial condition, I should say that 50 per cent should be blamed on
the old regime, 25 per cent on Kerensky, and 25 per cent on the Bol-
shevik government.
Senator Sterling. Why is it due to the Kerensky government?
Senator Wolcott. Let us see if I understand what you are getting
at. I think I catch your point. Is it this way? The Russian people,
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 439
the great mass of the people, do not recognize obedience to law in the
sense that we Americans do. They only knew obedience to men,
which obedience they gave because of the Tsar's claim to divine right,
and which obedience they also gave because of fear. They obeyed
their rulers, the people did, and they thought of laws only in the
sense that they were rules put down on the people by the rulers ?
Col. HuRBAN. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Now, when in Marcli the rulers were over-
thrown, the Evissian people lost all their ties of authority. They
were not. devoted to law. They had been only devoted to the rulers,
and the rul- rs wore gone. For a little while the Russian people be-
haved themselves by the impetus of past custom, but within a short
time that impetus was lost and the people just were left without
any authority that they recognized, so that there was anarchy in
their minds. And hence when that anarchy grew and grew, and got
more, you trace it back and say that it stai'ted from Kerensky's gov-
ernment which had creafpcl an anarchy of mind, so to speak. Have
I expressed your point right?
Col. Htjrban. Yes; p':'rhaps you can make me understand. The
rulers who came after the Tsar, the honest men in Russia who came
out, ought to have known the mind of the Russian people, but they
did not. I did not know Miliukov nor Roclzianko. Miliukov was one
of the most able men that Russia had. He Avoidd have stopped the
Russian anarchy by giving them the Dardanelles, and he proclaimed
that the Dardanelles weie Russian. It was the most foolish thing
that he did, because the Russian peasant had been told that this was
not a war of annexation, that he wovdd only have peace, and he did
not understand why the Dardanelles were for him. They did not
have a national feeling.
Senator Sterling. While Miliukov may have made that mistake,
was he not regarded as an honest and patriotic. man, clevoted to the
interests of the Russian people ?
Col. HuEBAN. Yes. I can explain again psychologically, if you will,
his failure. Even if you are an honest and able man, if you are
accustomed from your very youth to work onlj' to destroy, it is very
difficult for you if you are one day placed in a position to construct.
Miliukov and, all his followers from their very youth never did any
constructive work, because it was not possible. They only did de-
structive work. All their strength had gone into the work of destroy-
ing the then rulers in Russia. Now those rulers are gone, and they
lire not able to construct a new government for the people. Russia
is many times bigger than the United States, and it is vei'y difficult
to expect from them that they do it. That is the reason why the
revolution has brought no one big man. There was one in the first
revolution that bid fair to become a man of some imi:)ortance, but he
was killed by the Bolsheviki in Petrograd while I Avas there. Many
thought that Kerensky was the man.
Personally I did not like Trotsky, and I disliked Kei-ensky twice as
much, r will tell you why. It was not his fault. Kerensky was a
very able hiAvyer, and he fought on the side of the people against this
destructive work. The Russian revolutionary liberals always worked
with the people only in their minds. They thought they had actual
power, but they had no real power in this provisional govern-
440 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
ment, it was only imaginary: and they started to give to tliese
ignorant people radical ideas which the Russian ignorant man never
could understand.
Senator Sterling. They were too liberal, in other words ?
Col. HrRBAx. Kerensky. as the revolution started, as everybodv
knew, was the extreme left member in the provisional government.
Senator Sterling. And that means radical socialist?
Col. HuRBAN. He had been of the party of the social rexolutionists.
Senator Sterling. And a radical?
Col. Htjebajt. He had been of the radical wing. His paper, '• Del
Naroda," that he started. I remember it very well, and got the first
number. The boys cried. " ' Del Naroda,' the paper of Kerensky.'"
I began to read, and immediately T thought, I began to hate
Kerensky. I think from the first day I saw him in the Duma. All his
life he had been a lawyer, 'but as he appeared in the Duma he wore a
working blouse. That means that he is an actor. I saw liini in his
working blouse. Though he worked for the people as a lawyer and
became their minister, yet in order to show his democracy he wore a
working blouse. Since that time I have seen his pictures and he is a
Tery dangerous actor. He proved it by his lack of ability. I can
tell you his attitude toward us. The old regime was against us.
Senator Wolcott. What do you mean by " us " : the CzecJio-
Slovaks ?
Col. Hlrbax. Against the Czecho-Slovaks, because since 1914, when
we entered into the Russian Army as vohmteer soldiers, nnr boys
began to escape from the Austrian Army, and we organized our
units to fight against Austria and Germany. Kerensky knew that we
were absolutely against Austria-Hungary, though he would not per-
mit us absolutely to form an army, because we had been the biggest
enemy against Austria-Hungary, because we never compromised with
Austria- Hungary. In our proclamation in the beginning of 1915 our
people declared that we would never make compromises with Austria-
Hungary, and if the allies should make peace with Austria-Hungary,
we would start a new war again within 10 years.
The old Tsar regiment was organized as the revolution started.
and Miliukov, who was our big friend, was foreign minister and
promptly he recognized the government of the Czecho-Slovaks,
and we started to form one brigade. At that time we were on the
Russian front, under Russian uniform. As the revolution started.
Miliukov recognized our government and allowed us to form an
army. ^Ye started in, and if we had gone along as we started, by ^lay
or June, 1917, we would have had 150,000 volunteers. But unfor-
tunately Kerensky came in and stopped the formation of our army.
We Avent to him and asked him why it was, and he said that our
army was formed on a nationalistic basis; that we were Chauvinists,
and our army was on a national basis, which was natural, we
having been oppressed as a nation, but Ave could not declare war
and form an army as a nation. He could not understand, becaii-e
he was so naive in his views. Still he spoke about internationali'^in
and such stuff. But he tried to stop our forming an army as large as
we wanted. It was more or less anarchy, but we did it. He forbade
us, but we did it, arid we succeeded in forming an army of about
50,000 men. It was not allowed, but we did it, because it was an-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 441
nounced in Russia that we could succeed. Kerensky saw in May that
he had made a mistake, as the army was gone, and he began to talk
about nationalism. He came to the soldiers and began to appeal to
their national feelings. He was much uglier than before, because he
denied — and he should know — that these people had any national
feeling. But now he began to talk about national feeling, and wanted
the people to go against Germany, and the people did not understand
him.
Senator Sterling. He had been preaching internationalism?
Col. HuEBAN. Yes. And after a while he started his first drive,
and we helped him because we thought we would have an occasion to
show ourselves to the world, and when he started his big offensive, as
you perhaps know, only our brigade went into the offensive, and
our brigade alone had a big victory, although we were surrounded
because all the Russian soldiers fled away. Afterwards Kerensky
came to us and talked to us because we fought and did such big things,
and now he began to understand what national feeling meant.
Kerensky's attitude in the beginning was that 99 per cent of the
Bolsheviki were German agents, but that was only in the first month.
Then Kerensky spoke and said that they could be conquered by force
of arms, etc., because they were men, all of them. In June we knew
more about them, and laiew that all the Bolsheviki were not Ger-
man agents. You have heard Mr. Kryshtofovich say that they were
not all German agents. It was not true. They were real Bolsheviki,
imd they believed tliat Bolshevism would bring happiness and would
bring peace. But Mr. Kerensky comes and he says that the Bol-
sheviki are German agents. It was not true, and every Russian
workman knew they were not German agents.
Senator Wolcott. It was true for about a month ?
Col. HuEBAN. It was true in the beginning.
Senator Wolcott. But when Kerensky said the Bolsheviki were
all German agents, it was not true then ?
Col. Htjrban. It had been true all over the country, but it was no
more.
Senator Wolcott. It had gone all through the Russian people,
then ?
Col. Htjrban. Yes ; and the Russian people really believed in the
ideas of the Bolsheviki. I talked with them. I have been many
times in the Soviets, and I spoke with these people, and I know how
real it has been and how their minds and souls have been in it. This
time there was no longer a possibilitj'^ of fighting against the Bolshe-
viki as German agents, because it was not true.
Senator Steeling. What do you know about Kerensky's ideas in
regard to disciple in the army, and his relaxation of discipline, and
what effect it had on the Russian army?
Col. Hueban. I can not blame Kerensky entirelj^, because the dis-
cipline was gone. I can not blame him, because, as I told you, the
Russian soldier had always been obedient. He did not know why,
but he knew he must be obedient. Now he was told, " We are all
alike, everybody," and therefore that was the end of all discipline.
Senator Oveeman. He owed allegiance to nobody ?
Col. Htteban. The soldier did not understand. He had been sub-
ject to the high command, and that had been overthrown, and now
the soldier began not to believe anybody.
442 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Sterling. Did Kerensky issue some order that the enUsted
man should pay no particular respect to his superior officer ?
Col. HuEBAN. No ; it is not Kerensky ; no. He can not be blamed.
That was the situation on the second day of the revolution, as the
Petrograd soviet formed, because on the 26th of February, as the
riots occurred, and on the iTth of February, nobody would believe
that the revolution would be, and those liberal people who were in the
Duma were surprised, themselves. Xobody believed in it. I liave
been in Petrograd and watched the streets, and I have been in the
Duma, and nobody believed it was true. The revolutionary workers
organized a soviet of soldiers and workers the first day. absolutely.
The Duma did not know what to do. The workers on the second diiv
issued an order, order Xo. 1. This was the woi-k of German agents,
I believe, this order Xo. 1, and there were some people with idea'.,
too, who did not believe in it. It was afterwards explained. Ker-
ensky can not be blamed for it — for the nonsense of the order No. 1
which was issued by the Petrograd soviet — and it was bad for
the discipline of the old regime.
Under such circumstances he was absohitely preparing the action
for the Bolshevilii. Xow, I will say something about that. Yon
know what is the idea of Bolshevism. I do not think I need to ex-
plain that. In other words, while in former times the proletariat
had been oppressed by the cai^italistic class, it is now vice versa, and
the capitalists are now oppressed by the proletariats. It is absolutely
the same.
Senator Overman. The bottom rail is now on top?
Col. HuRBAN. It is absolutely the same thing. As the Bolshevists
started their action in Petrograd I was in Petrograd, and I have been
over the streets and I have talked with them, and I saw those agents,
and I have many proofs that the Bolshevists who first came to Russia
were German agents. Is Lenine a German agent, and are Trotsky
and these different people? This question can be answered from
absolutely different points of view. From our point of view I can
tell you he is a German agent, but from his point of view he will tell
you he is absolutely not. He is, from his point of view, absolutely
honest.
I do not think Lenine will deny that he got German money. He
got it and came through Germany ; but it is very interesting that he
denied it afterwards. There is no doubt that he came because thev
helped him. If anybody gives him money, he takes the money to
realize his own ideas. I have heard Lenine talk manv times, and I
think he is a foolish man — a fool. How is he a foolish man? He
does not believe in facts. After the treaty of Brest-Litovsk was in-
twpreted, Trotsky refused to sign the treaty, and said, " We will not
fight." He said, " I can not sign this horrible peace, but we will
demobilize " ; and the Gei'mans took the Russian front. Then Lenine
said that everybody was on the front, and there was a very big
danger that we would be surrounded. Lenine told our representa-
tives that the German soldiers who were advancing were German
White Guards; that the Germans had formed a special army of the
bourgeois, which was coming to Russia. He said they were not the
German socialists because they were starting a revolution, but they
were forming a special army of White Guards — a bourgeois army.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 443
a German bourgeois army with only the bourgeois class in it — and
they were advancing on Russia, and that no workmen and no peas-
ants were in this army.
We gave them proof, because we dealt with the Bolsheviki from the
beginning. We have been with them absolutely neutral, and we
saw them and gave them proof. We had many prisoners, and we
showed them these people. " No," they said, " they are bourgeoisie."
Such, I think, is Lenine ; all his life a man that has worked only
destructively, who has worked on his table in Switzerland, in our
country, and in Prague, and I do not know where. His ego is such
that he absolutely goes contrary to the facts.
Why should such a man as Lenine exist, or why should such a man
as Stiirmer exist, who believes in a tyranny of some classes of the
people, and they, too, educated men? If they should not exist, one
might say. Why should Lenine, who believes the contrary, exist ? He
is not necessarily a traitor or a German agent. Really he has been
a German agent, de facto ; but if he got help from the Germans, if
he betrayed us on the order of the Germans, he did not do it because
he wanted to help the Germans ; he did it because he thought it would
help to bring through his idea. You could not make Lenine believe
that the allied army crushed Germany or that the Kaiser is gone
because the German Army is crushed. He thinks it was his propa-
ganda that caused it.
Senator Wolcott. That is what Mr. Albert Rhys Williams, who
was the head of the Bolshevik propaganda in Russia, says. He
says that the Bolsheviki of Russia caused Germany to be beaten.
Col. HuEBAN. I can not tell you, because as we retreated from
Courland we were surrounded by the Germans, and we had a very
difficult withdrawal from Ukrainia. We had a big- battle, and we
beat the Germans there very badly, and got some prisoners, and we
sent them to Moscow as examples of those White Guards, and they
were all workers and socialists, and they had come into Russia. But
you could never make Lenine believe it.
Senator Overman. He believes he ended the war, does he not?
Col. HuBBAN. He believes he brought about the restoration of
peace ; and you could never make him believe that only victory made
it possible, and that Wilhelm lost his throne only because he was
beaten.
I can not explain Trotsky like Lenine. Trotsky is much more of a
real man. Trotsky is satanic.
. Senator Wolcott. In other words, he is a devil ?
Col. Htjbban. Yes; if you please. I can not explain myself. I
have heard him speak many times, and I am of the belief that he is
acting — I can not explain — because he is a very real thinking man.
He does not believe in what he writes. I always .had the impression
that Lenine really believes what he says; but Trotsky, never. He
does not believe what he says.
I can give you an example, to illustrate. It was the first attempt
to overthrow the provisional government. As you know, the main
force of the Bolsheviks in the beginning were the sailors at Kron-
stadt and I think it was the 1st of July, 1917, or the 3d — I do not
remember exactly now, as I have not got those dates right here—
but the sailors from Kronstadt came to Petrograd, and they were
444 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
then a force of 10,000 men, armed from their heads to their feet, and
they came on battleships and transports to Petrograd and they all
disembarked and went to the Duma. I was interested to see them, and
as they marched through the street in Petrograd I went out to see
them, as I wanted to see them march and to look at them. All of a
sudden something happened, like it always does in Kussia — somebodv
shoots a shot and is gone. It was more or less an everyday occurrence
in Petrograd, and if somebody shot, nobody paid any attention. The
shooting came from near the houses, you know, and the bullets stmck
the wall and ricocheted, and it looked like the shooting came from
i;here. They had these smokeless powder cartridges. Then everybodv
began shooting. In less than 15 seconds no one was on the street.
I found myself alone on the corner, because they were shooting from
everywhere ; they shoot, they shoot, and they shoot, in the windows
of the shops and everywhere, and the whole army of 10,000 men
escaped.
Senator Wolcott. You mean the sailors ran?
CoL Htjrban. The sailors ran, but I stayed on the corner of the
street with one older man and a boy, and he used a very nasty, bad
Russian word about them because they all escaped in the houses, and
began to loot, and after two or three hours they came out of the
houses and this disorderly crowd came before the Duma. Everybody
in Petrograd knew what had happened with the heroes of Kronstadt
who now came out, and naturally Trotsky knew it, too. Trotsky
came out on the balcony, and I was there because I was anxious to
know and to see these people, and he says, " This is the beautifulness
and proudness of the Russian revolution." Those were his words.
Excuse me, but how can I believe him? He is clever enough, but
how can I believe him ? Afterwards in his dealings with us he tried
to explain, but he will have to explain to me many times.
Perhaps I choose a very difficult question when I speak of the role
of the Jews in the Russian revolution, but I think something has been
told which is not quite true and not just. The Jews in Russia have
not been treated like human beings. Whenever a Russian spoke to a
Jew he always addressed him by the use of some insulting epithet
which I can not translate into English because I do not know the
words, and they have always been treated in such a manner by the old
Russians, and all the people have been allowed to treat them in that
way, and they have really always felt themselves betweeii two enemies
threatening to kill them ; but you know the Jewish people are a ver\'
energetic people, and are not so ignorant as the lower classes of the
Russians. Now, is it not absolutely natural that now that the revolu-
tion is over and everybody is alike, everybody is free, the Russian
peasant, who has been looking on, as the Jew, and especially the
Russian Jew, who has been working under a very difficult task,
should have gone forward. It is natural that everywhere he should
liave had enough of the ignorance of most of these incapable
Russians.
It is also logical that the morals of the officials should be corrupt
I can not deny it, because it is a fact, and it is useless to deny it, that
in the Soviets from the beginning there have been a very large per-
centage of Jews. It can not be denied. I can explain myself. "^
should not blame them, because it is just their revenge. It is a
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 445'
human thing. He who does not believe in revenge is an idealist.
Revenge is an absolute human feeling. And I think many of the
men who have been in the Russian revolution are men of feeling, too.
It is only natural. I can not blame them. But the Russian Jews
generally, who number 8,000,000, are suffering as the Russian people
are suffering. They are against the Bolshevists, the workingmen.
The masses of the Jews who live in Poland are against the Soviets of
the Bolsheviks, just like the Russian people, and yet they have been
blamed.. That is Avhy I question it.
So, as to the succegs of Trotsky, I can only explain, under such
conditions, that it is nice to woi'k for Trotsky. We must not look
at this from one side. Is it not worth M'hile to throw away principles
and be satanic ? It is a great thing, and he will be a man who has
accomplished a career. Is it not -W'orth while to deny all moral
principles for such a thing? Every man is something of an actor,
and he is an actor, and it must seem quite nice to him to go from
the bottom to be, as he is to-day, the director of the whole of Russia.
Is it not nice to kill and to do everything? Trotsky, perhaps, took
money from Germany, but Trotsky will deny it. Lenine would not
deny it. Miliukov proved that he got $10,000 from some Germans
while he was in America. Miliukov had the proof, but he denied it,
Trotsky did, although Miliukov had the proof.
Senator Overman. It was charged that Trotsky got $10,000 here.
Col. HuRBAN. I do not remember how much it was, but I know
it was a question between him and Miliukov.
Senator Overman. Miliukov proved it, did he?
Col. HiTEBAN. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. Do you know where he got it from ?
Col. Hurban. I remember it was $10,000 ; but it is no matter.
I will speak about their starting the propaganda. The German
Government knew Russia better than anybody, and they knew that
with the help of those people they could destroy the Russian army.
(At 5.45 o'clock p. m. the subcommittee adjourned until to-morrow.
Wednesday, February 19, 1919. at 10.;!0 o'clock a. m.)
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 19, 1919.
I"fiSTrED States Senate,
SUBCOMJHTTEE OF THE CoAIAIITTEE (IN THE JUDICTARY,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., in room 226, Senate
Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman). Wolcott, Nelson, and
Sterling.
TESTIMONY OF COL. V. S. HURBAN— Resumed.
Senator Overman. Colonel, you had just arrived at the statement
about the Bolsheviki, I believe. You may proceed, now.
Col. Hi'RBAN. Yesterday I tried to explain what had been before
the big Russian revolution. All was well prepared for the anarchy
which is to-day in Russia. I would explain that the Bolsheviks alone,
as they are, could not be the cause of this anarchy. Bolshevism
is, as I see it, an absolutely natural social business. A good, honest
government in a state has in it the germs of this disease also; but
if it is a government that has been honestly democratic, it goes
through slight influences only. On the other hand, a dishonest
government, an autocratic government, must succumb. So suc-
cumbed Russia ; and, as you see, is succumbing, partly only, Germany.
Senator Nelson. What you mean is that where they get this Bol-
shevik germ and have lived under a bad government like that of
Russia under the Czar, it takes them longer to get over the disease
than Avhen they are under a mildei- form of government ?
Col. HuBBAN. Yes; that is what I mean. These germs are every-
where. The germs are in e\"ery state, and it is an absolutely natural
occurrence; because everybody who is not content does not know
why he is not content. He has not natural possibility to get money,
or he is unable to get money, and he is discontented. He tries to help
himself, and if he can not get it the honest way he tries to make it
otherwise.
. Senator SteklijSkj. Wliat do you think the leaders of the Dunui, or
through the Constituent Assembly, might have been able to ac-
complish if it had not been for Kerensky and the Bolshevik element
that followed?
Col. HuRBAN. I did not understand one word, then, Senator.
Senator Sterling. Do you not think that the leaders of the Duma
would have been able to work out, through the Constituent Assembly,
447
448 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
a good, demociiitic government if they had been let alone: if
Kerensky had not come in. or the Bolsheviki later (
Col. hiiiBAN. It is very hard to answer such a (jiiestion because,
as I know the Eussian people — and I ha\'e been 10 years in Russia
and I know the Russian people — as I believe, it ^^•as in an anarchistic
state of mind since the first day of the revolution, and the honest
and the liberal leaders of the Duma, and otherwise, they have been
not prepared for this work.
Senator Sterling;. I know, but now if tlie extremists had ndt got
in their work, do you not think that a democratic form of government
Avould have been worked out through the Constituent Assembly?
Col. Hi^RBAX. Oh. yes: that is true. It is absolutely true, and there
would not have been such a disorganization as there has been. If vou
could see the Russian people — the Russians haxe been drunken with
the ideas of the Bolsheviks. They were a drunken people. If yuu
could see them you would look on this not as merely the work of
agents, but in the start it was absolutely natural. I can not deny the
jDOSsibility of some people having their ends — to oppress. It is a very
human thing. Why should only the upper classes oppress, as they
knew before ? Why shoidd not the lowei' classes oppress ? And such
a thing is absolutely imdemocratic — that idea of democracy has
nothing to do here — because the Bolshevik doctrine has absohitely
nothing to do with justice, has absolutely nothing to do with honesty,
and has absolutely nothing to do Avith culture or with progress. It
has absolutely nothing in common with those things; and anyliody
who says otherwise — who has been in Russia and who says other-
wise— is blind, stupid, or dishonest and a liar.
I told about my experiences, first directly about the Bolsiieviki.
what I saw first, and in Petrograd, as they began the action, until
afterwards there came the official connection with them and I dealt
with them, and as they betrayed us : I told yesterday about the Bol-
shevik German agents ; I told about the leaclers ; I told about Lenine
and Trotsky and others.
But, as the revolution started, there came to Russia many, many
agitators. I speak now about the first week or the first month. I
believe that I am telling the truth, and I want to tell the truth. I
believe 99 per cent of the Bolshevik agitators in the beginning were
paid German agents. I can illustrate how it was. There was the
system of meetings; after the revolution came the meetings, on the
street, everywhere: e\'erywhere meetings. There would be standing
on the sti'eet three or four talking, or perhaps there may have been
200 of them, and one of these men began to talk, and he agitated
the question about all power to the Soviets: peace, bread, etc. No-
body told the people, but it was demagogy — speeches. I listened to
these people many times and I could find only one man who was a
Russian and who believed in these things, who did this. All the
other men who spoke had been prisoners of war, Germans and Aus-
trians who had learned some Russian; Finns, Swedes, and different
people that the Germans sent. They knew how the Russian people
were sentimental, and how they had been drunken about this idea
of liberty, freedom, and law. They believed it.
Once there was a big meeting on the street, and I was going by
and I listened to these men.
Senator Oveemax. Very few of them ai'e Russians?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 449
Col. HuKBAN. No; these people were Eussian soldiers and sailors.
Senator Overman. I mean the people who were talking to these
Eussians ?
Col. Htirban. Yes. The first word that I heard I knew he was not
a Eussian who was speaking. I speak German, too, and I heard
the Germans talking. T know their accent. If somebody talks Eus-
sin — an Englishman, a German, or a Frenchman — I know him, be-
cause I know them ; I know their languages. I immediately saw that
it was a German speaking, and he was speaking against the war,
against the provisional government; he was saying that the army
should be d'emObilized, and that there should be peace, peace, peace.
Generally, I was a very patient listener, and I did not mix up, but
this time I wps excited, and I asked him, " Who are you, that you
advocate so for these people? Who are you; what nationality are
you'? Where are you coming from, and what from? " The answer
that I got, not from him, will show you how it is possible that such
a big trouble came in Eussia. I was stopped in my questioning bj^ the
Eussians — the real Eussians. They attacked me and asked me,
"What do you speak about the nation for? It is notliing who he
is, what he is, or from where he comes. The difference is what he
says." I was stopped, and I had to go away, because they said " There
is nothing in nationality." They believed it; and he laughed at me;
and I had to go. If I had told them, ''Listen, it is a German ! He
advocates his cause; he does not advocate your cause," they woidd
say, "No, no; no nationality. We are all brothers. We must make
peace."
Under such circumstances was started the action. AVho supported,
in the first start of the revolution, the Bolsheviks ? They were abused
by demagogues. Trotsky was not there in the beginning, but
there were those other people; and there were German agents, and
those who are all agents, all the policemen and all these people who
had been employed by the provisional government; because the
police and the gendarmes, they had been abolished, and they went to
the Bolsheviks and they began to agree with the Bolsheviks. I knew
a policeman — I can not say a friend of mine, but an officer whom I
knew — and I talked to him. In about the second or the third month
after the revolution I met him in one of the Bolshevik organizations.
I asked him, " Listen, you do not mean to say that you have had
this quick turning of your mind, and everything? " He looked at
me, and he said, "What could I do? I mvist live." On that the
supportei's of the Bolsheviks in the beginning were of these two ele-
ments from the old regime. You would find everybody there. All
thes^ spies, if I can use this word, the high-cultured spy system of
the old regime — because if anything was high, absolutely, it was the
spy system in Eussia, the interior spy system — all these people have
gone "to the Bolsheviks. I am talking about the first month and the
second month. These ideas must make drunk, not those who were
ignorant but a very good hearted and sentimental people like the
Russians'. It made them drunk; and really, in July, all the workers
and all the soldiers, a big per cent of them, were Bolsheviks. They
thought that they were. It was not based deep in conscience, but a
Russian man, an average Eussian peasant worker, understands lib-
Brty I should say, " zoologically," if I can use that word. To illus-
85723—19 29
450 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
trate, many times I talked to such a soldier, and I saw how lie under-
stood it. It was, " What is thine is mine, and what is mine, vou
nave nothing to do with it." That is first. Second, the Russian
peasant is a proprietor, a first-class proprietor. He wants his own
soil. He wants to be the owner ; that is, the first-class owner.
Senator Sterling. The proprietor, you mean?
Col. HuRBAN. Yes, sir; he wants to be the owner. He wants to
•own in that sense, as we understand it.
Senator Nelson. He is land hungry?
Col. HuRBAN. Yes; the fact is that he has been land hungry; and
they commenced to gi^e him soil, and in this matter I must say not
only how it has been done all the time, not only the Bolsheviki are
guilty, but the provisional government and all the social parties es-
pecially, are ahead of everyone, because no one told to the people tlie
fact that liberty brings a burden, and he who will be free, he must
work. Nobody told the Eussian people, the Russian workers or the
Russian peasants, " You are free, but you have some duties. You
must work." All the time there was not work. No one worked; not
under the provisional government, not under the Bolsheviki; but
they spoke, and the Bolsheviki were more demagogic about the
rights; and the Ruasian is an ignorant man, he understands about
the rights, that it is that he can do what he wants, and that is the
liberty. You have joked, many time, about how they say " Now is
freedom."
Senator Nelson. Were vou in Russia during the revolution of
March. 1917?
Col. HuRBAN. Yes; I was in Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. You Avere in Petrograd?
Col. Htjrban. Yes.
Senator Nelson. You are a Czecho-Slovak?
Col. HuEBAN. Yes.
Senator Nelson. How came you to be there? How came you to
go there ? Were you a prisoner of war ?
Col. Htjrban. No; but I was, before the war started, in Russia,
and in the Russian Army as a volunteer.
Senator Nelson. You served in the Russian Army?
Col. Htjrban. Yes. I served in the Russian Army.
Senator Nelson. And you were stationed with the army, in Petro-
grad?
Col. Hueban. No; when the revolution started I was a member of
our provisional government of the Czecho-Slovak National Coun-
cil, of the Russian branch of the Czecho-Slovak National Council.
Senator Nelson. You fought in the Russian Army ? *
Col. Hueban. Yes.
Senator Overman. Were you wounded?
Col. Htjrban. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. How many times?
Senator Nelson. Did you go into the provisional council, you
say?
Col. Hueban. No; we had our own organization.
Senator Nelson. In the army?
Col. Hueban. No; we formed, in Russia, from the provisional
arm}'
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 451
Senator Nelson. No; I am coming to the army. You were with
the Russian Army ?
Col. Htjrban. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Where were you stationed when you were in the
army?
Col. HuEBAN. I have been on the front all the time.
Senator Nelson. When did you leave the army ?
Col. HuEBAN. I began to work about the organization of our army
in the end of 1916.
Senator Nelson. No; when did you quit the army? When did
you leave ; when did you quit the front ?
Col. HuEBAN. Since 1916 I have been in Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. How came you to be in Petrograd at that time?
Was your detachment or regiment sent there ?
Col. HuEBAN. No; 1 have been sent to work, to Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. Who sent you?
Col. HuiiBAN. From the Russian command.
Senator Nelson. What were you to do at Petrograd ?
Senator Overman. What were you engaged in?
Senator Nelson. What did they send you to Petrograd for ?
Col. Htjeban. About the organization of the Czecho-Slovak Army.
Senator Nelson. About the organization of the Czecho-Slovak
Army?
Col. HuEBAN. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Were there anyCzecho-Slovaks at Petrograd at
that time?
Col. Hueban. We have been there ; we have been on paper ; we had
our organization — political organization — there.
Senator Nelson. Oh, you had, in Petrograd ?
Col. HtJEBAN. Yes ; and we tried to form our army under the old
regime, but the old regime was against us, and we participated in
the fighting with the old regime to bring through our army.
Senator Nelson. Then you went there to help organize the Czecho-
slovaks who were in Petrx)gracl, who had been there before the war,
and you started to do that?
Col. Htjeban. No, no ; that is not so.
Senator Nelson. I understood you to say that there wus an asso-
ciation of Czecho-Slovaks.
Col. Hueban. Our people were all through Russia.
Senator Nelson. No; come down to Petrograd. Was there any
organization there?
Col. Hueban. Yes; but they had been all over. That had been the
center.
Senator Nelson. There was no organization?
Senator Wolcott. May I ask a question there ?
Senator Nelson. Yes ; certainly.
' Senator Wolcott. When did the Czecho-Slovak people set them-
selves up as a Republic?
Col. Hueban. The Czecho-Slovak people declared war in manifests
given out in August, 1915. We forhially declared war against
Austro-Hungary and Germany.
Senator Wolcott. August 4, 1914?
Col. Hueban. In 1915.
452 BOLSHEVIK PE0PA6ANDA.
Senator Nelson. When did you leave the front and go to Petro-
grad ?
Col. Htjrban. It was in 1916.
Senator Nelson. How long did you stay in Petrograd?
Col. Htjeban. I have been in Petrograd since 1916, and until — no*
I have been going from Petrograd to see our army and to the front'
biit I have been in Petrograd from March 1, 1918.
Senator Nelson. 1917?
Senator Overman. 1918, he said.
Col. HuRBAN. 1918. I have been six months in hospital.
Senator Nelson. During all that time?
Col. Htjrban. Yes, sir.
Senator Sterling. Did you belong to a Czecho-Slovak organiza-
tion while in the Russian Army ?
Col. HuRBAN. Oh, no. While I was in the Russian Army I was
in the Russian Army absolutely as a Russian volunteer.
Senator Sterling. I did not know but what you had a regiment of
Czecho-Slovaks with the RuSvsian Army.
Col. HuRBAN. Yes.
Senator Sterling. To which you belonged; is that right?
Senator Overman. You stated yesterday that you had 50,000, and
you wanted 100,000.
Col. HuRBAN. It was our own army. We had afterwards our own
army.
Senator Nelson. But the Czecho-Slovak forces did not go to Pet-
rograd, nor they did not go to Moscow.
Col. HuRBAN. Why
Senator Nelson. The Czecho-Slovaks did not go to Petrograd or
even to Moscow?
Col. HuRBAN. No.
Senator Nelson. They were in Siberia.
Col. HuRBAN. No ; we have not been. We have been on the front.
Senator Nelson. The Czecho-Slovaks were in Siberia.
Col. HuRBAN. No; it is not so.
Senator Wolcott. He is referring to Czecho-Slovaks who went out
of Austria — left Austria — and went into Russia and joined the Eus-
sian forces.
Col. HxiRBAN. On the front.
Senator Wolcott. You were born in Hungary ?
Col. Htjrban. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. He was born in Hungary, and when the war
broke out he went into Russia and volunteered in the Russian Army.
Col. HuRBAN. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. A great many other Czecho-Slovaks did that
too, did they not ?
Col. Htjrban. Yes ; and then we started our trip from the Russian
front, where we fought with the Germans; we started our tnp
through Russia — to France through Siberia. That is the reason we
were in Siberia.
Senator Wolcott. After the war started a great many Czecho-
slovaks deserted the Austrian Army and surrendered ?
Col. Htjrban. Yes. ' ,
Senator Wolcott. And you took them into the Russian Army and
organized a brigade, did you not ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 453
Col. HuRBAN. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. And you fought with them as a brigade of
Czecho-Slovaks under the Eussian command ?
Col. HuRBAN. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. And you were with that brigade?
Col. HuRBAN. No; I was not with this brigade, because I had been
detached to Brussiloff's staff. I was on his staff.
Senator Overman. You were on the general staff?
Col. HuRBAN. Yes; I was on Brussiloff's staff.
Senator Wolcott. Where is he — up in Petrograd ?
Col. HuRBAN. No ; he is in the army yet.
Senator Wolcott. You went up to Petrograd afterwards ?
Col. HuRBAN. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. And why did you leave the general staff and go
to Petrograd ?
Col. Htjrbax. Because I wanted to work with our own people in
our own work.
Senator Wolcott. What do you mean by " our own work " ?
Col. HuRBAN. Because we were at that time organized all through
the war work in our struggle against Austro-Hungary, and because
we had many war prisoners in Russia, we tried to make from them a
force to help Bussia against Austro-Hungary. This division of men
which has been known from our own country, which worked with
the people, they started this work. ,
Senator Wolcott. You went to Petrograd to do that work, did
you?
Col. Htjrban. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. To organize the Czecho-Slovak prisoners into
a fighting force ?
Col. HrrKBAN. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. That was your business at Petrograd?
Col. Htjrban. Yes; that was my business at Petrograd; and at
that time it was a very difficult business, because at that time the old
regime was against us. But I had been in Russia a long time, and I
had many friends, and so, through other people, more or less secretly
we organized our force ; and as the revolution came our organization
grew very quickly. I will explain afterwards about our dealings
with the Bolsheviki.
I will not argue more with the ideology of the Bolsheviki. I want
to show you how they put their ideas into practice. Nothing about
these things has been said, very much, here, nor can I say much of
them that is really true.
Senator Nelson. Just tell us what the practices were of the Bol-
sheviki. That is what we want to know.
Col. Htjrban. Yes ; that is what I will tell you. The reason the Bol-
sheviki succeeded so very quickly at first, you know, they promised
peace and bread and
Senator Wolcott. They promised land ?
Col. Htjrban. Yes; and land. The provisional government prom-
ised that, too; -but they promised peace and international brother-
hood at the beginning of their agitation.
As the Eussian Army began to collapse the provisional government
again introduced the death penalty. It was very drastic action to
454 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
take against them, and the Bolsheviki really succeeded with their
argument against the death penalty; but you know that since the
Bolsheviki have been in power they have enforced the death penalty.
That is everyday bread for them. That is one thing they put into
practice. You know how it has been in Petrograd.
I want to tell you several stories in order to illustrate the attitude
of the Bolsheviks toward us. When the Kerensky government col-
lapsed the only military force left in Russia was ourselves.
Senator Wolcott. That is, the Czecho-Slovaks ?
Col. HuKBAX. Yes; composed of 50,000 men, and we could have
done with Eussia what we wanted. We had all of Siberia in our
hands, and we could do in Eussia absolutely what we wanted. There
was no force to do anything against us, because the Bolshevik armies
did not exist. The army which had been on the front fled in dis-
order, looting, and at this time the Germans and the Bolsheviks had
only one force which was a real force, and that was the Letts. At
this time they had about six regiments of Letts.
Senator Sterling. Making how many men, the six regiments?
Col. HtTRBAN. About 15,000 men. Li regard to the Letts, the Letts
are a great people, and they fought the Germans. They hated the
Germans. They are the greatest enemies of the Germans, and they
fought very bravely in the Eussian ranks against the Germans, as
voluntary regiments. After the collapse of the Eussian armies, the
Germans occupied their territory, and the Lettish regiments stayed
in Eussia. The Bolsheviks promised them money and everything,
because the Bolsheviks counted that they would be best supported
by people who did not understand them, a foreign people, and they
tried to convert those Letts.
The Letts suffered from the German landowners, and we must not
wonder at their revolutionary ideas because of the treatment they
have received from the German landowners in Eussia, the Russian
and German landowners who had been supported by the old regime.
They have suffered so that their radical socialistic ideas are for them
very nice and verj^ agreeable. The Letts were away from their
homes, and they had nowhere to go, and had nothing to live on, and
the Bolsheviki promised them money and plenty of money, and why
not take it? It is a good life, and you know what it means for a
soldier who has fought one year or two years in the trenches. His
moral judgment is not such as yours who are here in peace and in
orderly circumstances. If you see your friends die every day, and
these other horrors, your mind is changed and your judgment is
altered. I do not wonder that the Letts have been won so quickly
and so easily as they have been won to the Bolsheviks.
Senator Nelson. Go on and tell us what they did there.
Col. Htjrban. At this time, as I told you, the Bolsheviks had only
those Letts, because is to the Eussian units of Eed Guards, it is to
laugh.
Senator Xelson. Did they form what they call Eed Guards?
Col. HuEBAN. It is for children; it is for boy scouts.
Senator Nelson. The beginning of the Bolshevik army, then, was
this detachment of Letts. Did they recruit any more?
Col. Htjrban. I can not say it was the beginning of the Bolshevik
armv.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 455i
Senator Nelson. Did not the Bolsheviki form an Army ?
Col. HuRBAN. Yes, they did.
Senator Nelson. And they started with the Letts, did they not?
Col. HuEBAN. No; the Letts have been fighting three years. They
have been a ready army.
Senator Nelson. Did they not take the Letts into the Red army ?
Col. HuEBAN. Yes; they took them.
Senator Nelson. I say they started with them. Now, where did
they get the rest of their forces — from what sources ?
Col. Htteban. At this time they had a sort of burglars' army, but
it was not a military force. We had been retreating from the
Ukraine because the Germans were advancing. The commander in
chief of the armies of the soviet socialistic republic was the title
of the commandant of the Bolshevik army, .and his army consisted
of about — I do not know how many thousands.
Senator Nelson. Did tliey get together an army of some kind
there in Petrograd? Did the Bolsheviki get together an army in
Petrograd ?
Col. HxJEBAN. In Petrograd were the Red Guards, but they had
only the Letts there, and it was not a considerable force.
Senator Nelson. Well, after they got the Letts did they increase
their army. Did they get any more into the Red Guards ?
Col. Htjeban. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Where did they get them from ?
Col. HuEBAN. From the people.
Senator Nelson. From the people ?
Col. HuEBAN. Yes.
Senator Nelson. What class of people?
Col. HuEBAN. Pardon me. and I will explain. You can not un-
derstand if I jump around.
Senator Nelson. How big a Red army did they get?
Col. HuEBAN. When?
Senator Nelson. Well, when it started.
Col. HuEBAN. It is very important when.
Senator Nelson. Tell us about the Red army. Go on and tell its
about it.
Col. HuEBAN. In the beginning there were nothing but the Bol-
sheviks.
Senator Nelson. I understand there was nothing in the begin-
ning, but go on and tell us how they got their Red Army.
Col. Htjeban. Pardon me, and I will explain my experiences and
what the attitude of thei Bolsheviki has been toward us, and I thint
if I explain it you will have a picture of their attitude, and after-
a while I can answer all your questions. I have not prepared any-
thing, and I must fight with the language, too.
As I told you, when the Bolsheviki started we were the only
force. All of the Russians asked us to overthrow the Bolsheviki,
but since the Bolsheviki assumed power we have been absolutely
neutral, aiid we had many reasons for that attitude. First, we have-
been guests in Russia, and we did not have the right to mix our-
selves in absolutely Russian questions. That was one thing. The-
second reason was that we saw the absolute inability of the pro-
visional o-overnment and of the other socialistic parties to get, out'
456 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
of this trouble, and we thought that the Bolslieviki, because thev
have nice ideas, would die from themselves, and through the trouble
there would arise in Russia a real force which would unite the whole
nation. That was our point of view, and that is why we maintained
absolute neutrality toward the Bolsheviki.
^^Hien the Bolsheviki assumed control, at that time we were on
the front in the I'kraine. and the Bolsheviki took Petrograd, and
afterwards took Moscow, and then took the headquarters of Milinkov,
and now the only province which is not under the soviet government
of the Bolsheviki is the Ukraine.
' Now, the Bolsheviki formed some kind of an army from the
Letts, because the Letts had been held in Petrograd and Moscow to
save the gOA^ernment, and they made some kind of an army from the
people that they got there, but it was not many thousand men. Then,
what they call the Red Ciuards went to the X^'^kraine. and in the
Ukraine there was the Ukrainian Army which was as absolutely
worthless from a military standpoint as the Bolsheviki. As a mili-
tary organization, they were as absolutely worthless as the Bolshe-
viki. We were in the middle between them.
Now, what did we do? '^A'e maintained absolute neutrality. We
only guarded the people and saw that there was no murder and no
looting in the zone where we were ; but if the Ukrainian army came
throug|h our place we let them pass, and if the Bolsheviks came we
let them pass; but we proved absoluteh' to the Bolsheviks that we
were not against them. We did not sympathize with them, every-
body knows, but we were not against them, because we had no right
to be against them.
Second, if we would fight with them we could not go to anyone
whom we could trust. There was nobody in Russia to form a govern-
ment ; no one party, no one organization ; nobody was there. That is
the reason our attitude toward the Bolslieviki was absolutely neutral.
We helped to maintain order. At this time one of their commanders,
■wlho had formerly been a supporter of the old Tsar's regime, got
some hundred million of rubles and went away. I do not know
whether he has been killed or not. At this time most of the Bolshevik
commissars were from the former guard officers.
I will tell you about two of them to illustrate how these people
have acted. They came to the Ukraine and they fought, they came
to Kiev and they fought, and in Kiev there were many Russian
officers, who ^-ere unorganized, and they were murdered like chickens.
^ It is true that perhaps we could fight such a thing, because it
would only take one battalion to beat their armies — ^that is, one bat-
talion from our real military force — but we could not do it, because
we fought for our cause and we were saving our army to fight the
Germans; and at this time. we agreed with the allied commander
that our armjy would be a part of the allied armv, a part of the
French Army. We accepted the highest command of the French, and
our army has been regarded as a part of the French Army. At this
time, as I say, we had found a way to get out of Russia and to fight
for our cause, because when the peace conference came, if the Czecho-
slovaks had an army, the peace conference must hear us. They could
not refuse," because we would not demobilize. It was our plan that
we must have an army. We must be represented as a nation in the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 457
peace conference. We would not let our army be demobilized by any-
body. It was our plan, and we brought it through, as you know, and
our representatives are in the peace conference.
Senator Ovehman. Now, Colonel, can you not tell us something of
the terrorism '(
Col. Htjebax. I can tell you about the Bolsheviki. They main-
tained a secret diplomacy. When the Bolsheviks came into power
we dealt with them, and we have dealt with them from the begin-
ning. I told them, " You are here, and it happens that we are here.
Let us go out. We do not care about you. Let us ^o out from Rus-
sia. Our plan is to go to France. We have helped to crush Austria-
Hungary, which forced upon you the Brest-Litovsk treaty."
Senator Nelson. Did you go out of Russia to France?
Col. HuEBAX. We started to go.
Senator Nelson. How far did you go?
Col. Htjkban. I myself came to the United States.
Senator Nelson. I do not mean you. I mean the Czecho-Slovak
army.
Col. Htjrbax. As you know, many of us were in Vladivostok, and
that is what I will tell you. Now, not to make a long story, we
dealt with the commissars of the Bolshevik Government and asked
them to let us go out, and one waj' was through Siberia. We said:
" We are absolutely loyal to you. Let us go through Siberia." At
this time it was in the beginning of March. After the Brest-Litovsk
treaty the German representatives came to Moscow, in the foreign
department of Mr. Tchitcherin. I do not Imow whether Mr. Reed
from America has been there, but Mr. Williams can tell you that he
met there German representatives, German officers, who acted as
Russians. Mr. Reed has been there and talked to them, and he must
know it.
Our 50,000 men on the western front was nothing, but the political
force of our army has been bigger than our one army. The political
force of our army corps of 50,000 men has been three or four times
stronger than any of the allies, because we have been a regular army
from this state against which we are fighting. You understand me?
So the Germans made a pressure to disorganize us and stop us. They
did that. They tried it. We made an agreement with them that we
would prove our neutrality, and we gave them all our arms. We
disarmed. We had a great deal of arms. We disarmed, and the
Bolsheviki allowed us to go out, but afterwards, after we started our
trip, part of our force was in Vladivostok and the other part was on
its way to Siberia, 6,000 miles away. When our 50,000 men were on
their way to Siberia, 6,000 miles away, we were attacked by the
Bolsheviki ; not by the Bolshevik government, but these attacks were
made by German and Austrian prisoners. The Bolshevik government
organized the German prisoners and the German younger officers,
not socialists. The commanders of the Bolshevik armies against us
were not socialist Germans, but were Prussian officers, different noble-
men and everything, and they attacked us, stating that we were going
to help japan, and imperialistic government, and in view of that they
attacked us and attempted to destroy us. It was the order of Trotsky
to disorganize us and send us to the prison camps as prisoners, and
we were disarmed. You know the strength of the Bolsheviki. We
458 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
had been disarmed and our train had only about 10 rifles and some
hand grenades, and, as you know, we were attacked by thousands
armed with machine guns ; but everywhere we succeeded, and all of
Siberia was in our hands in one week. Everywhere the red armies
were disarmed, and we started our trip to go out. Afterwards, as you
know, came the intervention, and we have been asked by the allies to
stay there and hold the Ural front, and not to let the Germans get
into Siberia a foot.
Senator Overman. Now come down to Petrograd and the condi-
1 ions among the people in Petrograd, and the terrorism.
Col. HuRBAN. One question which is asked many times is, " How
. is it possible that 3 per cent can reign over 180,000,000 ? How is it
possible ? "What you say is not true. The Bolsheviks must be more in
Russia." It is absolutely true. I agree with those who have told you
that the workmen are not Bolsheviks, the peasants are not Bolsheviks,
but the Bolsheviks are only people who are starving, who haAe not
got food, and go in the red army because there they get food.
They are the Letts and the Cliinese and the Magyars and Germans.
The Bolsheviks are ruling absolutely only by tenor. The Eussian
people are accustomed to terror. They liave been obedient to tlie old
regime because the old regime governed by terrorism. The Bol-
sheviks are clever men. They know with whom they are dealing,
and they use the same methods, only ill a more brutal manner. The
red army is now a real, organized military force. It has been
organized by German officers, and a large number of the former
Russian officers have been forced into it, ha^'ing no other way to live.
The red army is now cruelly disciplined, much more cruelly than it
was under the Czar's regime, and with such units you do not need
much terrorism. Without any scruples, with shooting and looting
and killing you 'can reign with a few people over many, many men.
The other Russian organizations to-day, the socialists parties, the
bourgeoisie, the democratic parties, and the libertal parties, are ab-
solutely unable to do anything.
Senator Overman. On account of the terror?
Col. Htjrban. On account of weakness and the inability to unite
themselves and understand the big task that is before them. If you
were to throw out the Bolsheviks to-day and leave only the Russians
you would have exactly the same condition as you have under the
Bolsheviks. You would have the Mensheviks, the social revolution-
ists, the Lettish, the Siberian government, the Bolsheviks. You
would have 20 governments, and no one government could make
order. You see, half of Siberia is not yet free. They can not organ-
ize a strong government, and that is why they now reign absolutely
by terror.
Senator Overjiax. You are making an argument which we all
agree is a good one, but I want to know the facts of the reign of
terror in those countries.
Col. HuRBAN. I can tell you what I saw in Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. That is what we want you to tell us — what you
saw. We do not care to have any argument. We do not want your
argument. We want you to tell us what you saw and heard.
Col. HuRBAN. These are facts that I tell. Everybody has his way.
It is verA' hard to tell.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 459-
Senator Nelson. What did you see the red guard do in Petro-
grad?
Col. HuKBAN. Just as I have described here. The red guard has
been absolutely undisciplined. They are absolutely criminals. You
have looting, killing ; and in Kiev many officers — I do not know how
many, but I heard 5,000 — have been killed like chickens.
Senator Overman. What became of the old Russian officers in the
irmy, who fought so well?
Col. Htjrban. Some escaped to Siberia. Some stayed there, and a
great number of them have been killed.
Senator Nelson. By the Bolsheviki ?
'Col. Hurban. By the Bolsheviki, yes; the greater number of'
ihem. Those who did not j6in with them, most of them have been
killed. It is not such a stoi-y. I had been in the hospital, and the
first time I went out I went on the street, and I saw a Russian officer
who had been wounded. I had civilian clothes on, and he had a
uniform. We came to a red guard, and he shoots him down with
me. Such things we have every day.
Senator Overman. Thev are shooting people on the streets every
day?
Col. Hurban. Yes.
Senator Nelson. When did you leaA^e Petrograd ?
Col. Htjrban. In the beginning of March, 1918.
Senator Nelson. Last March?
Col. Hurban. Yes.
Senator Overman. You were sent over here by your country as a
representative ?
Col. Hurban. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. You are a delegate from the Czecho-Slavs?
Col. Hurban. I am now military attache here in our legation.
Senator Nelson. You have a legation here ?
Col. Hurban. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. AVho is your minister?
Col. Hurban. Mr. '-.
Senator Nelson. The government you hope to form in Europe
Col. Hurban. We have formed it.
Senator Nelson. That is not a part of Hungary ; it is Bohemia and
Moravia?
Col. Hurban. Slovakia is a part of Hungary.
Senator Nelson. The government you propose to form there, or
have formed, as you say, is Bohemia, or what the Germans call
Perma, and then Moravia or Moraine, and what you call Slovakia.
Col. Hurban. Silesia and Slovakia ; yes.
Senator Nelson. And that constitutes the new State of Bohemia?
What name have you given it?
Col. Hurban. We do not care about the name. We have much
more.
Senator Nelson. You have given the state some name, have you
not?
Col. Hurban. Yes.
Senator Overman. What do you call it?
Col. Hurban. I do not know, myself, yet how it will be.
Senator Nelson. You are likely to call it Bohemia, are you not ?
460 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Col. Htjrban. No ; we do not like that name.
Senator Nelsox. That is the old name.
Col. HuRBAN. Because many people, if yon say Bohemia, think
they are gypsies.
Senator Nelson. What is the Czech name for Bohemia?
Col. Htjrbax. The Czechs. What they call it now is not Boheniia,
;but Czechs.
Senator Nelson. You call them Czechs?
Col. HuRBAN. Czechs and Czecho-Slovaks.
Senator XELStix. Is that the name bf the country, Czechs?
Col. HxjRBAN. No: Czechs is like English.
Senator Nelson. Well, that is the name of the people. What do
,Vou call the country in your language — in the Czech language?
Col. HtjRban. Czecho, and Czecho-Slovaks are the people.
■ ■. Senator Nelson. We call it in English Bohemia, and the Germans
{*all it Perma. Now, what do you call it? What do the Bohemians
-call it in their language ?
Col. Hurbax. They call a part Bohemia, because Bohemia is only
•one part.
Senator Nelson. Well, you do not answer the question. Why do
you not tell us something? Have not the Bohemians a name for their
.^country ?
Col. Htjrban. Now; the new state?
Senator Nelson. No ; have they not had a name for their country '.
Col. Htjrban. Sure.
Senator Nelson. In the Bohemian language ?
Col. Htjrban. Czecho.
Senator Nelson. Is that the name of it?
Col. Htjrban. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That is the Bohemian name for the country?
Col. Htjrban. Yes ; for one part of it, one state.
Senator Nelson. What is the Czech name for Moravia?
Col. Htjrban. It is Moravia, and then Silesia and Slovakia; but
how it will be called the next time, I do not know.
Senator Nelson. The capital of your new state is Prague?
Col. Htjrban. Yes; Prague.
Senator Nelson. Do you take in any part of Silesia ?
Col. Htjrban. It is a question for the peace conference now.
Senator Overjian. Where is Prague — in what province?
Col. Htjrban. It is in Bohemia. Now, I want to tell you about
this terror. As we started our trip the Bolsheviki everywhere tried
to attack us, and they used this terror.
Senator Nelson. In order that we may get a clear idea — ^how did
you get out of the country? You left there in March. Which way
did you come out of the country? Did you come by Vladivostok?
Col. Htjrban. I was with our troops, and we came with the first
train which was on the way, and we came to Vladivostok. Our presi-
dent has been here in this country.
Senator Nelson. Tell us what you saw on your journey. What
did the Czecho-Slovaks do there ? Tell us about that.
Col. Htjrban. I have been going as a member of our provisional
government.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 461
Senator Nemon. I know, but coming through on the railroad to-
Vladivostok, did you not see any Czecho-Slovak forces ?
Col. HxTEBAN. 1 have been in those forces.
Senator Nelson. Then, why not tell us ?
Col. HuBBAN. That is what I am telling.
Senator Oveeman. Go ahead.
Col. HtiEBAN. I can tell you something like that. The train that
I was on had about 900 soldiers on it — one battalion- -and as we-
came through we gave our arms away to prove our loyalty toward
the Bolsheviks. At every station where there was a soviet we were-
siirrounded by red guards — so-called red guards, for the most part
Germans — and we had some arms, and in the night we were all sur-
rounded by machine guns, and they came in and said we must give
up all the rest of our arms or we would be shot down. We began
to talk with the Russians, but not with the Germans. The Germans
we did not talk with ; we killed them. You could argue with these
people because they knew we were not afraid <jf them. It so hap-
pened that some of the trains coming to Vladivostok encountered big
disturbances. My train was not in the fighting, but only the trains
which had been attacked by the Germans and the Magyar red guards
which were under their command. As we were going through Si-
beria, which was in the hands of the Bolsheviks, we were going on
the Amur Railroad, the northern railroad.
Senator Nelson. You went down the Amur?
Col. Httrban. The Amur railroad through to Vladi\'ostok.
Senator Nelson. You did not go down the Amur, then, to the
mouth ?
Col. HuEBAN. Everywhere the Russians asked us to overthrow the
Bolsheviki. The peasants came and begged us to overthrow the Bol-
sheviki. We told them it was not our business.
Senator Overman. What would become of the people there if the
army moved out?
Col. Htjeban. After we got to Siberia we stayed in Siberia, and
afterwards we got all of Siberia in our hands.
I will tell you an interesting thing. I talked with the engineer
and asked him if he voted for the soviet. " No ; I have no right to
vote." " Why ? " " Because on my engine are two men who are heat-
ing the engine, and I must direct those people how to heat the en-
gine, and because I must direct them I am an oppressor, and I have
ho right to vote." Only these people vote who work on the engine.
If you have some questions, I would like to answer.
Senator Overman. If you have a statement in writing, you may^
put it in the record.
Col. Htjeban. All right.
Mr. Htjmes. Did vou see anv of the terrorism of the Bolsheviki in
Kiev?
(Maj. Edwin Lowry Humes was honorably discharged from the
Army of the United States on February 18, 1919, and thereafter in
civilian life continued to act as counsel to the subcommittee.)
Col. Htjeban. I was in the hospital in Petrograd. I did not see
it. I did see it in Petrograd many times, but not in Kiev. But we-
have photographs of those things, because our Army has been there.
Two of our officers have been killed by mistake.
462 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. Ha\ e j'ou photographs illustrating the barbarity and
the cruelties and the assassinations over there?
Col. HuEBAN. No ; all these are here in our Armj-. I can teU you
■one thing. We have a photograph by an officer who came from Vladi-
vostok, of a doctor, a Russian man, who helped our wounded men
■when we fought with the Bolsheviki and the Germans, and who had
been captured by the Bolsheviki and killed. His photograph I can
show you.
Mr. Humes. He was a doctor ?
Col. HuEBAN. He was a doctor. He helped our wounded men, and
lie had been captured, and his photograph we have here.
Senator Nelson. Mr. Chairman, I suggest that he be allowed to
put in a written statement, and that will save us time.
Senator Overman. All right, you just put in your written state-
ment. You can write it out and put it in the record.
Col. HuEBAN. That will be much easier for me.
Senator Overman. Just put it in the record so we can read it.
We are much obliged to you.
Col. HuRBAN. I would like to say here that the greater part of
what Mr. John Reed and Mr. Nuorteva and Mr. Williams said about
Tis to the working people of Chicago is a lie.
TESTIMONY OF MR. CARL W. ACKERMAN.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Mr. HuijES. Where do you live ?
Mr. AcKEEMAN. New York City.
Mr. Humes. What is your business ?
Mr. AcKERMAN. Correspondent, New York Times.
Mr. Humes. Plave you recently been in Russia and Siberia?
Mr. AcKERMAN. I have been in Siberia for three months.
Mr. Humes. When did you leave Siberia ?
Mr. AcKEEMAN. On the 23d of December.
Senator Wolcott. Last?
Mr. AcKERMAN. Yes, sir.
Mr. Humes. Will you state to the committee in your own way
just what you observed with reference to the practical operations of
the Bolsheviki wherever they are carrying on their activities?
Mr. AcKERMAN. When I was in Siberia, of course, the Bolsheviki
were not in power. I went there in October after the allies had
landed in Vladivostok. At that time there was in existence in Omsk
an all-Russian government, which had been selected at Ufa and or-
ganized in Omsk. This government was composed of a directorate
of five men, of a council of ministers, and a constituent assembly.
When I arrived in Omsk this government was still in power, but on
the 16th of November it was overthrown and the Kolchak dictator-
ship came in power, and since then Kolchak has been the supreme
commander of Siberia, with everybody else questioning his authority.
Mr. HuJEES. Is he a Bolshevik ?
Mr. AcKEEMAN. No; he is not. What his politics are no one
knows. He probably represents the military party, although he
states that he is in favor of a constituent assembly to decide what
form of government Russia should have.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 463
Senator Overman. You did not observe the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. AoKERMAN. The Bolsheviki are very strong in Siberia, and
their propaganda is the strongest propaganda in Siberia to-day.
They are not in power, however ; that is, they do not have the politi-
cal power.
Senator Nelson. In whose hands is the power there?
Mr. AcKEEMAN. The power, when I left in December, was divided.
Admiral Kolchak, who was supposed to be the supreme dictator and
the head of the Siberian government, controlled practically the dis-
trict around Omsk and the Ural Mountain district. When I left
Omsk and was on my way to Irkutsk I passed through the district
which was controlled by the Cossack leader, Onankoff. At that time
Onankoff declared he would not support Kolchak, and when I arrived
at another town another Cossack leader was in power, and he said
he would not support Kolchak.
Senator Nelson. And they were anti-Bolshevik?
Mr. AcKEEMAN. Yes ; they were all anti-Bolshevik.
Senator Nelson. So the Bolshevik authorities have no power in
Siberia?
Mr. AcKERMAN. They have no political power ; no, sir.
Senator Nelson. And the power is divided between the forces that
Admiral Kolchak is trying to gather up, and the Cossacks ?
Mr. AcKEEMAN. Yes, sir. The Bolsheviki, however, are very
active in Siberia, and everywhere I went I heard of their propa-
ganda. Everyone speaks of it, including Americans and Czecho-
slovaks who were in various cities.'
Senator Nelson. Did you get off of the railroad and go back into
the country?
Mr. AcKERMAN. No, sir; I did not.
Senator Nelson. Did you stop at the stations and converse with
the people? Can you talk Russian?
Mr. AcKERMAN. I can not speak Russian. I had the very good
fortune of traveling with Mr. Bernstein, who speaks Russian, and
also interviewed the people through my attorney. In the cities I had
my interpreter and traveled with the interpreter.
Senator Overman. You can not tell us anything of the acts of ter-
rorism of the Bolsheviki there, at all?
Mr. Ackerman. I do not know anything from first hand infor-
mation as to the Bolsheviki terrorism.
Senator Nelson. Did you go as far west as Perm?
Mr. Ackerman. I was not as far west as Perm. I went as far
west as one could go at that time. Perm was taken after we left.
Senator Nelson. You were just barely across the Ural Mountains?
Mr. Ackerman. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. And did not go into Russia proper?
Mr. Ackerman. No, sir.
(At 12.05 p. m. the subcommittee adjourned until to-morrow,
Thursday, February 20, 1919, at 2.30 o'clock p. m.)
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
THUBSDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1919.
United States Senate,
Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciart,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 2.30 o'clock
p. m., in room 226, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman
presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman). King, Wolcott, Nelson,
and Sterling.
Senator Overman. The subcommittee will come to order. Miss
Bryant will be heard now.
Miss Bryant, do you believe in God and in the sanctity of an oath ?
Miss Bryant. Certainly I believe in the sanctity of an oath.
Senator King. Do you believe there is a God ?
Miss Bryant. I suppose there is a God. I have no way of knowing.
Senator Nelson. Do you believe in the Christian religion?
Miss Bryant. Certainly not. I believe all people should have
whatever religion they wish, because that is one of the things
Senator Nelson. You are not a Christian, then?
Miss Bryant. I was christened in the Catholic church.
Senator Nelson. What are you now, a Christian ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; I suppose that I am.
Senator Nelson. And you do not believe in Christ ?
Miss Bryant. I did not say that I did not believe in Christ.
Senator Nelson. But do you believe in Christ?
Miss Bryant. I believe in the teachings of Christ, Senator Nelson.
Senator Overman. Do you believe in God ?
Miss Bryant. Yes, I will concede that I believe in God, Senator
Overman.
Senator King. This is important, because a person who has no
conception of God does not have any idea of the sanctity of an oath,
and an oath would be meaningless.
Senator Wolcott. Do you believe in a punishment hereafter and
a reward for duty ?
Miss Bryant. It seems to me as if I were being tried for witch-
craft.
Senator Overman. It is not, at all.
Miss Bryant. I did not hear any other witness put through such
an ordeal.
Senator Overman. It is not an ordeal. It is the ordinary procedure
in court to see if a witness appreciates the sanctity of an oath.
85723—19 30 465
466 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryant. Very well ; I will concede — I will concede that there
is a hell.
Senator "\Yolcott. I did not ask you that.
Miss Bryant. Or that there is a life hereafter.
TESTIMONY OF LOUISE BRYANT.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Miss Bryant. I certainly do: and I wish to state that I have come
before this committee at my oATn request.
Senator 0^'ERMAN. Xow. I want to find out about matters in Eiissjn
and what you observed there. "What is your name ^
Miss Bryant. I will be glad to give j^ou my name and my ancestry
or anything j^ou wish. INIy name is Mrs. John Eeed. My legal name
is Louise Bryant. In New York State a woman can keep her pen
name for her legal name. That is the name that I have used as a
correspondent for many years.
Senator OvERiiAN. Louise Bryant; nnd your real name is?
Miss Bryant. Mrs. John Eeed. Just the same as Mrs. George
Cram Cook has used the name of Susan Glaspell, her pen name, and
Mary Heaton Vorse, who is Mrs. O'Brien.
Senator Overman. If you will answer the questions as we ask them
of you, we can get along much better.
Miss Bryant. Senator Overman, I know that I have certain rights
as an American citizen. I know that I can answer these questions to
the best of my ability, and that no previous witness has been stopped,
and if you stop me you do not give me a fair trial.
Senator Wolcott. You are not on trial.
Miss Bryant. I feel as if I were.
Senator King. You asked to come here, and we can hear you or not,
as we prefer. We will ask you certain questions and you can answer
them as you please.
Senator Overman. Your home is in New Y^ork?
Miss Bryant. Y^es.
Senator Overman. "Where have you been living since you have been
in Washington?
Miss Bryant. I stopped for a while at the National Women's
Part}' headquarters, and then I went to the Capitol Park Hotel, where
I am at present.
Senator Oversian. Y^ou got up this meeting here in Washington?
Miss Bryant. I did not. I have requests, and all people coming
from Russia have more requests than they can answer, to tell what
they laiow about Russia, because people are anxious to laiow the truth
about Russia. That was only one of many meetings at which I
spoke.
Senator Nelson. You said that you were at the National Women's
Party headquarters?
Miss Bryant. Y^es, sir.
Senator Nelson. Did you belong to the picket squad?
]\Iiss Bryant. I do not know what that has to do with the truth
about Russia, but I did. I believe in equality for women as well as
for men, even in my own country.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 467
Senator Xelson. Did you participate in the burning of the Presi-
dent's message?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator OvEE^rAx. You did not participate in the burning in
effigy?
Miss Bryant. I did ; and I went on a hunger strike.
Senator Overman. What do you mean by that; you Avent to jail^
Miss Bryant. I went to jail and went on a hunger strilre. If you
go without food and become Aveak, the authorities let you out because
■ they do not want you to die in prison.
Senator King. Where did you live before you lived in NeAV York?
You lived in Oregon, did you not ?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir.
Senator King. And were the wife of a dentist there?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir. I wish you would let me, please, tell you
something about Russia.
Senator King. We want to know something about the character of
the person who testifies, so that we can determine what credit to give
to the testimony. Then, you afterwards married Mr. Reed?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir.
Senator King. And you and Mr. Reed went to Russia ?
Miss Bryant. We did.
Senator King. You swore down in the State Department before
you went to Russia that you would not engage in political propaganda
there?
Miss Bryant. I did ; and I kept my word.
Senator King. You have answered my question ?
Miss Bryant. I did.
Senator King. You engaged in political propaganda there ?
Miss Bryant. I did not engage in political propaganda. I made
certain reports to Col. Robins.
Senator King. You participated in meetings of the Bolsheviki ?
Miss Bryant. Please prove that, will you, that I participated in
soviet meetings ?
.; Senator King. You participated in Bolshevik meetings ?
I Miss Bryant. How did I ? I took down notes as a reporter.
Senator King. Just answer the question.
f Miss Bryant. No, sir; I did not.
f Senator King. You were present at those meetings?
Miss Bryant. Certainly ; all the reporters were.
Senator King. And your husband and Mr. Albert Rhys Williams
were on the staff of the Bolsheviki for the purpose of preparing pro-
paganda for
Miss Bryant. A revolution in Germany.
Senator King. For the Bolsheviki?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; for a revolution in Germany. I must be exact.
Senator Wolcott. Did your husband also, before he left, take the
oath that he would not engage in propaganda?
Miss Bryant. My husband is in this audience. Ask him.
Senator Wolcott. I am asking if you know.
Miss Bryant. I wish to refer that to Mr. Reed. I do not have to
answer that, and I will not.
468 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator "Wolcott. I will ask you this : Did your husband in your
presence take such an oath, do you know ?
Miss Brta^t. Yes; he took such an oath, but I will have to ex-
plain that Col. Robins was particularly pleased to have him get cer-
tain information into Germany through the Soviets. He was verv
glad to have him go into the foreign office.
Senator Wolcott. Your husband, then, in Russia, did engage in
Soviet propaganda?
Miss Betant. My husband in Russia did a great deal toward
bringing about the German revolution.
Senator Wolcott. You have not answered my question.
JNIiss BEYA^'T. That is an answer to your question.
Senator AVolcott. Did your husband when in Russia engage in any
political activities?
Miss Brvant. Why, not that I know of, except that he worked in
the foreign office.
Senator Nelson. Let me ask this. Was your husband employed by
the Bolsheviki?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir.
Senator Xelson. Employed for what purpose?
Miss Bryant. He worked in the propaganda department, and I will
show you the kind of papers. There has never been any secret about
this propaganda. For instance
Senator Nelson. We do not care about that.
Miss Bryant. You do not care about it ?
Senator Nelson. About those papers. We want the facts.
Miss Bryant. Those are the facts. You must admit the facts.
Here is a paper printed in German, prepared for sending into the
German lines in order to make
Senator Nelson. Do not be so impertinent. [Applause and hisses.]
Senator Overman. I do not want any more noise or we will have
an executive session and close this meeting. I want to treat this lady
respectfully.
Miss Bryant. I h(ipe you will.
Senator O^teriman. We want to get the facts, to examine her accord-
ing to law, but I want her, at the same time
Miss Bryant. You said. Senator Overman, that I am not on trial
here. I am a free American citizen. I expect to be treated with the
same courtesy as former witnesses, and I have not gotten it so far.
[Applause.]
Senator Wolcott. Mr. Chairman, I am going to suggest that this
room be cleared and that no further testimony be taken until the
room is cleared.
Miss Bryant. Everybody out ? I will not testify unless it is before
an open session. It is very necessary that these things be Imown.
Senator King. The stenographer will be here.
Miss Bryant. All other witnesses testified in open session.
Senator Wolcott. I make this suggestion, that the press reporters
remain and the stenographer remain ; that the testimony be written
up and the witness be allowed to have a copy of it, and anybody else
in the public may have a copy of it.
]Miss Bryant. May I correct my copy?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 469
Senator Wolcott. But this audience, which persists in applauding,
should be invited to leave the room.
Senator Overman. I propose that she have an opportunity to be
heard. The stenographer will remain and the newspaper reiDorters,
but the public will go out.
Miss Bryant. May I have the courtesy of going over my remarks'^
Senator Overjian. You shall have. You shall have the same cour-
tesy as any other witness.
Miss Bryant. I ask that they remain.
Senator Overman. I have ordered them to leave the room.
Miss Bryant. You see, I am the only witness on the other side;
the only witness, so far, who wants to bring about amicable relation:!
between Eussia and America.
Mr. John Eeed. May I stay? I am John Reed, Miss Bryant's
husband.
Senator Overman. Yes.
. Has everybody left except the reporters ? If there is anybody here
not a reporter, I will ask him to retire.
I want it to appear on the record that at the beginning of this
hearing a demonstration occurred, and I warned the spectators that
if there were any more demonstrations of that kind I would clear
the room, and in less than 10 minutes there was a much larger and
more vociferous demonstration, and it looked as though we could
not proceed with the crowd with this demonstration, and I cleared
the room, all except the newspaper reporters ajicl the stenographer,
and the testimony of the witness will be put into the record for the
world to see.
Senator King. May I ask a question, just in line with what I was
asking a moment ago? Mrs. Reed, your husband and Albert Rhys
Williams were members of the international revolutionary propa-
ganda under the direction of Boris Reinstein, of Buif alo, N. Y. ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; he is now Lenine's secretary.
Senator King. Lenine's secretary?
Miss Bryant. At the present moment.
Senator King. He went over from this country ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; but he is a Russian.
Senator King. And they worked with other American socialists
who are over there, Avho w^ent over from this country ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; there has never been any secret about that.
Senator King. So that your husband and Albert Rhys Williams
were propagandists there for the international revolutionary propa-
ganda ?
Miss Bryant. I would not quite exactly say that. You have to
specify. I know that they worked in that office, and I put it into my
book. If I had intended to cover up anything, I would not have done
that.
Senator King. You have stated this, have you not :
Next door was the newly founded Bureau of International Revolutionary
Propaganda, under tlie liead of Boris Reinstein of Buffalo, X. Y.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator King (continuing reading) :
where also worked two other American Socialists, .lohn Reed and Albert Rhys
Williams.
470 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Kino. So that your husband and Mr. Albert Ehys Williams
were connected with the International Revolutionary Propaganda?
]Miss Bryant. Yes; but they had very particular work to do. I
think the committee ought certainly to understand this. That is why
I brought the^^e papers. It is the only evidence to pio\'e what they
did.
Senator Kixc I was asking if they belonged?
IMiss Bryant. Yes; I would not have Avritten it if tliey had not,
and they never have clenied it. In fact, if j^ou will peraiit, Mr. Eeed
Avill explain the whole thing.
Senator King. In that department was a man named Radek?
Miss Brfaxt. Padek; yes.
Senator King. "^Mio is now under ari'pst in Germany because of
his efforts there to create revolution, and to lead the Spartacides to
murder, and to destruction of the form of government which Ebert
has formed^
]^Iiss Bryant. I do not follow you at all.
Senator King. He is in (Tprniaiiy?
Miss Bryant. To the best of my knowledge. I do not know, ex-
cept what I have read in the papers.
Senator Kino. And he was there for the purpose of aiding the
Spartacides ?
Miss Bryant. I suppose so; but I must tell you — I must explain.
You see, the Ebert government worked in harmony with the Kaiser,
and the Spartacides, with Liebnecht at the head, were always against
him, and Eadek, of course, naturally worked with the Spartacides
and did not work with the Ebert government, for Ebert, to him, is
no different than the Kaiser.
Senator King. But the Kaiser has abdicated, and the Ebert gov-
ernment has taken charge under an election by the people of Ger-
many, and Radek has tried to destroy that government, and he-Jeft
the Spartacides to overthrow the existing government in Germany.
Is that true or not ? Answer yes or no.
Miss Bryant. I can not answer yes or no. I will say that he is
there, and is against the Ebert government, of course, because they
(the Spartacides) do not trust the Ebert government; they fight
with the Ebert government, and would as soon have the Kaiser back.
Senator Kino. But they are trying to destroy the Ebert govern-
ment ?
?.Ii>s Bryant. I suppose they are.
Senator King. You, of course, kne^v of your husband's propaganda
work in Russia I
]\Iiss Bryant. Of course I did.
Senator Kino. And participated with him in that work?
Miss Bryant. Oh, I object when you say propaganda work, ilay
I be allowed an explanation?
Senator King. Very well, you participated with him in propa-
ganda work?
]Miss Brfant. I never did.
Senator Kino. When did vou leave Russia?
Miss Bryant. I left after the Constituent Assembly had been
dissolved.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 471
Senator King. What date?
Miss Bryant. That was in the hitter part of January.
Senator King. Of last year, 1918 ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator King. You then went to Stockholm ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator King. And you carried with you when you went to Stock-
holm this statement or passport given by the Bolshevik govern-
ment, did you?
Miss Bryant. Yes: I did. I went as a courier.
Senator King (reading) :
This is givpn to a representative of the American Social Democracy, an inter-
nationalist and comrade — Louise Bryant.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator King (reading) :
The military revolutionary committee of the Petrograd Council of Workers'
and Soldiers' Deputies gives her the right of free travel
Miss Bryant. No ; that is another. There are two passes. One is a
reporter's pass to the front.
Senator King. You are denominated a " comrade " by the Bol-
shevik! ?
Miss Bryant. All persons in Russia are comrades who are not
enemies, so that has no significance. Just as in the French revolution
people were called citizens, in the Russian revolution they are called
comrades.
Senator King. Would they have called a representative of this
country " comrade " ?
Miss Bryant. Yes. Mr. Robins was called " comrade."
Senator King. Would they call Mr. Francis " comrade " ?
Miss Bryant. Mr. Francis was not popular in Russia and they did
not think that he represented America. They thought Col. Robins
did.
Senator Nelson. Who thought so ?
Miss Bryant. The Russian people very largely; all the Russian
people felt that Col. Robins was a true representative of America;
that he was a more representative American than Ambassador Fran-
cis was. They considered Mr. Francis to be an old man, entirely out
of sympathy with the revolutionary movement.
Senator Wolcott. And they felt that he — Mr. Robins — was in
sympathy with the revolutionists ?
Miss Bryant. Not exactly; but they felt that Mr. Francis was
hostile to the Socialists, and they felt that Robins was the better man
to bring about amicable relations.
Senator Nelson. Did you not know that Mr. Robins was not the
representative of our country ?
Miss Bryant. Col. Robins was the head of the Red Cross there.
Senator Nelson. But the Red Cross did not represent our Govern-
ment.
Miss Bryant. Nevertheless, we worked with Col. Robins. In fact,
Col. Robins acted as the intermediary between Ambassador Francis
and the Soviets, because Francis felt that he could not get in touch
with them, that there was a certain feeling of hostility, and so Rob-
472 . BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
ins went to them in place of Francis, and if you will call Kobins he
will tell you all this himself.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know where he is ?
Miss Bryant. He is in New York, and I know absolutely that he
is very anxious to testify before this committee, and he has not been
asked.
Senator Wolcott. What is his address?
Miss Beyaxt. Care of his sister, Mary Dryer. I could get him
myself on short notice.
Senator King. I want to call attention to one other matter. You
had a certificate, did you not, dated January 7, 1918, as follows
[reading] :
The bearer t>f tlaiis certificate. Louise Bryant, is going to Stockiiolm as a
courier of the People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs and is talsing along sealed
bags and packages. It is requested that all those in authority show her assist-
ance on her journey, and particularly with her baggage.
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir.
Senator King (continuing reading) :
Assistant to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Zalkind. Stamp of the People's
Commissar of Foreign Affairs.
Now, you have such a certificate?
Miss Bryant. I had such a certificate.
Senator King. That was issued by the Bolsheviki ?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir. There was no one else to issue it.
Senator King. You were called a courier of the Bolsheviki?
Miss Bryant. Yes. sir.
Senator King. "The People's Commissar" of the Bolsheviki?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir. Will you please let me explain ?
Senator King. You were authorized by the Bolshevik government
to take such bags and packages, and were denominated their courier,
so that when you came to this country you came as a courier of the
Bolsheviki ?
Miss Bryant. I did not. I explained all that in my book, and that
is a matter
Senator King. We will come to that. Did your duties as courier
cease when you got to Stockholm ?
Miss Bryant. Of course; yes.
Senator King. But you were a detailed courier as the representa-
tive of the Bolshevik government ?
Miss Bryant. Not a courier to anybody. The fact was that there
was only one way to get through the fighting lines, and that was
to go as a courier. So they gave couriers' papers to a number of
Americans that TS'ent there. Prof. Ross went as a courier, and
Madeline Doty, and Miss Bessie Beatty put her papers in her bag,
so that they would not be molested. And I brought things like
this [indicating], because I wanted to come home and write my
books and articles, and I did not want them to be taken away
from me.
Senator King. Did your husband go with you ?
Miss Bryant. No ; he came later.
Senator King. When did you come to the United States?
Miss Bryant. In March.
Senator King. When did Mr. Eeed come?
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 473
Miss Beyant. About four months later.
Senator King. When did Mr. Albert Ehys Williains come to the
United States*
Miss Bryant. He came very much later. He has not been here
very long — just about two months.
Senator King. Mr. "Williams was there engaged in propaganda
work ?
Miss Bryant. Oh, yes.
Senator King. And since he came here he has been engaged in
propaganda Avork, has he not?
Miss Bryant. Now, if you just let me answer '' yes " or " no " I
do not tell you anything.
Senator Overman. I think she is entitled to explain.
Senator King. Mr. Williams came to the United States after he
had been in the employ of the revolutionary government, the Bolshe-
vik government ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; Mr. Williams was organizing the foreign
legion, which was organized to fight the incoming Germans, after
the treaty of Brest-Litovsk, but most all the foreigners and war pris-
oners in Russia did not believe in the invasion of Germany into
Kussia, but Mr.. Williams organized that foreign legion and that
was one of his last activities in Russia.
Senator Overman. You said you wanted to explain.
Miss Bryant. Yes; Mr. Williams came back to this country with
a paper which was read by the naval intelligence or the military in-
telligence, I do not know which, and which they have since returned
to him, saying that he had come to open a bureau of information for
the soviet goveminent, in order to bring about more amicable rela-
tions and to tell the truth. He never has denied that.
Senator King. He is the representative, then, of the soviet govern-
ment?
Miss Bryant. He is not a representative. He is simply a man
who wants to open an information bureau, but Mr. Williams can tell
you about that better than I can.
Senator Overman. Is he employed by the Bolshevik government?
Miss Bryant. I do not imagine he is in their employ. I imagine
he does it just to give information to people who want to know about
Russia.
Senator Overman. You said your husband was in the emploj'ment
of the Bolshevik government. •
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Overman. Were you in their employ ?
Miss Bryant. I was never in their employ.
Senator Overman. But your husband was ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Overman. What salary was being paid him ?
Miss Bryant. The same salary which they all got — the same salary
as Lenine and Trotzky — $50 a month.
Senator Overman. And what they could pick up on the side ?
Miss Bryant. No; they could not pick up anything. It was very
dangerous. Senator Overman, to " pick up " anything in Russia.
Senator Wolgott. They picked up hotels and palaces. .
474 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryant. Why do j'ou say that ? You were not there and I
was.
Senator Wolcott. We have had testimony here that they hved in
beautiful palaces and rode in Pierce- Arrow automobiles.
Miss Bryant. I do not know of any that lived in palaces after the
Soviets came into power. I knew Trotzky quite well, and I Imow
that he lived with the utmost frugality.
Senator Overman. Did you know him before you left here?
Miss Bryant. No ; I met him simply as any reporter would, in
Eussia. I used to go to Smolny Institute and to his office and ask
him if he would tell me about current events in Russia, which he
very gladly did.
Senator Overman. What did you go to Eussia for ?
Miss Bryant. For the Metropolitan Magazine and the Philadel-
phia Public Ledger and a number of ma^gazines.
Senator Overman. Are you a correspondent for that paper now?
Miss Bryant. I am not now. -I am a foreign correspondent. I
mean I was in France before and then I went to Eussia.
Senator Overman. What foreign papers do you correspond for?
Miss Bryant. Not for foreign papers. I am an American corre-
spondent and go to foreign countries and write about conditions in
foreign countries. My articles were sold by the Ledger and printed
in conservative papers in almost every city in the United States and
in Canada and in South America — ^these very same articles you are
reading here.
Senator Overman. Suppose you tell us what the condition in
Eussia is under this Bolshevik government.
Miss Bryant. I will be very glad to do it.
Senator Sterung. I suggest, Mr. Chairman, that Mr. Humes ask
such questions as he cares to and then that the witness make any
general statements that the committee feels proper.
Senator Overman. I think she wants to tell us about Eussia.
Miss Bryant. I want to tell you about one thing before anything
else — about the so-called nationalization of women, which has been
so largeljr discussed here. You see, I was particularly interested in
how women would act under the revolutionary government in Russia,
because I had always known that Eussian women had gone to Si-
beria, as many as the men, and sometimes more, and that they were
particularly interested in freedom, and I wondered how they would
act. I was particularly interested, so naturally I feel very badly
that we are so co^;^fus?d over these decrees, because the decrees
Senator Overman. Do not go into that.
Miss Bryant (continuing) . The decree of Saratov. I have got to
go into that before I can explain anything to you.
Senator Overman. Was there a decree about the nationalization of
women ?
Miss Bryant. There was a decree, but it is not true that there was
a soviet decree.
Senator Overman. That is all we want to know, whether it was
true or not.
Miss Bryant. That can not be all you want to know, because all
the other witnesses went to great length to tell you it was true.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 475
Senator Overman. They said there was such a decree, and fur-
nished a copy of it.
Miss Bryant. By an anarchist club in Saratov.
Senator Overman. You say that was not issued by the Bolshevik
government ?
Miss Brtaist. No. I want to say, Senator Overman, further, that
anarchists of the sort that would issue such a decree who were not
imprisoned were shot for issuing this decree and for other disorders,
and surely no one here would want a more severe punishment meted
out to them.
Mr. HTTirES. Is Izvestija an official paper of the soviet govern-
ment?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; but everything printed in it does not mean that
the Soviets agree to it.
Mr. Humes. Have you seen a decree on the nationalization of
women which was published in Izvestija?
Miss Bryant. I think it is just exactly what I have here.
Mr. Httmes. Whom was it signed by?
Miss Bryant. I am mistaken; I do not have it here, but I will
tell you about it. The decree of Saratov had nothing to do with
the Soviets.
Mr. Hfmes. I am not talking about Saratov; I am talking about
a decree that was published in the official soviet organ, the Izvestija.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Have you seen that decree?
Miss Bryant. Yes; but not in the Izvestija.
Mr. Humes. Was that decree not published with the authority of
the soviet government ?
Miss Bryant. No; that decree was published — you see, for in-
stance, Maj. Humes, if the American Government would publish
something and say it was the work of a certain anarchist club, that
it was the work of a certain group of anarchists, that would not
mean that the United States Government approved of the action of
that club.
• Mr. Humes. I am not talking about an anarchist decree.
Miss Bryant. There never was a soviet decree.
Mr. Humes. You say the Izvestija did not publish a decrSfe in
which, among other things, the following was contained :
A girl liavin.s reached her eighteenth year is to be announced as tlie property
of tlie state. Any girl having reached her eighteenth year and not liaving mar-
ried is obliged, subject to the most severe penalty, to register at the bureau of
free love in the commissariat of surveillance.
Was that ever published in Izvestija?
Miss Bryant. I read such a decree, but not in Izvestija.
Mr. Humes. Just answer the question and explain afterwards.
Was not that published in Izvestija?
Miss Bryant. I can give you an explanation.
Mr. Humes. What was the explanation?
Miss Bryant. The explanation is that it was not a soviet decree
and
Mr. Humes. Have you got the paper in which those explanations
appear ?
476 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
]\Iiss Beya>;t. Xo; but I have a very important statement here,
issued very recently by the head of the Y. M. C. A., saying that he
himself — 1 refer to Mr. Da^-is — investigated the whole thing, and
that he was in Saratov at the time.
Mr. Humes. Let us get away from Saratov.
Miss Beyaxt. Vladimir also; and it is the same thing in both
towns. I have the statement which he issued, and I certainly believe
he knows what he was talking about.
Senator "Wolcott. Let me interject a question. What paper wns
that statement of the Y. M. C. A. man published in?
Miss Bryant. The copv I have here was published in the Xew York
Call.
^Ir. Htj^ies. When was the statement made?
Miss Bryant. The statement was made, I suppose, day before ycs-
terdaj'. It was in yesterday's Call.
Senator Sterling. A Socialist paper?
iliss Bryant. But Davis was the head of the Y. ^I. C. A. in Rus-
sia, and I suppose it was printed in a good many other papers, but I
do not know.
Mr. Hu^iES. Mr. Davis has been defending the soviet government
and the Bolshevik government of Russia since his return to this
country ?
Miss Bryant. A great many heads of departments also have done
more or less the same thing. It is the undersecretaries of the
Y. M. C. A. and various organizations and the bank clerks who have
been against it.
Mr. Humes. When did you secure your passport to leave this
country for Eussia ?
Miss Bryant. In August ; earlv in Ausrust.
Mr. Humes. In 1917?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. When did you sail I
^Nliss Bryant. I believe it was on the 9th ; I am not sure.
]Mr. Humes. The 9th of August ?
Miss Bryant. Yes. t
jNIr. Humes. When did you arrive in Russia ?
Miss Bryant. I arrived
Mr. Humes. I mean approximately.
Miss Bryant. Early in September.
Mr. Humes. "WTiere did you arrive, at Petrograd ?
Miss Bryant. It was just at the time of the Korniloff revolt. I
came through Finland — around that way.
Mr. Humes. You arrived in Russia while the Kerensky government
was in power ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. HuiviEs. In September?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. You were there for a time up until the revolution of
October, or rather Xovember?
Miss Bryant. Yes : I was there a long time after that.
Mr. Humes. You were there before that time ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Were you in Petrograd during all of that time?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 477
Miss Bryant. A good deal of the time. '
Mr. Humes. Where else were you ?
Miss Bryant. In Moscow.
Mr. Humes. How long were you in Moscow ?
Miss Bryant. I went there at the time of the street fighting. I
Avanted to go down and get the story, and I went down there at the
time the fiercest fighting was on.
Mr. Humes. At the time of the internal disorders ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; at the time of the internal disorders the fiercest
street fighting took place in Moscow, and I Avent down.
Mr. Humes. That was while the civil war and rioting was in
progress in Moscow ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. How long were you there ?
Miss Bryant. Three or four days, and then I Avent back to Petro-
grad.
Mr. Humes. Then you AA-ent back to Petrograd. AVhen AA'as that
AA'ith reference to the time the BolsheAaki rcA^olution broke out ?
Miss Bryant. I was in Petrograd at the time the Bolshevik revo-
lution broke out.
Mr. Humes. How long before that time had you been there ?
Miss Bryant. I had been there since I came to Russia.
I\fr. Humes. I mean between the time you left Moscow until the ■
Miss Bryant. Well, you see, I did not go down to Moscow until
after the Bolshevik revolution began.
Mr, Humes. You were in Petrograd continually up until the Bol-
shevik revolution?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. And that occurred early in November, according to
our calendar?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. How long after the Bolshevik revolution and the Bol-
shevik regime did you remain in Petrograd ?
Miss Bryant. I stayed until after the constituent assembly.
Mr. Humes. When did they meet?
Miss Bryant. They met in January.
Mr. Humes. In January, 1918 ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Then when did you leave Eussia for Stockholm as a
courier ?
Miss Bryant. I just said I left in January, the latter part of Jan-
uary.
Senator Wolcott. You say the constituent assembly was in Janu-
ary. 1918?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; the 6th of January.
Senator Sterling. Where did it meet?
Miss Bryant. It met in Petrograd.
Mr. Humes. The constituent assembly met in January and was
dissolved by the Bolshevik government?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Do you remember the date?
Miss Bryant. Not exactly, but if you want the exact dates I hav«
them in my book.
478 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
^Nlr. Humes. I do not want it exuctly. but just approximately.
Miss Brtant. I am a reporter and go a good deal on my notes, but
I think it was January 6, 1918.
INIr. Humes. Were you present at the time of its dissolution?
^liss Brtaxt. Yes, sir; I was present at the dissolution of the
constituent assembly.
Mr. Humes. It was dissolved forcibly, was it not ?
Miss Brta^'t. I do not know that you would call it forcibly. It
was held in a room like this, and a couple of sailors stepped in and
said, "All the good people have gone home; why don't you go?"
And they went.
]\^r. Humes. Were they armed ?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir; the two sailors were armed. You see tho
politicians sat around and everybody else had gone home.
Mr. Humes. Was there any constituent assembly ?
Miss Bryant. That was the constituent assembly.
Mr. Humes. There was not any other constituent assembly while
you were there ?
Miss Bryant. Xo ; the idea seemed to be very dead, and it did not
seem as though the adherents had vitality to do anything more.
Senator King. Did you see any other armed forces there at that
time besides these two sailors I
Miss Bryant. Yes ; there were guards around the palace.
Senator King. They were around the building there, were they ?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir. Petrograd was under martial law.
Senator King. They were Bolshevik guards, were they not ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; Lettish guards.
Senator Sterling. Lettish, did you say, ]SIiss Bryant?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; spme were Letts.
Mr. Humes. Was anj'body killed in the dissolution of the con-
stituent assembly?
Miss Bryant. No. Some one was killed before then in some sort of
demonstration, but not
Mr. Humes. Some member of the constituent assembly ?
Miss Bryant. Xo ; not a member of the constituent assembly.
Mr. Humes. How many guards were around there outside of the
constituent assembly ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know.
Mr. Humes. The only armed men j^ou saAv on the inside were those
two sailors?
Miss Bryant. Yes; and the sailors that were standing by the
door.
]\Ir. Humes. How many people were in the room at the time the
two sailors came in ?
Miss Bryant. The hall was not as crowded as it was at the begin-
ning, because after the soviet defenders read their challenge and
the right wing of the constituent assembly did not agree to it, they,
the left wing, got up and went out, and the right wing stayed there
and discussed the situation. They talked and talked until about 2
o'clock in the morning, and the sailors stayed there, and seemed to
get more sleeply and more bored with the whole thing, and finally
they came in and asked the politicians to go home.
Mr. Humes. Was there any business being transacted ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 479
Miss Bryant. ISTo, there was not; they were simply talking about
what they had intended to do. The constituent assembly had fallen
to pieces. The people, the masses, were weary of politics and left and
went over to the revolutionists, the Bolsheviki had bolted the meeting.
The masses followed the Bolsheviki.
Mr. Humes. These Bolsheviki and some other revolutionists had
bolted the meetings ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; the Bolsheviks and the left socialist revolu-
tionists had — the left socialist revolutionists are the largest party
in Eussia.
Mr. Humes. At that time the provisional government was trying
to maintain a constituent assembly, and was trying to organize a
permanent government?
Miss Bryant. They, the Soviets, were also trying to organize a
permanent government, but it was a soviet government.
Mr. Humes. Rather than a representative government?
Miss Bryant. They consider it a representative government.
Mr. Humes. When you got to Russia, what were the food conditions
there — when you got to Petrograd?
Miss Bryant. The food conditions were never very good, and, as I
understand, they have not been very good since the beginning of the
war. Shortly after mobilization began in Russia the railroads M'ere
in disorder, and theji- were right straight along, and so, of course, the
suffering was intense from the very beginning of the war.
Mr. Humes. How did you supply yourself Avith food while you were
there?
Miss Bryant. I did not supply myself with food any better than
anybody else did. In fact I was hungry a part of the time, and I
lived on black bread and cabbage soup and things like that.
Mr. Humes. How did you get it, on food tickets ?
Miss Bryant. Why, no. During the Kerensky regime I lived in a
Russian boarding house, and the woman who managed it was allotted
food tickets for each guest, and she got food in that way for all of us.
Later I lived in the government hotel. Since the beginning of the
war the correspondents have been treated more or less as guests of the
government — that is, they can live in government hotels like the
officers.
Mr. Humes. What periodicals did you have credentials to rep-
resent ?
Miss Bryant. I had credentials from the Metropolitan Magazine,
the Ledger, Seven Arts, and Every Week. Every Week is a magazine
that has since ceased publication.
Senator Sterling. The Philadelphia Ledger ?
■ Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator King. Since you left there this last January you have not
been back?
Miss Bryant. No.
Senator King. So you know nothing of the conditions since you left,
except from hearsay?
Miss Bryant. I know as much as Mr. Bernstein and some of the
other witnesses whose testimony I have heard.
Senator King. You know nothing except from hearsay ?
Miss Bryant. I know more than hearsay.
480 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator 'Wolcott. ^Ir. Bernstein was there more recently than that.
Miss Bryant. Well, just a week or two afterwards, because I met
him myself in Stockholm and talked to him there.
Senator Wolcott. But he came here and went back.
Miss Briaxt. But he ATent to Siberia, and I am speaking of central
Eussia.
Senator King. Then what j'ou know as to the conditions there now
is hearsay, in the sense that you have not seen the conditions with
your own eyes, but have derived your information from somebody else.
Miss Bryant. I know a good deal that is happening now.
Mr. HuiiES. Where did you get your information ?
Miss Bryant. I got it from several places. One place, the Finnish
information bureau. JNIr. Xuorteva, the head of the bureau, recently
sent a letter to Senator Overman, saying he was receiving some funds
and information from Eussia from time to time, and that he wanted
to tell the committee about it. He said, " If there is Bolshevik pro-
paganda, I am it, and I want to testify."
Senator Overman. Who did that '(
Miss Bryant. Mr. Xuorteva, of the Finnish Information Bureau.
Mr. HtTJiES. In other words, you have information you have re-
ceived from Mr. Xuorteva ?
Miss Bryant. Part of it.
Mr. HuatES. Did ISIr. Xuorteva show you the letter that the former
officer of the Bolshevik government wrote to him, in which he told
him that the experiment was a failure?
Miss Bryaxt. Yes.
Mr. Humes. You have seen that, too, have you?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; I have seen that. It is not important. It was
the expression of an easily disappointed Socialist, I should say.
Mr. HcjiES. Have you got any official information from the
Bolshevik government '. Have they furnished you with official infor-
mation?
Miss Bryant. Xo ; but I saw some very official information in Col.
Eobins's apartment, which he showed to me.
Mr. Humes. Is Col. Eobins in official connection with the Bol-
shevik government?
Miss Bryant. I do not think he is now.
Mr. Humes. You say he has official information in his office?
Miss Beyaxt. He brought back information which he showed to
many of us.
Mr. Humes. When did Col. Eobins leave over there?
Miss Bryant. I think some time after I did. I suppose you know
when he left. I do not.
]Mr. Humes. It was early in 1918 that you left, Avas it not?
Miss Bryant. I think he stayed longer than that. He certainly
stayed until after the embassies left.
Senator King. When I use the word "hearsay." I think, Miss
Bryant, you probably do not get the meaning that lawyers attribute
to "the word. If I tell you something and then you go out and teL
somebody else that I told it to you, that would be hearsay. Xow.
M'hen I asked you if you had been there, and you said " no," and I
asked you if you knew anything of the conditions there of your own
knowledge, obviously, if you were not there you would not know.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 481
Miss Bryant. If I read documents and papers and things of that
Tdnd, I would know that.
Senator King. But I asked you if you knew anythin"- about the
•conditions, of your own knowledge, since you left.
Miss Betant. I have seen people
Senator King. You only know what somebody has told you.
Miss Betant. Yes ; except I have read Russian papers.
Senator King. You have answered my question. That is all.
Miss Bryant. I want to ansAver that I have gotten information
from people who were in direct communication with the soviet gov-
ernment. Mr. Nuorteva was allowed by Mr. Polk to send messages
to the Bolsheviji government about the Prinkipo conference.
Mr. Humes. Is your husband in direct communication with the
Bolshevik government?
Miss Bryant. No. The only direct communication I loiow is what
has been sent through the State Department.
Mr. Humes. Was he not appointed by the Bolshevik government
as consul general to New York?
Miss Bryant. Yes; he was.
Mr. Humes. Has he been acting in that capacity?
Miss Bryant. No ; he did not come here as consul general.
Mr. Humes. Has he undertaken to perform any of the duties of
■consul general although not recognized?
Miss Bryant. Of course not. I think he was consul general for a
period of about four days, but before he was given his passports the
whole scheme was changed.
Mr. Humes. He was designated as consul general of the Bolshevik
government, at Petrograd, was he not ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; certainly. Everybody knows that.
Mr. Humes. Then he accepted that responsibility for the Bolshe-
vik government in that particular, in violation of his sworn promise
to the government when he secured his passports, did he not ?
Miss Bryant. I think he accepted that with the sanction of our
officials there, and I think he can explain it. He can tell you about it
better than I can.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that he made that statement at the
time he secured his passports ?
Miss Bryant. He made a statement. I do not know what he did
afterwards to counteract that or what conclusion he came to. I am
sure that Col. Robins can tell you, probably even Ambassador Francis,
and certainly my husband can.
Senator Overman. You said some time ago that when you came
out on your passports you had a certain sealed package. Were they
your own papers?
Miss Bryant. Yes; and Miss Beatty's, who is the niece of Admiral
Beatty, of the British Navy. She was with me, and I also took her
papers. She is now the editor of McCall's Magazine, of New York,
and was then a correspondent for the San Francisco Bulletin. She
came with me, and I kept her papers as well as my own.
Senator Overman. You had no official papers?
Miss Bryant. No. Couriers' passports were given us just to enable
us to pass through the lines.
85723—19 31
482 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAXDA.
Senator Sterling. If your husband did accept this position, it
would have been in violation, would it not, of his passport and of
his obligation as an American citizen?
Miss Bryant. No, sir.
Senator Steeling. It would not?
Miss Bryant. It would not, because — I do not know all the details
but I think his oath only concerned participation in the Stockholm
conference, but I wish you would ask him about it. He is in the room
and I suppose you could do it. I am firmly of the opinion that Col!
Robins or Ambassador Francis could tell you something about that,
and he certainly could. I was not there at the time, you see, so I
do not know about it. ■
Mr. Httjies. After the Bolshevik revolution, what were the food
conditions ?
Miss Bryant. They were just about the same as they always have
been.
Mr. Humes. "Was there any rioting or fighting in the streets, or
the searching of houses, during that period of time ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; what was known as " requisitioning " began
way back, as far as I can understand, at the time of the Kerensky
government. The government used to send notices to the upper-class
Russians asking them for shoes, overcoats, and for things like that
to send to the destitute soldiers at the front, but they were pro-
German and would not support the soldiers in any way. They would
not even pretend to do so ; they just simply refused to do anything
or to obey any of those demands which were sent out under the
Kerensky regime, so when the Soviets came into power they requi-
sitioned the banks to carry on the revolution in the same way
that Benjamin Franklin in our levolution took over His Majesty's
post-office funds, which was the property of the British Government.
Mr. Humes. You mean they confiscated them?
Miss Bryant. They confiscated them, only they nationalized the
banks. ^
Mr. Humes. And they confiscated private property of individuals?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that the Red Guards went into the
houses of private citizens and demanded money and foodstuffs
Senator Nelson. And jewelry ?
Mr. Humes. And jewelry, clothing, and that sort of thing, and
took it by force?
Miss Bryant. I never heard of them demanding jewelry. I do not
think they made any demand for that, but they may have taken
clothing.
Mr. Humes. Did not the Bolshevik government, by this so-called
process of requisitioning, take all of the precious metals they could
in the shape of platinum and material of that kind because of its
commercial value?
Miss Bryant. I do not believe so; I never came across such an
instance.
Mr. HuJiES. You never saw any of that?
Miss Bryant. I never saw anything of that kind.
Mr. Humes. Did not killings occur on the streets frequently during
the time you were there ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 483
Miss Bryant. No ; I went around more or less alone all the time
and I did not see any killin^-s there on the streets, except once, and
that was not an ordinary killing.
Mr. Humes. When was that?
Miss Bryant. It was at the time of the last stand of the officers,
when they came down the streets of Petrograd in an armored car
and turned it on a group of civilians, of which I was one. I saw
that.
Mr. Humes. Was that after the Bolsheviki came in?
Miss Brtais't. That was just after the Bolshevik revolution, dur-
ing a counter-revolution.
Mr. Humes. Did you ever see people starving ?
Miss Bryant. No.
Mr. Humes. And falling on the streets ?
Miss Bryant. No ; I never saw anything like that.
Mr. Humes. Did you ever see horses falling on the streets?
Miss Bryant. No.
Mr. Humes. Did you ever see people there cutting off horse meat
for the purpose of food ?
Miss Bryant. No.
Mr. Humes. You never saw anything of that kind ?
Miss Bryant. I never saw it.
Mr. Humes. Then, from the time of the revolution, in November,
up until you left in January, except for a few pangs of hunger that
you yourself felt, you never saw any disorders, except the one inci-
dent of the motor car that you referred to ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; and just the ordinary things that would go
with civil war and with fighting. I suffered no more hardships with
regard to food than I did when I was in France.
Mr. Humes. How many civil wars have you seen ? You say there
were just the things that ordinarily go with civil war.
Miss Bryant. I mean that from what history I have read it seems
to me that in our own Civil War we suffered a great many priva-
tions ; and, of course, the Russians had to do the same thing.
Mr. Humes. Then, the privations that are incident to war are to
be expected, are they not?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; that is what I felt.
Mr. Humes. There is nothing in the privations incident to civil
war that warrants any very serious thoughts ?
Miss Bryant. I think that an American traveling there would find
his stay very uncomfortable, but he could always leave ; and I think
that is the way the Russians felt about foreigners. I could leave, my-
self, if I did not like it.
Mr. Humes. You say one could always leave, although it was
necessary for you at least to represent yourself to be an official of
the government in order to get out.
Miss Bryant. No; you see, this is the situation: If I had gone
through Siberia, it would not have been necessary ; but from the be-
ginning of the revolution — the first revolution — the Finns were fight-
ing the Russians; and when anybody came through Finland they
took absolutely everything away, whether it was foodstuffs or
whether it was papers. I did not want that to happen to me in Fin-
land. I knew that they respected a courier's passport, and so when
484 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
I Avas ready to leave I simply went to the soviet officials and said
" Can you give me a courier's passport? " and tliey said, " Yes "; and
they did it.
Mr. HuiiES. Then the situation was this, that it was difficult to
get out of Eussia through Finland ?
Miss Brfant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Or out of Eussia proper to the west, but it was, ap-
parently, easv to get out of Eussia to the east, through Siberia?
Miss Beiaxt. Yes.
Mr. HuJiES. ^^Iien Mr. Eeinstein went over did you go over with
him? •
Miss Beyant. No ; I did not know him until I saw him over there.
Mr. Httmes. You got there before he did ?
Miss Betant. No; not until much later. He used to teach me
Eussian.
Mr. Humes. When you got there, did you find him connected with
the
Miss Bryant. Soviet government ? No : not at that time.
Mr. Hr:NrES. Was he connected with the soviet revolutionary
party ?
Miss Bryant. No; he was a Menshevik internationalist — a very
small party in Eussia.
Mr. Humes. When did he become a member of the Bolshevik gov-
ernment?
INIiss Bryaxt. He became connected with it after they tried to
bring about the revolution in Germany ; he is a student of interna-
tional affairs, and they wanted him to be the head of the bureau.
Mr. Humes. What was Eeinstein's business?
Miss Bryant. He has always been a writer. I think he wrote for
a socialist paper, the Weekly People, over here for a great many
vears.
Mr. Humes. Living in Buffalo, N. Y. ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; I believe so. I did not know him before I went
over there.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that his wife is a doctor in Buffalo ?
]\Iiss Bryant. Yes ; she is.
Mr. Hi'JiEs. At the same time that you were there, was Mr. Eein-
stein, with whom you became acquainted, you and your husband?
I\Iiss Bryant. And many other people.
Mr. Hu:\[Es. What other people from America, or Americans, did
YOU find and get acquainted with while you were in Petrograd?
]Miss Bryant. With Arno Dosch-Fleurot, the World man, and
especially with !Miss Beatty. We were the only two American women
reporters there most of the time, so we saw each other a great deal.
xVnd v.ith Col. Thompson — I lieg your pardon: not Col. Thompson-
Col. Eobins and Maj. Thacher. 1 came from Stockholm on the same
boat with Gen. Jndson. I met him in Christiania, not in Eu&sia.
Mv. Hu.MEs. He was military attache in Eu&sia?
]Miss Bryant. He was the head of our military mission there.
]Mr. Humes. I do net think you quite imderstand me. What other-
people ficm America were connected Avith the operations of the Bol-
shevik government while you were there?
^liss Bryant. You mean Americans ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 485
Mr. Humes. Yes ; Americans, or people who had come from Amer-
ica to Petrograd.
Miss Brya:nt. There were a number of exiles that came from over
here and went back.
Mr. Humes. Name them.
Miss Bryant. There was William- Shatoff.
Mr. Humes. What is his position in the Bolshevik government ^.
Miss Bryant. I do not know what he is now.
Mr. Humes. Is he a commissar of some kind?
Miss Bryant. No ; he is not a commissar. He was organizing what
they called the factory shop committees.
■ Mr. Humes. But he had an official connection with the goveinment ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; he is a Russian.
Mr. Humes. How long had he been in this country ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know. He is not an American; he is a
Eussian.
Mr. Humes. He is a Eussian, is he?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Was he in any Avay connected with the railroad
administration ?
Miss Bryant. I heard a witness testify to that effect, but he must
have been :(Tiistaken, because he was not a railway expert. He was
working in the factory shop committees there when I was there, and
I think that he would not be changed, because that is what he is
particularly fitted for.
Senator Wolcott. You do not know whether he was changed
or not.
■Miss Bryant. No; but I do not imagine so.
Senator Sterling. The witness Smith testified to that effect.
Miss Bryant. I do hot think it makes any difference at all, only
I am telling you what he did when I was there.
Senator Wolcott. While you were there he was not the head of
any railroad?
Miss Bryant. No.
Mr. Humes. What other person that had come from America did
you find over there in some official capacity ?
Miss Bryant. I told you Eeinstein and Shatoff, and I guess that is
all that I know.
Mr. HuJiES. Of course, Trotzky was there, and he had been in thtf
United States.
Miss Bryant. But I did not know him here.
Mr. Humes. I do not mean whom you knew here! I mean people
you discovered when you got there that had been in the United States,
had come from the United States.
Miss Bryant. Trotzky, of course.
Mr. Humes. Who else?
Miss Bryant. I do not know.
Mr. Humes. I am talking about Americans you came across over
there.
Miss Bryant. I saw, for instance, Alexander Gumberg, a Eussian,
who worked for Col. Eobins, and later worked for Mr. Sisson. He
has returned to this country.
486 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. He had an official connection with the Bolshevik gov-
ernment, did he?
^Ii>^s Brtant. He came back here to establish a pre-^s agency for
them, the Petrograd News Agenc}', I believe, and he got certain con-
cessions from them to do that.
Mr. HriiEs. Did he ever establish it?
Miss BEYA^'T. T do not'know. I know he received $5,000 from ili.
Sisson for his work.
I\Ir. HrjiEs. For his work in Eussia?
Aliss Bryant. Yes; for securing certain documents, and other
work.
Mr. Hu:>rEs. Was he in the employ of the government?
Miss Brtant. Yes ; he was in the employ of the government. He
also pretended to be a close friend of Trotzky, and he was in the
employ of Sisson, and I do not know who else or what other mys-
terious business he performed.
Mr. Humes. Did he ever organize that information bureau in this
countrj' ?
Miss Brtant. I do not know.
Mr. HuiEES. Or press bureau, or whatever you call it?
Miss Brtant. It was called the Petrograd Press Agency. That
agency is a real plum.
Mr. Humes. Is he still in America?
Miss Brtant. Yes.
Mr. Homes. What other Americans did you come across over there
in government circles?
Miss Brtant. That is all I can think of.
Senator Sterling. Did you know Mr. Shatoff before you knew him
in Eussia?
Miss Brtant. I once heard him speak at a meeting of Kussians
here.
Senator Sterling. Where, here ? In what city ?
Miss Brtant. I believe it was in Paterson.
Senator Sterling. In Paterson, N. J.?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Sterling. "V^lien was that speech made?
INIiss Brtant. About three years ago.
Senator Wolcott. Did you know a man over there by the name of
Zoren ?
Miss Brtant. I did not know him. I heard that he was there, I
believe in Kronstadt. Let me see
Senator Wolcott. He was a commissar, was he not?
Miss Brtant. Yes. I mentioned him in my book, I believe, but I
do not remember in what connection now.
Senator Wolcott. He was from America?
INIiss Brtant. Yes; he had been in America.
]Mr. Humes. You say that Col. Eobins had an information bureau
over there?
Miss Bryant. You see, it was this way: Col. Eobins was very
anxious to know everything that was going on in Eussia, and he
realized that the socialists, of course, would be closer to the soviet
government, and would have their confidence. Therefore, he Tvas
very anxious to know through them what was going on, and also he
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 487
wanted to know what they were doing about organizing a revolution
in Germany, and whether they were pro-German or not, and when
there were meetings we went to them and reported to him. I went to
one of the meetings of the German war prisoners with Mr. Dosch-
Fleurot, and I made a report to Col. Eobins and also to the American
consul, Mr. Treadwell. We went to as many meetings of all kinds
as we possibly could.
Mr. HtJMES. Will you tell us how many of those were employed by
Col. Eobins in this information bureau?
Miss Brtant. I do not think you would call it an information bu-
reau ; and I know that Miss Beatty worked for the Red Cross.
Mr. Humes. This was an information bureau of the lied Cross,
was it?
Miss Bryant. Why, yes, in a way ; and we all worked very closely
with the Red Cross and Col. Eobins with the American Embassy.
Mr. HuJiEs. You have mentioned two people that were employed
besides the assistance that you gave him. Now, whom else did he
have working for him?
Miss Betant. At one time he had Mr. Reinstein. I was never em-
ployed. I did my work gratis.
Senator Overman. Is he the man who is now in the Bolshevik gov-
ernment?
Miss Brtant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. When was that with reference to the time when Rein-
stein became an official of the Bolshevik government ?
Miss Brtant. That was at a previous time. They used to give
Col. Robins accounts of all meetings, public and otherwise, that
they could get into, meetings in the prisons and elsewhere, so that he
would have news besides what he covered himself.
Mr. Humes. Were there any other informants besides the ones
you have mentioned ? Was Williams one of his informants ?
Miss Brtant. Why, yes.
Mr. Humes. Was your husband ?
Miss Brtant. Yes. I would like to give testimony at this point,
if you will let me, about certain things they did.
Mr. Humes. Now, Miss Bryant, when you left Russia, how did you
get out of Finland? At what point did you leave Finland?
Miss Brtant. I went by way of Haparanda, and the sailors —
you see, there was a good deal of confusion and there was fighting
going on. and the Kronstadt sailors who were on my train were taken
off and taken out and shot, and "
(Senator Nelson. Shot by whom ?
Miss Bryant. By the White Guard and the Germans. You see,
the Germans were fighting against the Red Guards in Finland, be-
cause the White Guards wanted to put a German king on the throne
of Finland, and the Bolsheviki were sending up people to reenforce
the Red Guards in Finland.
Mr. Humes. Then you were on that train
Miss Brtant. I was on the last train that got through.
Mr. Humes (continuing). On which there were some of the rep-
resentatives of the Bolshevik government who were
Miss Brtant. No ; they were not representatives of the Bolshevik
government. They were simply sailors, in another car.
488 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGABTDA.
Mr. Humes. They were Kronstadt sailors?
Miss Bkyant. Yes.
Mr. Htjmes. Were they not sympathizers with the Bolsheviki?
Miss Bryant. Yes, they were sympathizers; they were Bolshevik
sailors.
Mr. Humes. They were sympathizers ; and the White Guards came
on that train and took them off and shot them ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. That was because of their connection with the Bol-
sheviki ?
Miss Bryant. Yes, and because the sailors were anti-German.
Mr. Humes. How does it happen that you, an official messenger of
the Bolshevik government
Miss Bryant. They did not know that I had courier's papers.
Mr. Humes (continuing) . Did not fall into the hands of the White
Guards, if they were after all the Bolsheviks ?
Miss Bryant. Because they simply thought that I was an Ameri-
can, and did not pay any attention to me.
Mr. Humes. They did not even ask you for your credentials?
Miss Bryaxt. They may have looked at my American passport.
I would not have given them the other, certainly.
Mr. Humes. But you had in your possession bags with papers,
with the official seals on them of the soviet government, did you not?
Miss Bryant. You are making a jjicture that is not quite true.
They were only looking, as they came through the train, for certain
armed persons, for soldiers sent up there to fight them. They went
through the train and took the soldiers away and went right on and
paid no attention to us.
Mr. Humes. They did pay some attention to you, because you say
they looked at your American passport.
Miss Bryant. I mean, it was like this: People were always going
through the train and looking at your passports. You are shut in
these compartments, you know; the train is all made up of compart-
ments, and they would come and open the door and say, " Give me
your passport," and you would hand it to them. The thing was
that when we got to the border the Bolsheviki, who were in charge
of the border — you see, the way it Avas, some points M'ould be held by
the White Guard and some by the Red. The Bolsheviki still held the
border, and when I got up there I gave him my credentials and they
let me bring my bags through. .
Mr. Hughes. The AVhite Guards you came in contact with simply
demanded credentials of the Americans and others on the train be-
sides the sailors that were coming on there for military purposes 1
Miss Bryant. They did not stay on the train two minutes. They
simply said, " Show us your passports," and marched away, and we
went on.
]Mr. Husies. The White Guards you speak of respected your Ameri-
can passport and American citizenship ?
Miss Bryant. They did not have time to respect it or not respect
it. They simply wanted to get all the armed people out of the way.
Mr. Humes. The fact remains that they did respect it ?
Miss Bryant. No ; I do not know that they did. I could not tell
whether every different group of people that passed through my train
were White Guards or Eed Guards.
BOtSHBVIK PROPAGANDA. 489
Senator Nelson. They did not shoot you like they did the sailors ?
Miss Bryant. They would have if T had been armed.
Senator Nelson. Why?
Miss Bryant. Well, they would have, in any case, if I had re-
mained, because if I had been in Finland and the White Guards were
trying to put a German king on the throne, I would have been fighting
with the Red Guards.
Senator Nelson. Did you not say that they took those sailors out
and shot them ?
Miss Bryant. I did not see them shot. I did not run after them
when they took them put.
Mr. Humes. How do you know they shot them ?
Miss Bryant. I found that out in Stockholm afterwards.
Mr. Humes. Now, you say you do not know whether the people
who came in and took these sailors oS the train were White Guards
or Eed Guards ?
Miss Bryant. Oh, yes ; I do know about those particular people.
Mr. Humes. You said a moment ago that you did not know which
they were.
Miss Bryant. You are trying to confuse me now, major.
Mr. Humes. No ; I am not trying to confuse you. You said a
moment ago that you did not know whether they were White Guards
or Eed Guards.
Miss Bryant. Will you let me straighten this out ? »
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Miss Bryant. In time of revolution, American coi'respondents
usually carried passes from both sides, and often both sides gave us
passes, and especially in Great Russia. Correspondents were not
armed and not detained.
Senator Nelson. Did you have passes from both sides ?
Miss Bryant. No ; I did not in this particular case ; but in Russia
I often had passes from the reactionaries and passes from the Red
Guards, and they gave them to other correspondents. They all gave
us passes, so that we could go and report the truth.
Senator Overman. I notice your passports here say that you are a
representative of the American social democracy and an interna-
tionalist. You did not go there, then, as a correspondent, but as a
representative of the internationalist?
Miss Bryant. No. You see, Senator Overman, when you go and
ask the soviet officials for a pass they make it out in their own way.
They make it out so that their own soldiers will understand it.
Senator Overman. They did not make this out to show that you
were a correspondent, but they made it out to show that you were an
internationalist.
Miss Bryant. Oh, as for that, being an internationalist is not
unique. Anyone is an internationalist that even believes in the
league of nations and things of that Irind.
Senator Overman. All except one of your passports is signed by
Peters, who is said to be the " high executioner."
Miss Bryant. Yes. I would like to tell you about Peters.
Mr. Humes. Do you know anything about the activities of Peters
as executioner recently ? •
Miss Bryant. I do not know ; but I know how he felt about capital
punishment. He knew all the correspondents very well. One reason^
490 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
for that was because he had lived in England, and he spoke English
very well.
Mr. Humes. What is his nationality ?
Miss Bryant. He is a Lett.
Mr. Humes. How long had he been in England?
Miss Bryant. He had escaped from Russia during the 1905 revo-
lution and had been over there ever since.
Mr. Humes. Has he ever been in the United States ?
Miss Bryant. No. "V\1ien we found out that this man spoke Eng-
lish so well we, of course, alM'ays went around and asked favors of
him, asked if he would tell us about certain things, and if he -would
give us certain credentials. He was very friendly to the corre-
spondents at that time.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a- fact that it was not at all difficult to find
people who spoke English in the soviet government ?
Miss Bryant. No; it was not difficult at all.
Mr. Humes. People who spoke English as well as Peters ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; there were a good many of them that spoke
English, but he had a good deal of authority and could render
assistance.
Mr. Humes. That is what I want to find out. Who were these
people that spoke English and had learned it in the United States?
Miss Bryant. They did not necessarily learn it in the United States,
Russians who ^re educated often speak five or six languages. They
do not have to go to the country to learn the language.
Mr. Humes. Then I understand you to say that, so far as you have
knowledge, you only discovered the three or four or five persons that
you have mentioned in Russia who had formerly lived in the United
States ; is that true ?
Miss Bryant. I think that is true ; but I would like to refresh my
memory.
Mr. Humes. The only people you came in contact with ?
Miss Bryant. I mentioned four or five people in my book. If there
are any more there than I mentioned — let me see the book for a
moment.
Mr. Humes. Can you tell us who the others are who came from the
United States by reference to your book ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; I will tell you. Kollontay, the minister of wel-
fare.
Mr. Humes. What position did he hold ?
Miss Bryant. She.
Mr. Humes. She ?
Miss Bryant. She was minister of welfare.
Mr. Humes. What was her nationality ?
Miss Bryant. Russian.
Mr. Humes. How long had she been in the United States ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know. I did not know her in the United
States.
Mr. Humes. Did you not hear from her how long she had been in
the United States?
Miss Bryant. No. In the democratic congress we were seated in the
reporters' boxes. They always reserved a place for the reporters.
She came up one evening and asked, "Are you American correspond-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 491
ents? " We replied, " Yes "; and she said she had been in America;
and from that time on we all came to know her A'ery well.
Mr. Htjmes. Where had she lived in the United States ?
Miss BRrANT. I do not think she had lived here. I think she went
on a tour of the United States.
Another person I knew over there was Catherine Breshkovskaya,
who testified here. I saw her. more or less, during the time she lived
in the Winter Palace.
Mr. HtTMES. She had only been in this country touring ?
Miss Bryan.t. Oh, yes; liut she had also liA'ed some tinie in this
country.
Mr. Humes. Well, now, whom else did you find who had been in
this country?
Miss Bryant. Let me see.
Mr. Humes. Did you meet a negro by the name of Gordon ?
Miss Bryant. I did not meet any negroes. I did not see but one
negro while I was there, and he had nothing to do with the soviet.
He was a professional gambler.
Mr. Humes. Did you meet a man by the name of Murieff ?
Miss Bryant. I did not.
Mr. Humes. You did not meet him ?
Miss Bryant. I do not remember
Mr. Humes. If you can think of any other Americans or persons
who had been in America, by reference to your book, any other person
Avho had been in this country, I wish you would tell us who they are.
Miss Bryant. Let me see; you mean Americans who were con-
nected with the soviet government?
Mr. Humes. Americans who were connected with the soviet gov-
ernment, and Russians who for a period of time had been residents of
this country.
Miss Bryant. There was one man over there, who worked on an
English paper, by the name of George Sokolsky, who may or Avho
may not have been a Russian. He claimed to be a Russian here and he
claimed to be an American in Russia.
Mr. Humes. Was he connected with the Bolshevik government ?
Miss Bryant. He had no connection Avith the Bolshevik govern-
ment, but he had other connections. The Bolsheviki distrusted him.
Senator Steeling. Had he lived in America ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Steeling. Where?
Miss Beyant. In New York.
Mr. Humes. Had you known him in this country ?
Miss Bryant. No. I met him there ; he came up to me on the street
in Petrograd and spoke to me and to Mr. Reed.
Sir. Humes. Do you know with Avhom he was connected in this
country ?
Miss Bryant. No; I do not know with whom he was connected,
particularly in America or in Stockholm. He worked on this English
paper and he wrote certain things that always seemed to me to be
Avritten just to anger the Russians — that is, to alienate them from
America. He seemed to take particular delight in saying "An Amer-
ican says this and that about Russia." at a critical moment. None of
the reporters trusted him.
492 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Htjmes. Was he connected with Morris Hillquitt in New York?
Miss Bryant. No ; not at all. He is not a Socialist.
Senator O'^TiRitAx. Who is Alexandra KoUontay?
Miss Bryant. She is the minister of welfare. She is an excep-
tionally cultured woman, who wrote 10 books on welfare before she
became connected with the government.
Senator Wolcott. ]May T ask who Mr. Dosch-Fleurot is?
Miss Bryant. Yes; he is the World correspondent.
Senator Wolcott. Was he or not sympathetic with the Bolsheviki ?
Miss Brfant. He changed every now and then. Now he is veir
much against them. At times I think he Avas not so much against
them. At the present time I think he is quite against them.
Senator Wolcott. , How was he over in Eussia?
Miss Bryant. In Eussia he went through various changes. He
did not seem to remain of the same opinion, at all.
Senator Sterling. What was lie to begin with '>.
Miss Bryant. I do not know. He has been a correspondent of
the World abroad for a good many years.
Senator Sterling. But what were his sympathies to begin with!
Did he sympathize with the Bolshevik government?
Miss Bryant. Oh, no; not at the beginning. I think he was
quite against it.
Senator Sterling. Afterwards, did he become identified with the
Bolsheviks?
Miss Bryant. No. I brought back to the World an article, which
was printed by the World, telling how Mr. Dosch-Fleurot felt about
Eussia at that time. The article was featured and caused a good
deal of comment in other papers.
Mr. Humes. Now, JNIiss Bryant, you say your husband and Boris
Eeinstein and Williams were engaged in propaganda work. Were
they engaged in a propaganda work as distinguished from this cor-
respondent that you have referred to, which was intended to create
a friendly feeling between Eussia and the United States?
^liss Bryant. Why, their principal task was to break down the
German forces on the front.
Mr. Httimes. "Were they undertaking to do that by an attack on
the United States Government and upon the officials of the United
States Government?
Miss Bryant. Why, no: of course they were not.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that this newspaper was published as
one of the papers that was published by them [indicating] ? Is not
that one of the papers that they published over there in German?
Miss Brjant. Yes; but everything in it they did not write.
Mr. Humes. I do not know whether you can read Eussian or not,
but on the front page of that paper that is published
Miss Bryant. This is not Eussian, it is German text [indicating
another paper].
Mr. Humes. In that paper that they published is there not a
violent attack upon the President of the'United States and upon the
attitude of the United States ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; but they did not write it.
Mr. Humes. How did it happen to be in the paper that they were
publishing under the supervision of Col. Robins if they had no
control over it ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 493
Miss Bryant. Well, if you will ask Col. Robins, he will tell you
a Tery interesting story cabout it, and he could tell you why, much
better than I could, because he knows much better.
Mr. Humes. You made the statement that this one newspaper
correspondent was putting, as you understood, squibs in the paper
from time to time that you felt were calculated to estrange the
Americans and Russians?
Miss Bryant. Oh, yes ; but he had no connection with this paper
or with the Soviets.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that the activity — that your activity
and the activitj^ of Boris Reinsteih
Miss Bryant. My activity ? I did not confess to any activity.
Mr. Humes. Well, we will omit you, then. Is it not a fact that
the activity in which Boris Eeinstein and your husband and Wil-
liams were engaged was calculated to create prejudice and a feeling
of animosity against the United States and against the officials of
the United States?
Miss Bryant. Absolutely not.
Mr. Humes. How do you account for this article; and who did
write that article?
Miss Bryant. As I understand it, someone not an American, wrote
that; someone who was very unfriendly toward the United States;
but they (the Americans) did not even know tjiat it was going into
the paper until after they actually saw it in print.
Mr. Humes. Then they were running an information bureau
Miss Bryant. No ; you do not let me answer you, Mr. Humes, and
that is why I can not tell you anything clearly. This paper that you
have particular reference to, they did not have supervision of that.
Mr. Humes. Did they not have anything to do with this paper ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; but they did not edit that [indicating paper
in the hands of Mr. Humes]. They edited this [indicating another
paper], an illustrated sheet.
Mr. Humes. Let me call your attention to your husband's own
article.
Miss Bryant. That is not my husband's article. Why do you not
ask my husband about it ?
Mr. Humes. I want to call your attention to your husband's own
article. After about a dozen numbers of Die Fackel it was changed
to Der Volkef riede. I do not know what the pronunciation is of that,
but it was changed to this paper [indicating].
Miss Bryant. Yes; it was first Die Fackel — the Torch — and then
it was changed.
Mr. Humes. Now, in this article he says that the publication of this
paper is under himself, Williams, and Boris Eeinstein.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Now, if he had nothing to do with this, and was not
the editor of the paper, who did control the things that went into
the paper ?
Miss Bryant. If you would ask him, he would tell you.
Mr. Humes. Do you know?
Miss Bryant. No ; I simply know about this point.
Mr. Humes. You do not know anything about the detailed activi-
ties, then, of your husband and Williams and these other English
papers at that time ?
494 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryant. No. There were no English papers. There were
Russian and German papers. I did not work in the foreign office.
The English paper was not published by the Soviets.
Mr. Humes. They worked in the foreign office, did they ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. "Woi'king in the foreign office, they assumed, as pro-
vided by the constitTUion, the duties and the responsibilities and
riglits of Russian citizenship i
iliss Bryant. I do not know.
Senator Sterling. Who was the minister for foreign affairs under
whom they worked?
Miss Bryant. Trotzky.
Senator Overman. I notice that you have a picture in your book
which is before me here, " The Red JBurial held in Moscow in Novem-
ber. Five hundred bodies were buried in one day."
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Overman. Were those Red Guards who were buried?
Miss Bryant. Yes; Red Guards that were buried, shot by the
White Guards?
Mr. Humes. Did you at any time, except on the one occasion you
related about the armored car, see any open assassination on the
streets of Petrograd?
Miss Bryant. Xo ; I was in the Winter Palace the day that it fell.
I was in the Winter Palace with the Kerensky officials and the
junkers. I stayed there all day. They expected that they would
have to surrender, and I wanted to be there when the palace fell.
I wanted to see what it would be like, and to get the story.
About 5 o'clock I decided that there was not going to be any
attack, and I asked permission to leave. They told me that I could
go, and I went out, and I found that there was a huge meeting
going on in Smolny Institute, and I went to that meeting. Wliile
we were at the meeting, we heard firing, the firing of cannon on the
Winter Palace, and we rushed out and saw a big motor car just
going down, and we asked permission to ride in it, and they let us
ride. '\A"e went down the Nevsky Prospect, and when we got near
the Winter Palace we found that it had just fallen, and we ran in
with the first troops. I was with Miss Beatty, and Mr. Reed was
there, and Mr. Williams.
Mr. Hu3[ES. Of course, you saw some people killed at that time?
Miss Bryant. Xo.
Mr. Humes. No one was killed?
Miss Bryant. I did not say no one was killed. I did not see any-
one killed.
Mr. Humes. The Bolshevik revolution and the overthrow of the
Kerenskv government was entirely bloodless?
Miss Bryant. No ; I say I did not see anybody killed. There were
a number of Bolsheviki killed outsidfe of the Winter Palace, but it
Avas night, so I did not see them, but there were no junkers killed.
T did not say that the revolution was bloodless. In fact, I just stated
a moment ago that I was on the street when many people were
killed.
Mr. Hujies. All connected with that one occurrence of the motor
car. I said, with that one exception, did you ever see anyone killed
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 495
there in street fighting, or shot down and killed on the streets of
Petrograd, Avhile you were there?
Miss Bryant. Yes; I saw one man killed. I was walking on the
street, and some sniper shot from a roof top, and he dropped down.
]\Ir. Htjmes. That was after or before, the Bolsheviki came in?
Miss Bryant. That was after the Bolsheviki came in.
Mr. Humes. Then what happened?
Miss. Bryant. Then sailors ran out of the government hotel and
Ixom evei'ywhere, and cried out " provocateur," because they
thought that it was some one trying to start a riot, and they were
rushing around the streets, trying to find who it was. That is the
only time.
Mr. HnMES. That is the only time? Besides the persons you saw
killed from that armored car, you only saw one other person killed on
the streets of Petrograd ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; except wine pogroms.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know, as a matter of fact, that it is an
everyday occurrence, and was while you were there, on the streets of
Petrograd, to have people shot down in cold blood ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know that it is so, and I am sure there are
10 witnesses who Avill testify to the opposite, and they were the heads
of the official organizations sent over from the United States. They
did not see it, either.
Mr. Humes. Then the testimony of all the reputable people who
have testified here as to the things that they actually saw with their
own eyes is false?
Miss Bryant. Did they testify that they actually saAV those things?
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Miss Bryant. I have been in the room most of the time, and I did
not hear people say that they actually saw such things.
Mr. Humes. There has not been a witness here that has not testified
that they with their own eyes saw these things.
Miss Bryant. They may have. I did not. You do not want me
to testify to things that I did not see, do you ?
Mr. Humes. As a reporter, yes, you did not see them ?
Miss Bryant. As a reporter, I did not see such things. And please
remember, it would have made a much more lurid story if I had, but
I did not see it.
Mr. Humes. Who was paying you while you were over there?
Miss Bryant. Well, I went on a contract of fifty-fifty; that is,
50 per cent of the amount of money for the articles I wrote was paid
to me by the Philadelphia Ledger when I returned. My husband
paid my expenses. It is not a matter of money at all. I did not take
any money for what I did over there.
Mr. Humes. Did you receive any money from anybody in Russia,.
I mean by way of pay for services?
Miss Bryant. No ; I did not work for pay while I was over there ;^
not even for Col. Eobins.
Mr. Humes. You did not work for pay. You were there for love ?
Miss Bryant. No ; I was not there for love. I was there because
I wanted to see the revolution, and because I am a reporter, and
because the revolution caught my imagination.
496 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
]\Ir. Humes. .\.nd during all your time over tliere you saw no evi-
dence of disorders or of starA-ation on the streets — people fallinw
dead? *
Miss Bryant. Xo; I did not see anybody fall dead.
i\Ir. HuaiEs. Xo horses falling dead on the streets of Petrograd?
Miss Brxaxt. Xo.
jNIr- Humes. And you left there in the middle of January?
Miss Bri-axt. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Did you see anybody begging for bread or food
or amthing of that kind ?
Miss Bktant. There are always many beggars in Russia, but I
understand there are less there now than before.
Senator Sterling. But you saw no beggars on the streets ?
Miss Betant. Very few beggars. No more than I see here in the
United States.
Senator Nelson. Is not that because they have joined the Eed
Army, that there are no beggars?
Miss Bryant. If they are old or weak, of course they can not join
the Red Army. It is composed mostly of young men.
Senator Wolcott. There are much fewer people in Petrograd than
there were?
Miss Brtant. There may be less people there now. I have read
reports claiming great decrease in population since I was there,
but at the time I left the population had not diminished. In fact,
it was very hard to get accommodations at that time, because so
many delegates came in for the various congresses and all sorts of
political meetings that were going on.
Senator Nelson. You came there before the Kerensky government
had lost its power?
Miss Betant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. The Kerensky government was trying to carry
on the war against Germany, was it not?
Miss Bryant. Yes; and so did the soviet government.
Senator Nelson. Did the Bolshevik government that succeeded
them ; did they try to fight the Germans ?
Miss Betant. They not only tried, but they have succeeded. Sen-
ator Nelson, so that they have pushed the Germans clear back almost
to their original borders.
Senator Nelson. They succeeded in culminating in the treaty of
Brest-Litovsk.
Miss Betant. But, Senator Nelson, do you know that at the time
of the treaty of Brest-Litovsk the soviet sent a series of questions to
the United "States asking for assistance, saying if this assistance was
given them, if we would back them up, they would break the nego-
tiations and not sign the treaty of Brest-Litovsk?
Senator Nelson. No.
Miss Betant. And Col. Robins has that original document in
his possession?
Senator Nelson. I never heard of that.
Miss Betant. That is true, and I have seen it and at least 20 other
persons have seen it.
Senator Oveeman. Did you notice any German officers there?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 497
Miss Bryant; I certainly did not. I saw some German prisoners ;
and the Bolsheviki, of course, were organizing them to fight against
their own government.
Senator Steeling. And they were succeeding in organizing Ger-
man prisoners to fight against Germany?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; and one way they used them before the armi-
stice was as smugglers of propaganda, sending all sorts of things
back into Germany to overthrow the German Government.
Mr. Humes. When these troops were organized, where did they do
any fighting against Germany?
Miss Bryant. They have been fighting steadily against Germany.
Mr. Humes. That was the Czecho-Slovaks. It was the Czecho-
slovak unit that was organized, was it not ?
Miss Bryant. Not altogether.
Mr. Humes. What unit was organized by the soviet government
that did any fighting against Germany ?
Miss Bryant. They fought with the soviet army and have been
fighting Germany and have been pushing the Germans back to the
Eussian borders, as you must know. If you will follow the line, you
will see they have gone down as far as Kiev and Riga.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that the only fighting force besides
the Red Guards, that was organized to perpetuate the Bolshevik
power", was the Czecho-ISlovak unit ?
Miss Bryant. I would not say that that was the only organization.
Senator Overman. You may let the crowd come back now, if they
will keep quiet.
Miss Bryant. My feeling for the Czecho-Slavs was that that body
of men should have been allowed to go back to their own country,
and that is exactly what they tried to do.
Mr. Humes. That is what they were trying to do ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
(At this point the doors of the committee room were reopened, and
the subcommittee resumed its public session.)
Senator Overman. Now, I want to say to those in the audience,
I have let you in, and I hope you will observe the warning not to
make any noise or allow any more cheering in here. If you do not
observe it, I will have to clear the room again. I hope I will not
have to do it.
Mr. Humes. Now, Miss Bryant, you say when you came out of
Russia as a courier you brought many papers with you?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Wliat official papers of the Bolshevik government
did you bring out?
Miss Bryant. I did not bring any, as I have already stated. You
have seen all my papers, Mr. Humes, because, of course, they were
all gone over when I came into the United States. Everybody's
papers are. And you have returned all these papers, both to myself
and to Mr. Reed and to Mr. Williams. Everyone's papers have been
returned.
Mr. Humes. Have the papers of Mr. Reed been returned ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; months ago. I think three or four were lost,
but almost all were returned.
85723—19 32
498 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. The trunk of literature that was taken from him has
all been returned?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir ; Mr. Williams's papers were also returned.
Mr. Humes. Then the material that you brought out was purely
your own notes and property. They belonged to you ?
Miss Bryant. I did not bring much ; just what I needed for my
stories in books and papers.
Senator Overman. I want to ask you whether or not at that time
the people were starving?
Miss Bryant. Well, you see. Senator Overman, the cutting off of
the supplies by the Germans in the south and by the allies in the
north, of course, made starvation
Senator Overman. Answer the question, whether or not there was
starving.
Miss Bryant. They were very hard up. I was trying to answer.
I did not see anybody fall on the street.
Senator Overman. You did not see it, but you know that they were
starving.
Miss Bryant. I think they must have been, in some communities,
especially where they were carrying on retreats; and the suffering
of the children was very great. The American Ked Cross did all it
could to bring milk over for the babies of Russia, but it was not very
successful.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that all the food that was in Petro-
grad was in the custody of the Bolshevik government?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir ; the soviet had taken it over.
Mr. HmiEs. The soviet government issued the foodstuffs that they
had to those that were affiliated with their own government and their
own organization and let the other people starve ?
Miss Bryant. That is not true. There never was a time while I
was in Petrograd that you could not go into a store and buy certain
supplies. You could do that.
Mr. Humes. Was there plenty of money there when you were
there ?
Miss Bryant. People seemed to have money.
Mr. Humes. Specie?
Miss Bryant. Just paper money.
Mr. Humes. Well, it was the money of the Bolshevik regime and
the Kerensky regime, or of the old regime?
Miss Bryant. They seemed to have a combination of all kinds, but
it did not seem to make any difference to them.
Mr. Humes. All passed at the same value?
Miss Bryant. There were various kinds in Petrograd which all
passed the same way, but I noticed when we got to the border of
Sweden, for instance, we had some Kerensky notes, and they said
they were not worth very much, and they would only give us a hun-
dredth part of what they were worth.
Mr. Humes. What did they give you for Bolshevik notes?
Miss Bryant. We did not have any, or very little money when we
got there.
Mr. Humes. You did not have any money of the old regime?
Miss Bryant. No.
Mr. Humes. Now, when you were in Petrograd, were the news-
papers permitted to publish anything that they wanted to print?
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 499
Miss Betant. Yes, sir. Will you let me bring evidence to show ?
• Mr. HxjMES. If you have the nevs^spapers.
Miss Betant. Oh, yes. I have files which I shall be very glad to
show you. I wanted to state at the beginning — ^but you would not
allow me to make a statement — that I would not say anything that
I could not prove myself or could not give you the source of infor-
mation in the United States. These [indicating] are what they call
" Satirikons," satirical magazines, cruelly denouncing the Bolshevik
revolution.
Mr. HtTMEs. What are the dates of those?
Miss Bryant. Api;il and December, two December, 1918, numbers.
That is long after the Bolsheviki came into power.
Senator Wolcott. December, 1918?
Miss BErANT. Yes; 1918, after the Bolshevik uprising. These
[indicating] are cartoons of Trotzky and various people.
Mr. Humes. This paper has been since suppressed, has it not ?
Miss Bryant. Not that I know of.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know, as a matter of fact, that there is not
a newspaper published in Russia except the Bolshevik journals?
Miss Betant. I do not believe that is so.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know that the constitution of the Bolshevik
government itself provides for the suppression of all newspapers ?
Miss Bryant. I am certain it does not.
Mr. Humes. I will call your attention to the constitution itself.
Senator Overman. What was the purpose of that meeting that you
had at Poll's?
Miss Bryant. The subject?
Senator Overman. The purpose.
Miss Bryant. The purpose was to protest against intervention in
Eussia. I, as an American, believing in self-determination, can not
believe in intervention. I do not see how we can fight for democracy
in France and against it in Siberia, or for self-determination, either,
and I believe we ought to take our troops out of Eussia, because I
think it would be better for both nations to have friendly relations.
Senator Nelson. You are anxious to have the Bolshevik govern-
ment established in Eussia ?
Miss Bryant. I am anxious
Senator Nelson. Answer my question. Are you anxious to have
the Bolshevik government there as a permanent thing?
Miss Bryant. I think the Eussians ought to settle that.
Senator Nelson. I am asking you if you think the Bolsheviki ought
to be established there?
Miss Brtant. I answered you. I said I believed in self-determina-
tion. T. 1 1
Senator Nelson. Are you anxious to, have the Bolshevik govern-
ment as they are operating it now, established in Eussia ?
Miss Bryant. Why, if the Eussians wish it, yes. If the Eussians
do not wish it, no. . ■■ j. , i
Mr. Humes. I call your attention to this paragraph from the con-
stitution of the soviet government [reading] :
Guided bv the interest of the working class as a whole, the Russian Socialist
Federal Soviet Republic deprives individuals and separate groups of any rights
which they may be using to the detriment of the socialist revolution.
500 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Now, does that not deprive the people of Russia of freedom of the
press and freedom of speech ?
Miss Bryant. No; it deprives them of — for instance, if thev
wanted to bring about a counter-revolution, that is, if they are
traitors.
IMr. HuiiES. That is, if they are against the Bolshevik govern-
ment ?
Miss Bryant. No; if they bring about a counter-revolution.
Mr. Humes. There is only one purpose of a counter-revolution,
and that would be against the soviet or Bolsheviki, would it not?
jNliss Bryant. No; the Bolsheviki is only a political party. The
largest party is the left socialist revolutionary party.
Mr. Humes. The Bolshevik party is not the largest party?
Miss Bryant. That is true. It is not the largest party. The
left socialist revolutionary party is the largest and it works in the
soviet.
Mr. Humes. You say that anyone who is opposing the present
government in Russia is a traitor?
Miss Bryant. By force of arms, of course, or asking for outside
help. The same thing is true in our country, Mr. Humes.
Mr. HuJiES. Do you mean to say that anybody in this country
who would try to overthrow the government is a traitor?
Miss Bryant. By force or by outside aid, every government official
would consider them such.
Mr. Humes. Would you consider them such?
Miss Bryant. Yes; I do not want the government to be over-
thrown by force. I do not think that anj'thing like that will happen
here unless there is frightful suppression.
Mr. Hu3iEs. But anyone that would overthrow the Bolshevik
government would be a traitor, and the government has a right
to oppose and suppress their activities, the Bolshevik government,
has it not?
Miss Bryant. I am explaining that
Mr. Humes. Under your contention.
Miss Bryant. Not under my contention. I am explaining to
you not what I believe, but what the Russians believe.
Mr. Humes. I am asking you how the government is being ad-
ministered, the actual facts and conditions. Now, is it not a fact
that under the Bolshevik government, every person who is opposing
the Bolshevik government
Miss Bryant. Who is trying to overthrow it; yes.
Mr. Humes. Is treated as a traitor?
Miss Bryant. Who is trying to overthrow it, naturally.
Mr. Humes. Anyone who is trying to overthrow the government
is treated as a traitor ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. And is shot?
Miss Bryant. I do not know that that is always so.
Mr. Humes. If his guilt is established.
Senator Overman. Did you not know that they have disarmed
them?
Miss Bryant. I did not know that they have disarmed them.
I would sav that most evervbodv in Russia has arms.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 501
Senator Overman. That is, the Bolsheviki have arms, but those
who are not Bolshevild have all been disarmed.
Miss_ Bryant. The social revolutionists? Perhaps the 2 per cent
capitalist class is disarmed, but the workmen and peasants are armed.
Senator Wolcott. Did they not disarm the Czecho-Slav brigade, I
believe it was, that set out to leave Russia?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; I believe so, but that is a long story. It has all
sorts of complicatio.is. They believed that the Czechp-Slavs were
trying to bring about a coimter-revolution. But as I was not there I
can not tell you about the Czecho-Slovaks. Louis Edgar Browne,
the correspondent of the Chicago Tribune, can tell you a good deal
about it. He wrote a good many articles about it when he came back.
He is now in this country and he can tell you the whole trouble.
Senator Overman. Do you not know, Mrs. Reed, that they entered
the homes of people and disarmed the people and looted the houses ?
Miss Bryant. No, sir.
Senator Sterling. Have you any reason to believe that the disarm-
ing of the Czecho-Slovaks was at the instigation of the German
agents ?
Miss Bryant. No ; I do not think that it was.
Senator Sterling. You have heard that and heard it repeatedly ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; I have heard many things repeatedly that I do
nr-t believe.
Senator Sterling. You are not satisfied that that was the f act ?
Miss Bryant. No ; I am not satisfied that that was the fact. I io
not think you can say that the Soviets are in favor of Imperial Ger-
many, because by all logic they could not be. They are opposed on
every point. The two governments could not exist side by side.
Senator Nelson. Is not the soviet government attempting to
establish itself by force?
Miss Bryant. Oh, yes; all governments, including our own, did
that.
Senator Nelson. And force against the Russian people who do not
agree with them?
Miss Bryant. Yes; we used force also against the King of Eng-
land and his army.
Senator Nelson. And why should not the rest of the Russian
people have the right to express themselves?
Miss Bryant. Why should not our Tories have had the right ?
Senator Nelson. Why should they go to work and use force and
disarm anybody?
Miss Bryant. That is the way revolutions are brought about.
Senator Nelson. Do you call that freedom?
Miss Bryant. It is a transitory stage that is always necessary in
establishing new governments. We had to do it; we had to disarm
our Tories, and we even shot some of our Tories.
Senator Nelson. You compare the Russian people, then, who do
not agree with the Bolsheviki, with the American Tories, do you?
Miss Bryant. I compare the Russian upper classes with the Tories ;
yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. You think that those who do not agree with the
Bolshevik government and Avith their reign of terror are Tories,
502 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
•and they ought to be killed and disarmed and driven out of the
country ?
Miss Bryant. I do not say that they should either be killed or
disarmed or driven out of the country.
Senator Nelson. What would you do v?ith them?
Miss Bkyaxt. I vFould let the Russian people decide, just as thev
let us decide in our Civil VYar.
Senator Nelson. You would let them go on and slay one another!
Miss Bryant. I am in favor of the Russians working it out them-
selves; yes.
Senator Stealing. Miss Bryant, you know as a matter of fact, do
you not, that the Russian Red Guards entered prisons and took men
out without a trial and had them shot, again and again ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know that of my personal knowledge.
Senator Sterling. You have every reason to believe that is true
from what you have heard?
Miss Bryant. No; I do not, because so many stories have been
started about Russia that I can not believe it ever happened.
Senator Sterling. Do you disbelieve the stories told by witnesses
here, who were in those prisons, who saw the guards take them out!
Miss Bryant. I think there is no doubt that there is terror in
Russia at the present time, both red and white terror.
Senator Sterling. You will admit that?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; it is the natural course of a revolution.
Senator Nelson. You stand for the red terror ; you pick the red
terror for your mission ?
Miss Bryant. For my mission ? I do not understand. My point
is simply this, that I believe in self-determination, and I think the
Russians should decide all questions for themselves.
Senator Nelson. Self-determination at the point of a gun?
Miss Bryant. All governments have had to be self-determined at
the point of a gun. There never has been a government established
except after a war.
Senator Nelson. Oh, yes; lots of them.
Miss Bryant. Yes ?
Senator Nelson. Have you studied this league of nations ? [Laugh-
ter.] That is supposed to be accomplished without bloodshed.
Miss Bryant. Seventeen millions of lives were lost, and they have
not done anything yet, you will agree.
Senator Nelson. There is a big plan laid out.
Senator Wolcott. Mrs. Reed, I had formed the impression from
what I have read in the newspapers from time to time and from
what I have heard, that you have been engaged in this country in
expressing words of very hearty approval of the soviet government.
Now, was that impression correct on my part or not?
Miss Bryant. Why, I have always spoken against the hysteria,
against the scare word we have made of Bolshevism. I have spoken in
favor of an understanding, or trying to find out who these people are
and what they want. There is a conception in my country that the
Bolsheviki are anarchists. They are social democrats. They are
against anarchism, and they have put it down with force of arms. I
think those things must be made known. All people coming back
from Russia are asked to speak again and again. People really are
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 503
hungry to know about Kussia, and they ask you to speak, and they
lask questions, and you tell them what you thiiik. That is all.
Senator Wolcott. You have not answered my question yet. Do
you recall what my question was ?
; Miss Bryant. If I have spoken favorably of the soviet ?
Senator Wolcott. Yes.
; Miss Bryaxt. Well, I have said that it was by no means what it
was represented to be ; that these people are really struggling — —
Senator Wolcott. You do not answer my question at all.
1 Miss Bryaxt. How do you mean, in favor of the soviet — that I ask
.10 have a soviet government immediately in the United States, for
instance ?
1 Senator Wolcott. If we get down to definite questions, I will ask
you that.
Miss Bry'ant. I am not advocating anything of the kind.
n Senator Wolcott. Now, I will ask you if you have not before
American audiences and through the American press, in your writ-
ings, praised the soviet government as a good thing for the Rus-
sians ?
,: Miss Bryant. Why, I have said that it is my belief that it is the
government desired by the majority of the Russian people, yes. I
have said it fits Russia.
Senator Wolcoit?. You have not lent it your own personal in-
dorsement ?
Miss Bryant. I have said this, that I think it is a government that
.properly fits Russia.
: Senator Wolcott. It has your personal indorsement for Russia ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; but I would not fight for it or against it. I
would not ask for intervention to keep it in Russia. I think the Rus-
sians ought to settle their internal troubles, and I think it is a shame
to have Ajnerican boys killed determining what form of government
there should be in Russia. That is my personal opinion.
Senator Wolcott. I will ask you this. You mentioned a while ago
your opinion of it as it was applied to our situation in this country.
Do you think it would be a good thing for this country ?
; Miss Bryant. I think each government has to work out its form of
government, and I should not talk about it.
Senator Wolcott. But I have had the impression that you have
backed it as a good thing for this country, and I want to know.
» Miss Bryant. I do not personally see how the soviet government
,would be established here, and I do not say anything like that.
f Senator Wolcott. Then you do not want to express an opinion ?
, Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Would it be a good thing for America ? That
is a plain question.
Miss Bryant. I do not think it would fit America at the present
time.
• Senator Wolcott. That is the answer I was after.
•i Senator Nelson. Do you regard yourself as a missionary for the
Bolshevik o-overnment to the people of the United States ?
\ Miss Bryant. No, sir; I do not.
Senator Nelson. Why are you preaching their propaganda here?
' Miss Bryant. I did not sav that I was.
504 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. Why are you advocating it ?
Miss Bryant. You say that in the same way that all the other
people have been saying things against it. I am "telling what I know
about it.
Senator Nelson. You have no fault to find with the cut-throat
policy of the Eed Guards, the killing of everybody that does not agree
with them?
Miss Bryant. I do not think they do kill everybody.
Senator Nelson. And disarming everybody else, and going through
the buildings of people and taking out all their food and property, and
looting it ?
Miss Bryant. You see. Senator
Senator Nelson. You do not think they have done that ?
Miss Bryant. I think Russia is in a state of civil war.
Senator Nelson. Has not the Eed Guard done that ? What are the
constituents of the Red Guard ? What are they composed of ?
Miss Bryant. Peasants and workers, young men generally, in Rus-
sia.
Senator Nelson. Are they not composed to a considerable extent of
criminals ?
Miss Bryant. Why, I would not say so ; no.
Senator Nelson. Are there not many of the criminal class in their
midst ?
Miss Bryant. I did not notice it when I was there.
Senator Nelson. Do you not know that since they have got into
power they have shot many of the Russian officers of the old Russian
Army?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; and I can understand that.
Senator Nelson. You think that is good ?
Miss Bryant. I would not say that is good exactly, or exactly bad.
Senator Nelson. Your idea is that they have got to pass through
a Bolshevik purgatory in order to land on terra firma in Russia ?
Miss Bryant. I did not say anything of the kind. I stated that
I can not say what they should do.
Senator Nelson. But you have come to tell the people of this
country how good the Bolshevik government is ?
Miss Bryant. Not particularly. I have come to explain.
Senator Nelson. What is your mission about the Bolshevik move-
ment?
Miss Bryant. If you will let me explain, I would like to do it.
Senator Nelson. Wherein do you differ from those people who
have been over in Petrograd and seen the slaughter and seen the
killing and the commandeering? You have not seen any? Where
have you kept yourself while you were in Petrograd ?
Miss Bryant. I kept myself out and in danger a good deal more
than the Y. M. C. A. secretaries and the bank clerks did.
Senator Nelson. But they were men who were over there all
through this business.
Miss Bryant. If you ask the head of our military mission, the
head of the Y. M. C. A., the head of the Quakers, or the head of the
Red Cross — the heads of these various organizations — ^they will t^ll
you just what I have told you.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 505
Senator AVolcott. Did the Quakers have a representative over
there ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; and they have requested that he be heard.
Senator Overman. Who is that?
Miss Bryant. Mr. Frank Keddie, of Philadelphia. They have
published a statement saying that they have not been heard.
Senator Overman. Has he been over there?
Miss Bryant. He was over there for several years. And also
Davis, who is the head of the Y. M. C. A., was over there for two
years.
Senator Overman. When did Mr. Keddie leave there?
Miss Bryant. I think he has just come back.
Senator Nelson. Were you at any other place in Eussia than Mos-
cow and Petrograd?
Miss Bryant. I was there all the time.
Senator Nelson. Only those two places?
Miss Bry'Ant. Those were the places where most of the struggle
went on.
Senator Nelson. That is the storm center?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And you did not see any of the storm ?
Miss Bryant. I told you some of the storm.
Senator Nelson. You say you saw ordinary battles but did not see
massacres. You saw soldiers fighting against soldiers?
Miss Bry'ant. Soldiers fighting against soldiers.
Senator Nelson. Where?
Miss Bryant. Well, when Kerenskj^ marched with the Cossacks on
Petrograd I saw the Red Guards, composed of men and women,
smash his forces.
Senator Nelson. Did you think that Kerensky would establish a
fair government?
Miss Bryant. I believe he was a fair man, but he was not backed
by the allies and that is why he failed.
Senator Nelson. You do not think he was quite as good as the
Bolsheviki ?
Miss Bryant. As the soviet government, no, because he was only
tolerated by the Russian people. It was only a provisional govern-
ment tolerated by the Soviets. They did not like the way he acted,
so they threw him out.
Senator NeijSon. Why do you call the Bolsheviki a provisional
government ?
Miss Bryant. I did not do so. It is a political party, just like the
Democrats, who are in power now.
Senator Nelson. It is a political party ? It is no government ? It
is chaos — the soviet rule in Russia ?
Miss Bryant. Not at all. You do not follow me.
Senator Wolcott. You do not know what the conditions are?
Miss Bryant. I can only state as to what they were when I was
Mr. Humes. The present government is a dictatorship ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; it is a transitory period.
Mr. Humes. It is an absolute dictatorship?
Miss Bryant. Of the proletariat; yes. It has been called that.
It is the rule of the many against the few, a dictatorship of the many.
t>
506 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. Have you studied the constitution of the Bolsheviki?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Do you approve of tlie form of government, and have
you defended the government as it is outlined ?
Miss Bryant. I have not been defending it, and it is of no impor-
tance to anyone whether I approve of it or not.
Mr. Humes. I am asking if you have advocated it ?
Miss Bryaxt. No ; I have advocated self-determination in Russia.
Mr. Humes. And you have not given your approval to their form
of government?
Miss Bryant. Just as I have said, I believe in self-determination.
Senator Sterling. I note one sentence in your book here. Miss
Bryant, which reads as follows:
The high place and the respect accorded Trotsky gives evidence of the real
feeling of the people.
Miss Bryant. " Toward the Jews," if you will go on and finish it ;
'' the feeling of the people concerning the Jews."
Senator Sterling. Does that relate to the Jews?
Miss Bryant. That relates to the fact that after I came home to
America I found that there were stories afloat that there were
pogroms among the Jews, and what I said was that the high place
accorded to Trotzky — the minister of war — proved that that was
not so.
Senator Sterling. Then you did not mean the whole people of
Eussia ?
Miss Bryant. I mean to say 95 per cent.
Senator Sterling. The Jewish people?
Miss Bryant. Ninety -five per cent of the people.
Senator Sterling. You think that 95 per cent of the Russian
people have this high respect for Trotzky ?
Miss Bryant. I think all the people in the soviet have it.
Senator Sterling. All the people in the soviet. Are there peas-
ants in the soviet?
Miss Bryant. Certainly. They have been in there for a year.
Senator Sterling. Do you think the peasant population of Rus-
sia— the farmers — are upholding Trotzky?
Miss Bryant. I can prove that to you.
Senator Sterling. They are terrorized more or less, are they not,
by the Trotzky government?
Miss Bryant. I should say that they are not terrorized. They are
armed, and they have taken their land and they are working it.
Senator Sterling. And they send out the 'Red Guards to get sup-
plies from the peasants?
Miss Bryant. The peasants have their own land and have equal
representation in the government.
Senator Sterling. Answer my question. Do they not send out
Red Guards to take by force gram and supplies from the peasants?
Miss Bryant. No : not that I know of.
Senator Overman. You say the pea.sants are armed?
Miss Bryant. Yes. Of course the old Russian Army was com-
posed originally of peasants, and when they went home they took
their arms with them.
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 507
Senator Ovekmak. Do you not know that it has been testified here
that the Bolsheviki have taken all the peasants' arms, and they have
got nothing to fight with except pitchforks and sticks ?
Miss Betant. That is not the truth.
Senator Overman. How do you know it?
Miss Bryant. The Russian armies were composed of peasants.
Mr. Humes. Were not the Russian armies disarmed when they
were demobilized?
Miss Bryant. Thoy were not. They were sent home with their
arms.
Mr. Humes. Those that belonged to the Bolsheviki were given
their arms.
Miss Brtant. All the rest that did not have arms were given arms.
Mr. Humes. Did it not occur while you were there that the Red
Guards searched the houses and went through all the territory that
they could reach, diasarming the people who were not a part of the
Bolsheviki ?
Miss Bryant. I heard stories like that, but I did not see any of it.
Mr. Humes. You heard of it but did not see it?
Miss Bryant. No. You see, the left socialist party is the peasant
party, and it is the biggest party in Russia, and works with the
Soviets. Now, Marie Spirodonova, whom I describe in my book, has
been twice elected president of the all-Russian congress of peasants,
meeting in Petrograd, and she has always worked with the peasants.
She told me how the peasants came into the soviet, and all about it,
and I think she is very good authority.
Senator Overman. People who have lived out among them — dis-
tinguished men in this country who have lived in Russia — say that
they have been deliberately going to the homes of the people and
robbing them and taking all their food, and also disarming them.
You do not believe that ?
Miss Bryant. I do not believe that is true, because Prof. Ross does
not think so, and he was there, and was out among the peasants, and
he said it was not true.
Senator Overman. You heard these people?
Miss Bryant. Bat I do not think they knew the peasants in
Russia.
Mr. Humes. When did Dr. Ross leave Russia ?
Miss Bryant. In March. Mr. Keddie has just come back, and he
will testify to the same thing. He knows the peasants.
Mr. Humes. When did Mr. Keddie leave?
Miss Bryant. I do not know. It was just a short time ago.
Mr. Humes. Now, you say that the Bolsheviki are only a political
party ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. How many political parties are there in Russia?
Miss Bryant. There are a lot of political parties, and they are all
socialists, except the cadets. You see that that is the mistake that
they make there, the mistake that Breshkovsky, the old grandmother
of the revolution, that came in here, makes. She differs from the
Bolsheviki, but they are all socialists, as this old woman is. That is
what she was put iii prison for, for being a socialist.
508 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overman. And yet she came here and said that the people
are starving.
Miss Bryant. I do not think she knows.
Senator Overman. And she says the people are praying for us to
help.
iliss Bryant, ilost of her own party has gone back in the soviet.
I think she is an old lady with a grand past and a pitiful present.
Senator Xelson. Do you think that if you had been 20 years in
Siberia
Miss Bryant. I think my mind would hare broken, too.
Senator A'elson. She graduated from Siberia.
iNIiss Bry'ant. She did, and so did many others who are now coin-
misars in the government.
Senator "\Volcoti-. Did Trotzky?
Miss Bryant. Certainly. His name, Trotzky, was a jail name that
he had in Siberia.
Senator Wolcott. Was Lenine in Siberia?
Miss Bryant. Yes; and Lenine's Ijrother was one of the greatest
maityrs ever executed in Russia.
Senator Wolcott. How many years was Trotzky in Siberia^
Miss Bry'ant. I do not know how many years, but he escaped.
Senator Wolcott. And he came to .^.merica from there soon after
the 1905 revolution?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; he escaped from Russia.
Senator Wolcott. Yes. Having graduated from Siberia, having
the record behind her that this old grandmother of the revolution has,
you do not agree that that old lady has any interest in Russia?
Miss Bryant. I do not contend that at all, but I think she is being
used.
Senator Overman. By whom?
jMiss Bryant. By the coiinter-revolutionists, by the !Mensheviks,
and by various organizations.
Senator Overman. The very people she has been lighting for 3't
years ?
Miss Bryant. Down in Henry Street House, when they were ex-
pecting Breshkovsky, all the old ladies who have known her a life-
time were very much concerned about what was going to happen to
her over here, because one of the first things she asked about was,
" Wliere is my dear Emma ? " meaning Emma Goldman, with whom
she lived when she was here before. They told her she was in prison,
and Breshkovsky said she wanted to go to her, and they told her it was
a long ways and she could not do it, and she felt very badly about it.
"V^lien she talks to you she does not know what you think, at all, and
3'ou do not know what she thinks. You do not understand each other.
You are not the same kind of people.
Senator Overman. I know what she said. She said that in Petro-
grad, under the Bolshevik government, the people are all sad, de-
pressed, and begging and starving to death.
Miss Bryant. How would j'ou people feel if somebody from here
went over to Russia and asked them to send an army over here? Ij
Emma Goldman would come out of prison and do so, now that woiim
be jusi as reasonable, I think.
Senator Overman. You have nc . m\ich r- ^pect for the old lady?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 509
Miss Bryant. I have a great deal of respect for her. That does not
prove disrespect.
Senator Wolcott. You think she is afflicted with senile dementia,
do you?
Miss Bryant. I think she does not understand. I would like to tell
you a story about Tchitcherin, the minister of foreign affairs. At
the time she was in hiding in Moscow, a Jewish editor came from New
York and he went to Moscow, and the first thing he said to Tchitcherin,
the foreign minister, was, "Can you tell me where Breshkovsky
is? They have stories out in America that she has been killed."
Tchitcherin said, " She is right down the street only a short distance
from here, but do not tell her we Iniow, because the old lady is under
a delusion. She thinks we want to murder her, and it will make her
much happier if she thinks that we do not know where she lives. If
she intends to leave Eussia, we will shut our eyes."
Mr. Humes. Was it not published in the official organ of the Bol-
shevik government that the old lady was dead, and that they had
given her a decent burial ?
Miss Bryant. She was reported dead several times.
Mr. HusiES. Was it not published by Nuorteva, the official repre-
sentative of the Soviets, over his own signature? Do you not know
that as a matter of fact?
Miss Bryant. No; I think you should ask Nuorteva about it.
Senator Nelson. You think the old lady is deluded yet ?
Miss Bryant. You see, Breshkovskaya said there were no books
printed in Russia and that there was no furniture even, and no schools.
You remember she made that statement here. She made the state-
ment that no books had been printed in Russia. I could bring you
books that have been printed since the Soviets came in power, and I
know that there were thousands of new schools established.
Senator Nelson. You need not go into that. It is sufficient that
you just said that the old lady was deluded.
Miss Bryant. I want to tell you about the conditions in Russia, to
prove she is mistaken.
Senator Nelson. You have said the old lady is deluded ; that is
•nough.
Mr. Humes. Did you ever read this article of Nuorteva, the official
representative over here, in which he says the following :
Catherine Breshkovskaya has never been imprisoned by the Soviets. When
she died — not of privation but of old age — the soviet government, although she
was its opponent on the question of tactics and principles, gave her a public
funeral and hundreds of thousands of ^Moscow workers, members of the soviet.
turned out to pay their respects to the " grandmother of the Russian revolu-
tion."
You say that an effort has been made by the enemies of the soviet
government to misrepresent her in this country. Has not Nuorteva
misrepresented her?
Miss Bryant. Not at all. Our entire press has made the same
statement that Mr. Nuorteva has made.
Senator Nelson. But do you not think the old lady is deluded be-
cause she would not stay dead?
Miss Bryant. I think. Senator Nelson, it was very hard on some
people that she did not stay dead, because they wanted to prove that
the Bolsheviks had killed her.
510 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. You testified that Nuorteva has been the official rep-
resentative of the Bolsheviki since he came back to America. After
reading that article of Nuorteva, do you think the information you
would get from him is entirely reliable ?
Miss Brtant. I do not think any information you get from Kussia
is entirely reliable, because it is so hard to get it. The govermnent
makes it so difficult to get information about Eussia. We do not
really actually know about the Czecho-Slavs or anything else, be-
cause we can not get information.
Mr. Humes. Nuorteva is apparently not reliable there.
Miss Brtant. I think that the majority of the information he has
is entirely reliable. I do not attach any importance to this mistake.
Mr. Humes. When the information is satisfactory, when it serves
his purpose.
Senator Sterling. Madame Breshkovskaya was a socialist, was she
not, and is ?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir.
Senator Sterling. And a revolutionist?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir.
Senator Sterling. Did you not prove that she was working, up
until the time that the Bolsheviki came into power, as a socialist and
a revolutionist in Eussia ?
Miss Bryant. I thought she was a very great character in those
days.
Senator Sterling. But she opposed the methods of the Bolsheviki ;
and because she did, you think she is deluded ?
Miss Bryant. Well, as you see, she stood for the provisional gov-
ernment and she is partisan. My point, as I said, is that I did not
want to see America embroiled in a long war because of the opinion of
an old lady, or the opinion of anyone — a Y. M. C. A. undersecretary
or anyone else — because I wanted Eussia to work out her own des-
tiny.
Senator Sterling. There were thousands upon thousands of social-
ists in Eussia, were there not?
Miss Bryant. Eussia is composed mostly of socialists.
Senator Sterling. There were thousands upon thousands of them
who were not Bolsheviki ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Kerensky himself was a radical socialist, was he
not?
Miss Bryant. Well, I would consider him not even a radical
socialist.
Senator Sterling. He was considered so, was he not, as a member
of the Duma ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; but the Duma, you see, was very reactionary,
and he naturally would be considered radical as a member of the
Duma.
Senator Sterling. Were there not a number of the leaders in the
Duma who were socialists and revolutionists ?
Miss Bryant. Not many of them at that time.
Senator Overman. Why did the Bolsheviki have such an antipathy
toward Ambassador Francis, so that he could not get in communica-
tion with them except through the Bolshevik representative, who
was Mr. Eobins ?
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 511
Miss Bhyant. I do not call Mr. Eobins the Bolshevik represen-
tative.
Senator Overman. Well, what was he ?
Miss Bryant. He was the head of the American Eed Cross.
Senator Overman. I will take that back. You called him the " go-
between," I think.
Miss Bryant. Yes; he went to the Soviets whenever Ambassador
Francis wanted him to, I believe, because it was easier for him to get
in touch with them. For one thing, they liked his personality, and he
seemed to be absolutely willing to find out what they wanted.
Senator Overman. Mr. Francis is a very agreeable man. "Wliy was
it that they had such an antipathy to him ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know what it was, except that they did not
seem to trust him the way that they did Col. Robins.
Senator Overman. Was not propaganda circulated in the country
that he represented the capitalists of this country ?
Miss Bryant. I do not think so, any more than Col. Robins and
Col. Thompson, because Col. Thompson is a Wall Street man, as you
know, and they liked him very well; and they liked Maj. Thacher,
who is also a Wall Street man.
Senator Wolcott. He gave them a great deal of money, did he
not — Col. Thompson ?
Miss Bryant. I know that he gave the Kerensky government
money, and I do not think they questioned it. I think they thought
he was a fine man all the way around.
Senator Wolcott. But he gave money also to the Bolshevik gov-
ernment, did he not?
Miss Bryant. I do not know whether he did or not.
Senator Wolcott. You know he gave money to the Kerensky gov-
ernment?
Miss Bryant. I know he did that.
Senator Nelson. Is it not true, Mrs. Reed, that the Bolshevik gov-
ernment or the soviet government has segregated the people into two
classes, capitalists and the proletariat?
Miss Bryant. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Are you a capitalist or a proletarian?
Miss Bryant. Well, being a newspaper reporter and having abso-
lutely
Senator Nelson. Answer the question. Do you belong to the cap-
italistic class or the proletariat ?
Miss Bryant. Well, I am very poor, so I belong to the proletariat .
I have to be a proletarian.
Senator Nelson. You could not carry out your mission without be-
ing a proletarian ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know that I have a mission; but if you
war.t to give me one, all right.
Mr. Htjmes. Miss Bryant, in discussing Breshkovskaya a moment
ago, you started to say that she was opposed to the constituent as-
sembly, or was in favor of the constituent assembly and opposed to
the soviet republic, or the Soviets.
Miss Bryant. No ; she was not opposed to the constituent.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that the opposition of the Bolsheviki
to her is due to the fact that she is in favor of the constituent as-
sembly ?
512 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bktakt. No ; not at all.
Mr. Httmes. I asked her how she stood, in order to get a clear
correct diagnosis of her position.
Miss Beyant. My only opposition to her is because she believes in
intervention and I do not.
Mr. Humes. She has always believed in a constituent assembly,
has she not ?
Miss Bryant. That is not my business.
Mr. Humes. Are not the Bolsheviki now opposed to a constituent
assembly ?
Miss Beyant. Yes; they do not want a constituent assembly, and
neither do the left social revolutionists or any of the other parties.
Mr. Tchernov, the chairman of the constituent assembly, has accepted
posts in the soviet government ; so even he does not stand for a con-
stituent assembly any more, and I do not see why we should.
Senator Wolcott. That is not very good logic.
Miss Beyant. Why not ? If the Eussians themselves do not want
a constituent assembly — the foremost champion does not — ^why shoukl
we bother ourselves about it ?
Senator Wolcott. I understood you to say that some man who
used to be in favor of a constituent assembly
Miss Beyant. He was the president of the constituent assembly.
Senator Wolcott (continuing). Now has a post in the soviet gov-
ernment, and therefore he is not in favor of a constituent assembly.
Miss Beyant. Nearly all of them have done the same thing.
Senator Wolcott. That does not strike me as good logic at all.
They may be just making the best of the situation as they find it,
and still be in favor of the constituent assembly.
Mr. Humes. The distinction 1 etween the soviet government and
the constituent assembly is the difference between the rule of a class
and the rule of the people.
Miss Bryant. It is the rule of 95 per cent, which is a larger repre-
sentation than the masses have in any other country in the world.
Mr. Humes. Do the Bolsheviki represent 98 per cent of Russia?
Miss Beyant. No ; but all the parties represented in the Soviets do.
Mr. Humes. Do you mean to say that all the other parties are rep-
I'esented in the soviet ?
Miss Beyant. I know there are quite a number of them in the
Soviets.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know, as a matter of fact, that in the
control of the Soviets the parties, other than the Bolsheviki, are not
permitted to participate, but by terrorism they are kept out?
Miss Bryant. Of course I do not. I have been in soviet meetings.
Mr. Humes. Since January, 1918? Have you been in any since
January, 1918?
Miss Bryant. No; but I was present at soviet meetings during
three months. The Soviets have never been composed solely of Bol-
sheviki. They have always been composed of social revolutionists of
all the parties, except the cadets and, for a time, the right socialist
revohitionists and Mensheviki.
Mr. Humes. Are you talking of their paper organization or their
actual operation?
Miss Bryant. Of the organization ; and the soviet government has
never been cgmposed of just Bolsheviki.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 513
Mr. Htjmes. Then, anything that people have testified to with
respect to other parties not being represented in the soviet is not
true?
Miss Bryant. It certainly is not ; and if you will let me give my
testimony on that here, I will prove that it is perfectly true that other
parties have worked with the Soviets right along.
Mr. Humes. We have had testimony here that they worked with
them because they had to do it.
Miss Bryant. But it was my particular job. I had to follow the
political situation. I worked very hard to get the political situation
straight in my mind.
Mr. Humes. But since January, 1918, no official documents have
come from Russia.
Miss Bktant. Some came to Nuorteva.
Senator Wolcott. But his official documents are not very reliable,
apparently, because he put out one about the death of Breshkovsky.
Miss Bryant. But he has documents that have come from Russia.
Senator Wolcott. But anything that comes out from that man we
can not depend on.
Miss Bryant. Then we can not depend on anybody, for that matter.
Senator Wolcott. But he put out a story about the death of Mme.
Breshkovskaya, and we have heard her talk here.
Miss Bryant. If you would let me talk, I could contradict some of
the testimonj^ that has been given here. Even our most conservative
papers gave ont the same story.
Senator Wolcott. But this information that he gave out we know
is not true, because the woman was here talking to us.
Miss Bryant. Do you not think, in all fairness, it is right to ask
the heads of the official organizations to tell what they have seen over
there?
Senator Wolcott. We may 4iave some of them later on. This in-
vestigation is not over yet.
Miss Bryant. They have not been asked to come here so far.
Senator Nelson. Mrs. Reed, I will honestly tell you that I think
you are more deluded than Mme. Breshkovskaya.
Miss Bryant. Why is that. Senator Nelson ?
Senator Nelson. And I am sorry for you. But you are young, and
you may reform. Now, I want to ask you one question in all serious-
ness. The Bolshevik government of Lenine and Trotzky has been
in control over there at Petrograd and at Moscow, I think, since
November, 1917?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Over 14 months.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Have they during all of that time attempted to
have an election in Russia and elect a constituent assembly, a rep-
resentative body, such as the Duma was before, or such as we have in
free countries?
Miss Bryant. They do not want that sort of government.
Senator Nelson. Have they ever done that? Have they at-
tempted to hold a representative election?
Miss Bryant. They are against a constituent assembly. Why
should they hold an election for it ?
8572.S— 19 33
514 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. They constitute themselves a constituent assem-
bly.
Miss Bryant. They have a regular elective government within
the Soviets.
Senator Nelson. Then they hold such elections, do they?
Miss Bryant. Do you know how a soviet government works?
They can have an election any time they want it.
Senator Nelson. Are you familiar with the land system of Eussia?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Of what does it consist?
Miss Bryant. The land system?
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Miss Bryant. There is only one system.
Senator Nelson. Do you not know that the Russian peasants are
settled in villages and do not live on their farms, by themselves, as
the farmers do in this country?
Miss Bryant. I do not see that that is a big factor, because each
peasant has land.
Senator Nelson. They are floating around now, are they not?
Miss Bryant. No; they have their own pieces of land, on which
they live and work.
Senator Nelson. Has not that been the system up until this time-
that they lived in villages ?
Miss Bryant. The great landlords
Senator Nelson. No ; answer my question. Has not that been the
fact, that the Russian peasants have lived in villages, which they
called mirs?
Miss Bryant. Yes; but the mirs went out of existence 40 years
ago.
Senator Nelson.^ And the land has belonged to the mirs, or the
communities? .
Miss Bryant. No ; it has belonged to the great landlords.
Senator Nelson. And they allotted it from year to year, or after
a period of years, to the peasants to work ? Has not that been their
land system?
Aliss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Well, they have that land yet, have they not?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. What is the Bolshevik government going to do
with it ; divest the community and then assume ownership of it, and
then have the state own it?
Miss Bryant. Yes. But it is the same thing, and they need not
pay rent.
Senator Nelson. Instead of the community?
Miss Bryant. Well, the community and the state are the same
thing. You can understand that. The peasants themselves can
work communistically, as they have done in the past.
Senator Nelson. And if the state owns the land, and if it con-
tinues to own it, what will the peasants be that are working there,
other than tenants?
Miss Bryant. What difference does it make ?
Senator Nelson. They will not be any more than tenants. Ther
will not be owners, will they ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 515
Miss Bryant. No.
Senator Nelson. You do not believe that the peasants should own
the land ?
Miss Beyant. I think they should decide that themselves.
Senator Nelson. If the state owns it, if the soviet g-overnment or
if the government of T«otzky and Lenine or the Bolshevik govern-
ment, or whatever you want to call it — Beelzebub is called by different
names in the Bible, as you know, but whatever you might call this
government — they have confiscated all the land and said it belongs
not to the rural communities, as heretofore, but it belongs to th6^
state, and the state will continue to own it. Is not that so ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; that is the idea.
Senator Nelson. Then, somebody has got to cultivate that land,
have they not ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; the peasants will cultivate it, as before.
Senator Nelson. Then, the people that cultivate it will be nothing
more than land tenants, will they not?
Miss Bryant. Why
Senator Nelson. Will they be anything more than tenants ? They
will not be owners ?
Miss Bryant. But they do not care anything about that.
Senator Nelson. They will not own it as you own the hat on your
head.
Miss Bryant. I would not care if it was owned by the govern-
ment and they allowed me to wear it. It would not make any dif-
ference to me.
Senator Nelson. You think the Eussian peasants should be
nothing but tenants of the state, which should own all of the land ?
Miss Bryant. Public ownership is the socialist idea and always
has been.
Senator Nelson. Then, it is your idea ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; I am in sympathy with socialism. All social-
ists believe that.
Senator Nelson. You believe that, do you not?
Miss Bryant. Every socialist in the United States and in every
country believes that.
Senator Nelson. You believe that this country should take the
land — condemn it — and the Government should possess all the land,
and that the tillers of the land should be nothing but tenants ; is that
your belief ? Answer my question.
Miss Bryant. Well, you have just discovered socialism.
Senator Nelson. Do you believe that? Just answer the question
yes or no.
Miss Bryant. I believe that; yes. That is socialism. You have
discovered socialism just there. . _
Senator Nelson. Yes ; I am aware that that is socialism- And that
is what you are trying to preach in this country, is it not?
Miss Bryant. Not at all. I am not a scholar on socialism. I have
never preached it.
Senator Nelson. What are you trying to preach here i
Miss Bryant. I am not preaching. I am trying to tell what went
on in Russia while I was there.
516 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. Do you believe in the system there? They have
taken possession of the banks, they have taken possession oj all
property in Russia, and they call it the property of the State.
Miss Bryaxt. Yes.
Senator Nelson. The people that use that property are nothing
but tenants, and cotters, and you would redute all the Russian people
and all the Russian peasants to simply a state of tenancy and make
them tenants and cotters.
Miss Bryant. But under the circumstances
Senator Nelson. You would throw civilization back a thousand
years.
Miss Bryant. Thev think it advances it a thousand years.
Senator Nelson. It has been the ambition — as you yourself should
know, if you have read history — of all the tillers of the soil, who were
originally serfs and tied to the land, almost like slaves, it has been
their ambition for centuries to become owners of the land that they
tilled, owners themselves, and you want to undo it and go back to
the olden plan and make them simply tenants. Is that your gospel ?
Miss Bryant. It is not my gospel. It is the Soviets' gospel.
Senator Nelson. You believe in that soviet gospel ?
Miss Bryant. I believe in socialism.
Senator Nelson. You believe in that gospel I have stated.
Miss Bryant. If the government wanted the land; yes.
Senator Nelson. And you would make the bulk of the people
simply cotters, and tenants, who cultivate the land ?
Miss Bryant. I do not call them cotters and tenants. I think thev
would be very free imder such an arrangement.
Senator Nelson. You do not want the man who tills the soil, the
man who handles the hoe and shovel and does the hard work, to be
anything but a mere tenant ? Is that your gospel ?
Miss Bryant. I want him to decide it himself.-
Senator Nelson. Is that your gospel? Answer my question and do
not equivocate.
Miss Bryant. I do not Avant to force anything on any people.
Senator Nelson. Do not equivocate. Tell me where you stand.
We want to know. You come here as the luminary of the Bolsheviki.
Now, give us all the light you can.
Miss Bryant. That is what they belicA-e. They believe in govern-
ment ownership : yes.
Senator Nelson. And you believe in it?
Miss Bryant. I think it all right if they want it.
Senator Wolcott. I want to make sure that I understood you a
while ago, Mrs. Reed. I understood you to say that in your opinion
this soviet form of government, as you got acquainted with it in
Russia, would not be a good thing for our country.
Miss Bryant. That is what I said. You see, it is very difficult to
tell you, for you will not let me talk in order to explain.
Senator Wolcott. I will let you talk if, before you start, you will
just confine vourself by my question and make your answer responsive
to it. '
Miss Bryant. You see, all socialists believe in government owner-
ship, and that is government ownership. But whether it would ever
be worked out in this countrv as it worked out in Russia I am not able
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 517
to say, and that is why 1 said 1 doubted very much if it would work
out exactly as it did in Russia. Eussia is more of an agricultural
country. I have not been advocating it one way or the other in the
United States. I have simply been telling how it worked in Russia,
Mnd I am telling the facts about it now.
Senator Overman. Do you prefer that government to this?
Miss Bryant. I do not know. I have not thought about it.
Senator Steeling. Do you believe that the peasants of Russia
believe in that system ?
Miss Brj-ant. I certainly do ; the greater number of them.
Senator Sterling. You believe that they believe in that system ?
Miss Bryant. I believe they do. I know they do.
Senator Sterling. That the peasant who holds his land in the
community of which Senator Nelson has spoken is ready to give up
his land and let the state own it, and then be a tenant of the state ?
Miss Bryant. There have always been communes in Russia, and
they like that way of living. They work that way with the state, and
they get help from the state.
Senator Nelson. Do you know, Mrs. Reed, that there are two
classes of socialists, which are generally designated as those who be-
lieve in socialism by evolution by peaceful methods and those who
believe in socialism by revolution?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Does not the Trotzky-Lenine government belong
in the latter class — to the revolutionary socialists ?
Miss Bryant. Well, they believe that
Senator Nelson. Answer my question. Do they not belong to the
revolutionary class?
Miss Bryant. All socialists belong to it in a way, if there is no
other method of bringing about their desires.
Senator Nelson. Well, I am asking you about this concrete case.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Do they not belong to the revolutionary class?
Miss Brtant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. They do not believe in securing it by evolution?
Miss Bryant. They do if they can; but they could not do it in
Russia.
Senator Nelson. But if they can not, it is by revolution?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. By blood and sword, rapine, murder, and fire.
Do you believe in that?
Miss Bryant. No ; I do not. I did not say that.
Senator Wolcott. Then, if I got your point of view, it is that you
are a socialist in that you are in sympathy with socialistic ideas ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. You believe, however, in socialism obtained by
lawful processes if, under the form of government in the particular
country, it is obtainable in that way ?
Miss Bryant. That is it, exactly.
Senator Wolcott. Undoubtedly in this country it is obtainable by
law if the people want it by law ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
518 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Wolcott. Therefore, in this country, you would be op-
posed to the use of violence such 51s its representatives have perpe-
trated in Eussia?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. I am very anxious to get that from you, because
it is commonly understood that you advocate in this country such a
program as has been going on in Russia.
Miss Betant. At our meeting in Washington all of this came up,
and that was the statement gotten out by the Washington Post, be-
cause they are in sympathy, as I understand it, with the old Czar's
regime; so they wanted to discredit our meeting as much as possible;
so they said we advocated the violent overthrow of the United States
Government, and I did not say anything about it at all. The Secret
Service has a full report and they will verify this statement.
Senator Wolcott. You want to go on record as being opposed to
violence in carrying out this program in this country?
Miss Bryant. I am opposed to violence ; and I am also opposed to
the right of free press and free speech being taken from the American
people. I am opposed to all kinds of curtailments of free press and
free speech.
Senator Overman. Would you be opposed to the circulation
through the mails of those papers that advocate murder and assassi-
nation to overthrow the Government?
Miss Bryant. No, I would not be; but I do not think there are
such papers — certainly not socialist papers — that advocate the violent
overthrow of the United States Government.
Senator Overman. I am not asking you if there are such, but if
you would be willing to support a law to stop such papers from going
through the mails ?
Miss Bryant. Most of our laws are made in such a way that they
curtail all kinds of things that they are not supposed to curtail. Take
the espionage act, for example.
Senator Overman. I asked you if you would want to stop this pro-
paganda that advocates the overthrow of the Government by force
from going through the mails?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Overman. I am glad to hear you say that.
Miss Bryant. But I believe that the wisest course at the present
time is tolerance, and I do not think we show any tolerance at all.
We exhibit nothing but hysteria. When I came into this room,
simply because it was to give a sympathetic view of the soviet rule,
I was attacked in a manner that no one else has been.
Senator Wolcott. You were not attacked, Mrs. Eeed, when I was
here.
Miss Bryant. You were not here.
Senator Wolcott. You mean in the very beginning, when you were
asked these questions about your beliefs?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. They are questions that are commonly asked in
court when a witness has taken the stand, when it is desired to have
information in answer to the questions that will be pertinent.
Miss Bryant. But they were asked in a rather cutting tone, and
with a certain rough manner that was not used with any other
witness.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 519
Senator Wolcott. Well, those questions were not asked of any
. other witness.
Senator Overman. I believe Senator King asked those questions.
He is a judge, and I believe those questions are not infrequently
asked when it has been testified that a person has certain beliefs. Of
course, it has been testified that the Bolshevilti do not believe in the
Christian religion, and we wanted to know whether you had the same
doctrine as the Bolsheviki. You could not complain of that.
Miss Bryant. It does not matter now. I am very glad I could tell
you anything. I told you that I was at the service of this committee.
Senator Overman. We did not want to show you any disrespect,
but these questions were asked you
Miss Bryant. If I recollect, you asked no ether witnesses those
questions, because they are against the Soviets.
Senator Overman. It has been reported to us by other witnesses
that the Bolsheviki did not believe in God, and we asked those ques-
tions because if you did not you would not be a competent witness.
Miss Bryant. I see.
Senator Overman. I will ask you that question, since we have come
to it. Does the Bolshevik government believe in the Christian re-
ligion ?
Miss Bryant. You do not understand what the Soviets did ? They
did as the French did in 1910, they separated the church and state, and
that is the basis of all French politics to-day. You can be a member
of any church or you do not need to be a member of any. It is just as
it is under the American Government, do you see ? You may .belong
to this church or that church. They allow freedom of religion.
Senator Wolcott. If that is all it is, nobody is opposed to that.
Miss Bryant. That is all it is.
Senator Wolcott. Now, in regard to this Washington Post article
you spoke of, did that article state — and I am asking you because my
recollection is that it did — that anyone at that meeting you spoke of
advocated the overthrow of government by force ?
Miss Bryant. I tell you it did. I had the clippings and I went
over them. In the first place, a man by the name of Brown called
me a female Trotzky and made all sorts of accusations against me
which were not true in any way. I do not know whether I am a fe-
male Trotzky or not, but I know the other accusations are not true.
Senator Wolcott. I do not recall that it stated that anyone advo-
cated the overthrow of government by force.
Miss Bryant. Yes; and.it even put in certain delicate little touches
about our camping a block from the United States Treasury, but I do
not know that that had any significance.
Mr. Humes. Did you ever attend the trial of a case in a soviet
court ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; I followed the revolutionary tribunal as long
as I was in Russia.
Mr. Humes. Was the death penalty ever administered while you
were there ?
Miss Bryant. I think they did administer it afterwards, but not
during the time that I was there.
Mr. Humes. The death penalty was abolished by Kerensky, was
it not ?
520 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Then, after the Bolshevik government came into
power, they restored the death penalty ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; there are three conditions under which you
can receive the death penalty. I have them here.
Mr. Humes. Under what three conditions was the death penalty
imposed ?
Miss Bryant. One for speculation in the necessities of life, that
is, in food and other products that are needed by the starving popu-
lation; for grafters inside of the soviet government itself; and for
people who tried to take up arms against the government or to bring
in foreign troops.
Mr. Humes. That was equivalent to treason?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. People trying to take up arms against the govern-
ment ?
Miss Bryant. Well, that is what I have tried to explain to you.
Senator Wolcott. You could not call that equivalent to treason,
because there was no established government as yet.
Miss Bryant. But they considered it established.
Senator Nelson. But they did not apply that doctrine to the
Germans?
Miss Bryant. Do you thinli they treated the Germans delicately?
They forced the Germans out of Russia.
Senator Nelson. No; they kept them there — German officers;
plenty of Germans in the iSoviet Red Guard.
Miss Bryant. That is not so.
Senator Nelson. You do not know anything about it. You did
not see the Red Guard, hardly. You left over a year ago, about.
Miss Bryant. But you Avere not there at all, at any time. How
can you say it is true ?
Senator Nelson. You do not know what the Red Guard is to-day?
Miss Bryant. But I can imagine it is not true. I can tell you how
you can see what it looks like right now, if you want to. Mr. Humes
knows that the military intelligence or the naval intelligence, I do
not know which, has a film owned by the soviet government, in their
possession, which was brought over here by a newspaper enterprise
association man.
Senator Nelson. We have had testimony here that they had many
Germans and German officers, from people who have come from
there since you were there and have seen the guards.
Miss Bryant. All right ; but I do not believe that it is so. It is
not true that that film does exist and you have it ?
Mr. Humes. Did you ever see the film that you are talking about?
Miss Bryant. I did not see it, but I know it exists.
Mr. Humes. Do you know what is on that film ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Is there anything in that film to picture the industry
of the soviet government in the construction of buildings?
Miss Bryant. Yes; it shows the construction of the new station at
Moscow, for one thing.
Mr. Humes. That is the same station, is it not, that was under
process of construction when the war broke out and was abandoned
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 521
by the government because of the lack of labor and materials; and is
it not in the same state, practically, that it was in at the time of the
outbreak of the war, and the soviet government put that in this film
in order to try to point out, so to speak, soviet industry ; is not that
the fact?
Miss Betant. I do not think that is quite true.
Mr. Humes. Did you see that station in Moscow ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Were they working on it when you saw it ?
Miss Betant. No.
Mr. Humes. When you saw it it was just in the state that it was in
when the European war broke out, was it not ?
Miss Betant. I suppose so. I do not know what state it was in
when the war broke out.
Mr. Humes. It is still in the same state it was in at that time?
Miss Betant. I do not know, I am sure. But I know they show
public play grounds for peasant children on the former great estates
of the landlords ; and I know they show new schools, new hospitals ;
and I know they show the Red Guard army on parade with all kinds
of equipment that they have, and all sorts of things like that.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that that whole film is a fake film
in order to misrepresent the situation?
Miss Betant. I do not think so at all.
Mr. Humes. Well, if it represents that this station in Moscow
has been constructed by the Bolsheviki, it is a misrepresentation, is
it not?
Miss Betant. They may show what they have done on that sta-
tion, and that they have completed it.
Mr. Humes. But the station, when you saw it, was practically the
same station it was when the war broke out.
Miss Betant. I did not see it when the war broke out, so I do not
know what condition it was in then.
Mr. Humes. But there was nothing whatever done with it at that
time.
Miss Betant. At that time they were having a frightful civil war
and they could not do anything. It must have been long before this
film was taken.
Senator Sterling. You spoke about three instances in which the
death penalty was inflicted ?
Miss Betant. Yes.
Senator Steeling. Let me ask you if one of the conditions of in-
flicting the death penalty in those three instances was first a trial
and a judgment of the court?
Miss Brtant. Yes.
Senator Steeling. It was ?
Miss Betant.. Yes.
Senator Steeling. Are you sure about that?
Miss Brtant. It always was so. I do not know why it should not
have been in these cases. j. ^. a .
Senator Sterling. Did you hear the testimony here to the enect
that members of the Eed Guard came into the prisons and took men
out and shot them without any trial at all or chance to be heard ?
522 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryant. I heard witnesses testify that the Red Guard had
come and taken people out, but they did not know what happened to
these men. They did not say that there was no trial. They could
not testify to that.
Senator Sterling. Have you any reason to believe that there was
a formal trial ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; I believe there was a trial.
Senator Sterling. Do you believe there have been many cases of
trials of that kind since you left, in January, 1918 ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Do you not believe that many death penalties
have been inflicted without trial ?
Miss Bryant. No ; I do not.
Senator Sterling. Have you reason to believe that the death pen-
alty has been inflicted on men suspected of being anti-Bolshevik
without trial ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know.
Senator Sterling. You do not know ?
Miss Bryant. No ; I can not say. I was not there.
Mr. Humes. Do they have a jury in those trials?
Miss Bryant. They have a revolutionary tribunal, who sit in front
of a table, just as these people sit along here [indicating the members
of the committee] , and hear the testimony of various people.
Mr. Humes. It is more like a court-martial ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; it was more like a court-martial. In the cases
that I saw tried the penalties were very mild, indeed. We were
rather surprised, because we anticipated that in the fervor of the
moment perhaps the guillotine would be set up, like in the French
Revolution, and we were very much surprised to see that they dis-
missed these people often with a sentence like, " We turn you over to
the contempt of the people," and things like that.
Senator Nelson. They had plenty of cases to mention ? ■
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Is it possible that the guillotine has been established
in Russia as a means of inflicting the death penalty ?
Miss Bryant. No; I have never heard of it. Because in the
French Revolution they had the guillotine, I wondered if they would.
Mr. Humes. Do you speak Russian?
Miss Bryant. A little, and I can understand it.
Senator Sterling. The matter of establishing the guillotine was
discussed, was it not ?
Miss Bryant. I suppose it was.
Senator Sterling. It was discussed by some of the Bolshevik
leaders, was it not?
Miss Bryant. It was discussed, but nobody ever was in favor of it.
Senator Sterling. Nobody ever was in favor of -it?
Miss Bryant. People spoke in heated moments of establishing it,
but then everyone said " No, we will not countenance that."
Senator Sterling. Did some of the leaders speak about establish-
ing it?
Miss Bryant. There was a newspaper story, when I was in Rus-
sia, to the effect that Trotzky said, " If conditions get any worse, if
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 523
there is any more terror on the part of the White Guard, we will
establish the guillotine."
Mr. Humes. Did not conditions get worse, and did they not es-
tablish the guillotine ?
Miss Bryant. No; they never have. Did any witness testify that
they had?
Mr. Htjmes. No; I asked you if they did.
Miss Bryant. No ;_ and I do not believe anybody testified to that.
Mr. Humes. I am just asking you if they did.
Miss Bryant. I do not believe so.
Mr. Humes. Did you use an interpreter?
Miss Bryant. Yes; sometimes.
Mr. Humes. Who was the interpreter?
Miss Bryant. I had \'arious ones. I sometimes had this man
Gumberg, who was also used by Sisson; but as there were always
Kussians that spoke English, like all these leaders, we did not need
them even at first.
Mr. Humes. You said something about the schools.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Will you give us the exact location of any school
that you know of being in operation?
Miss Bryant. I can do better than Ihat. I can give you the name
of a witness who can tell you all about it.
Mr. Humes. I mean the location of one that you saw when you
were there, a school that was in operation.
Miss Bryant. I was there in the winter, and the schools were not
going at that time, even in Kerensky's time. Later on some opened
in Petrograd — the ordinary schools — and the new schools were just
being established.
Mr. Humes. Up to the time you left they had not gotten the
schools organized and opened yet?
Miss Bryant. No ; some of the schools were running, but they had
not established the new ones. But I know that many new ones were
established, because Mrs. Tobenson, whose husband was head of the
far-eastern soviet, and who started the workers' institute in Chi-
cago— a Russian — told me a great deal about the schools, and she is
in New York, and I am sure would be glad to testify, and she told
me much about the schools; in fact, she even taught in one of them.
Mr. Humes. Is Tobenson a member of the government now in
Eussia ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; and he was the head of the far-eastern soviet.
Mr. Humes. He came from Chicago ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. You did not mention him a while ago as one of the
members of the government who had been in the United States?
Miss Bryant. You said those that I saw, Russians that I saw, and
I never saw him in my life. I could not say that I had seen him
when I had not seen him. I only know his wife.
Mr. Hujies. All right ; but he came from Chicago ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Now, you say you were in Petrograd and in Moscow ?
MissBRY'ANT. Yes.
Mr. Humes. You were not out among the peasants, were you ?
524 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryant. I never spent much time among them.
Mr. Htjmes. You spent a great deal of time in Petrograd and
Moscow ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. You ne\-er went out in one of those mirs and saw
them there ?
Miss Bryant. There were no mirs.
^Ir. Humes. So that the only peasants you know about are the ones
that came into Petrograd and Moscow, and you saw in that way?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; and at the great peasant congresses.
Mr. HuiiES. The ones that came into Petrograd and Moscow were
connected with the Bolshevik goveinment in some way, were they not?
Miss Bryant. Not always. Even after the Kerensky government
they came in to the great peasant congresses. They met there all the
time.
Senator Overman. Is it proposed by the Bolshevik government to
nationalize their government all over, in all countries, in this country
and others; and have you heard about their sending propaganda to
this country?
Miss Bryant. Yes.; T have heard a good deal about that. It is the
socialist idea to have a socialist world.
Senator O'S'erman. Part of their program is sending missionaries
here and all through the world ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know whether it is or not. I have said
there is a great deal of talk about it in our American press.
Senator Overman. In talking with Trotzlcy, was that his purpose?
Miss Bryant. He did not ever discuss anything of that kind
Avith me.
Senator Wolcott. It is in some of their decrees, showing that that
is their purpose.
Senator Overman. Yes.
Senator Sterling. You speak about these peasant congresses.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Sterling. How many of these peasant congresses were
held at the time while you were there at Petrograd?
Miss Bryant. Two, and the peasants came from all over Russia.
Senator Sterling. You say you attended those congresses?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Nelson. How many were there ?
jNIiss Bryant. Two.
Senator Nelson. How many people attended, I mean?
Miss Bryant. Thousands of peasants from all over Russia.
Senator Nelson. Thousands?
Miss Bryant. Yes; delegates from all over Russia.
Senator Sterling. What did they discuss there?
Miss Bryant. They discussed land, peace, and bread, and showed
great dissatisfaction that under the Kerensky government the land
was not distiibuted ; that the land committees were not distributing
the land, and they protested against it all the time.
Senator Sterling. Yes; then they were protesting against the
failure to distribute the land to the individual peasants, were they
not?
Miss Bryant. No; they were not.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 525
Senator Sterling. They were not ?
Miss Bryant. They were not asking for individual ownership, and
at each of those congresses I would like to point out that they went
off to Smolny to make their declarations, and at one time Lenine
came down and spoke to them^ust after the Soviets came into
power over the Kerensky government — and they marched with
Lenine up to the Smolny Institute, where the Bolshevik headquar-
ters were, to show their approval and their solidarity.
Senator Sterling. When was that?
Miss Bryant. That was in November, just after the revolution.
vSenator Sterling. Before the revolution?
Miss Bryant. After; you see, at that time they were not all in
favor of the Bolsheviki ; they were social revolutionists. Many of .
the right wing
Senator Sterling. They .were with the Whites ?
Miss Bryant. No ; right, not white.
Senator Sterling. They were not Bolsheviki at that time?
Miss Bryant. No; and they are not now. They are simply work-
ing with the soviet government; just as you could not say that the
Eepublicans here are Democrats. But the majority are now left
wingers.
Senator Sterling. I understood you to say a while ago that all
the peasants were Bolsheviki.
Miss Bryant. No; I said they were in the government of the
Bolsheviki; that the Bolsheviki are just a political party; that they
are just a political party.
Mr. HiTMES. What percentage of the provinces of Russia comes
under the control of the soviet government? By that I mean what
part does the present government control ?
Miss Bryant. All except the Cadets.
Mr. Humes. No; you misunderstand me.
Miss Bryant. Yes?
Mr. Humes. All Russia, geographically speaking, has not accepted
and reco^ized the present soviet government, has it ?
Miss Bryant. Well, it could not if it wanted to.
Mr. Humes. Why not?
Miss Bryant. Because part of it is under allied control, and they
have destroyed the Soviets.
Mr. Humes. The part that is not under allied control ?
Miss Bryant. The part that is not under allied control I should
certainly say was under soviet domination, all of it.
Mr. Humes. All of it?
Miss Bryant. All of it, so far as I know.
Mr. Humes. In your opinion it is?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; it is largely.
Mr. Humes. Except where there are allied troops ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; all of great Russia.
Mr. Humes. It is under the control of the present soviet govern-
ment?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. You said all of great Russia. You are exclud-
ing Siberia ?
526 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryant. Yes; because a good part of Siberia is under the
control of the allied troops. They have overthrown the Soviets.
Senator Wolcott. The allied troops are not covering much terri-
tory at this time.
Miss Brtant. Apart from that. I suppose it is all under the
Soviets. It was.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know that not to exceed one-fourth of
European Eussia is under the control of the present government and
recognizes the present government in any way ?
Miss Brtant. What part of it does not ?
Mr. Humes. I say, is it not a fact that only about one-fourth of it
does recognize the present government ?
Miss Bryant. All of great Eussia does recognize it.
Mr. Humes. Do you know that?
Miss Bryant. No ; I do not know any more than that it did when
I was there.
Mr. Humes. You are just assuming.
Miss Bryant. Assuming; yes.
Mr. Humes (continuing). That because the soviet government is
in control of Petrograd and Moscow, therefore the soviet govern-
ment controls the whole of Russia ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; because j'ou see they send delegates in from
local Soviets from every part of Eussia.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know that there is testimony that it has
only about one- fourth of Eussia ?
Miss Bryant. I never understood that. I do not understand it. I
do not believe it at all.
Senator 0\'erman. There is a roll call on the floor of the Senate,
and we will have to adjourn now.
Senator Wolcott. Before we adjourn, Mr. Chairman, I would liki
to ask just one question.
Senator Overman. Very well.
Senator Wolcott. In order to get it clear in my mind.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. The so-called Bolshevik revolution was in No-
vember, 1917?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. That is when they came in power ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. You left Eussia in January, 1918 — the latter
part of January ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; the latter part. Yes ; about the middle or the
latter part. I do not remember the exact date.
Senator Wolcott. November, December, January
Miss Bryant. November, December, and January ; probably three
months.
Senator Wolcott. More likely two and a half months?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. What day of November was it; November 7th?
Miss Bryant. The very first part of November, I think— about
the 6th.
Senator Wolcott. November 7th, I think, was the date, when the
Bolsheviki came in.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 527
Miss Brtant. Yes ; about then.
Senator Wolcott. So that your information regarding Russia
that you have of your own knowledge that was gathered under the
Bolshevik regime was gathered in that two and a half months?
Miss Brtant. Oh, yes ; the first-hand knowledge was ; yes.
Senator Wolcott. What is that ?
Miss Brtant. The first-hand knowledge was, of course.
Senator Overman. We will take an adjournment until 10.30 o'clock
to-morrow.
Miss Brtant. I am to come back at 10.30 ?
Senator Overman. Yes. Is there anything else you want to say?
Miss Brtant. There are a few things that I would like to show
you. I thought you would like to see them, and a few things I want
to say.
(Thereupon, at 5.40 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee adjourned until
to-morrow, Friday, February 21, 1919, at 11 o'clock a. m.">
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
FRIDAY, FEBBTTARY 21, 1910,
United States Senate
SlTBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIAET,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met at 11 lo'clock a. m., pursuant to adjourn-
ment, in Eoom 226, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman
presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman), Wolcott, and Sterling.
Senator Overman, The committee will come to order.
TESTIMONY OF LOUISE BRYANT— Resumed.
Mr. Humes. Miss Bryant, yesterday you testified that when you
went to Russia you had credentials from the Philadelphia Public
Ledger. Was that correct ?
Miss Betant. Why, if you want to go into the whole arrange-
ment, you probably know it very well yourself, that I had credentials
from the Bell SjTidicate, which was taken over by the Ledger, and
I also had credentials from the Metropolitan Magazine and the other
magazines in America, so I do not think there is any point to that
at all.
Mr. Humes. I am not arguing about it, but I am trying to get the
facts ; that is all. You said yesterday that you had credentials from
the Philadelphia Public Ledger when you went to Russia, did you
not?
Miss Betant. I will tell you
Mr. Humes. Did you not say that yesterday ?
Miss Beyant. I am supposed to be the Philadelphia Public Ledger's
correspondent, for which I wrote articles.
Mr. Humes. You said you had credentials from them ?
Miss Betant. It is not customary to go into the whole arrangements
with a newspaper.
Mr. Humes. Well, did you have credentials from the Philadelphia
Public Ledger? _ _ ^.
Miss Betant. From the Bell Syndicate, and when I came back
T found that Mr. Wheeler, the manager, had gone to the war, so I
switched to the Public Ledger and made a contract with them, and
I did write my articles for them when I came back, and was adver-
tised as their correspondent. , , , , ,
Mr. Humes. In other words, when you came back they bought a
story from you ?
85723—19 34
530 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryant. They did not buy a story from me : they bought the
whole series of stories, '^-2 articles, of 3,000 words each, which were
printed in about — I do not know — perhaps 100 newspapers.
Mr. HuJiES. Well, it was a war story which was written serially
in a number of assignments, was it not (
Miss Bryant. Xo: it was not one story; they were 3'2 separate
articles. They were featured evei-ywhere.
Mr. Humes. Inasmuch as you made the statement yesterday that
you had credentials from the Philadelphia Public Ledger, I want to
call your attention to a statement appearing in the Philadelphia
Public Ledger this morning, and then ask you whether the Ledger is
correct, or whether j'ou were correct in your testimony yesterday. The
title of the editorial is " Miss Louise Bryant's wrong start," and it
reads as follows :
Miss Louise Bryant erred in lier testimony before the >>enate iiropaganda
investigating committee when she saW that she went to Russia as a corre-
spondent for the Philadelphia Public Ledger or that she had credentials fi'om
this newspaper. The first Ivuowledge that the management of the Public Ledger
had of Miss Bryant was wlien. upon her return from Russia, sli«> offered for sale
a manuscript recounting her observations in that country. The manuscript
was bouglit and published under her signature.
Miss Bryant, now a propagandist for the Bolshevists, forgets that in her pro-
fessional work it is essential that errors of statement sliould be so carefully
selected that they can get at least l.'4 hours' start of truth to lie even moderately
effective.
Is that statement in the editorial correct, or is the statement you
made yesterday, that j'ou went to Russia with credentials from the
Philadelphia Public Ledger, correct ?
Miss Bryant. I did not go with credentials from the Public
Ledger, but the Public Ledger made me change my passes which I
had from the soviet govermnent and write in the name of the Public
Ledger, so that it would appear that I went with credentials from
the Public Ledger ; so I hacl to cross out the name of the Bell Syndi-
cate and put the name of the Public Ledger in there. I wanted to
protect the Public Ledger as much as anyone else ; that is why I did
not go into it yesterday. I would just as soon be known as the cor-
respondent of the Bell Syndicate, which is just as worthy an organi-
zation. I went to France for the Bell Syndicate.
Mr. Humes. I am not questioning that. I am only trying to find
out just what the fact is. You said yesterday that you went as a war
correspondent to Russia i
Miss Bryant. Yes ; I did.
]Mr. Humes. And that you went with credentials from the Phila-
delphia Public Ledger. Xow, the fact remains tliat the credentials
you had were from the Bell Syndicate, and that you had no creden-
tials from the Philadelphia Public Ledger ; and that all your rela-
tions, contractual and otherwise, with the Public Ledger were en-
tered into after your return to this coimtry; is not that true?
Miss Bryant. As soon as I got back to this country the Philadel-
phia Public Ledger telegraphed me and said, '" Do not write any
articles imtil you have seen us. Come to Philadelphia to see our
representative," and I went there at their instance; and when I got
there they were very anxious that I should not write these articles
for the Bell Syndicate, but should write them for them.
BOIiSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 531
Mr. Humes. Well, there is no question but that you wrote articles
for the Public Ledger, but that is not the issue. The issue is as to
whether or not, when you were in Russia, you had credentials from
the Ledger. You did not, did you ?
Miss Bryant. No. Mr. Humes, may I make a statement here
without being interrupted ? It will take me only a minute. Will you
give me that permission ? You have let every other witness do this.
I ask that permission. I knew that was what you were doing yester-
day, but I did not know whether I ought to go into the whole arrange-
ment or not.
Senator Overman, I want to know if I will be permitted to speak
a whole sentence before this committee without being interrupted ?
Senator Overman. You may.
Miss Bryant. Then, I want to know why, after my testimony
yesterday, you sent a telegram to Mr. Williams, whom you accused
of spreading Bolshevik propaganda, and said, " Disregard telegram
of February 19. Subpoena withdrawn." And if it is also trvie that
you withdrew the subpcena to Col. Eobins because you were afraid
too much truth would come out here ?
Mr. Humes. I do not know that I am on the witness stand, or that
it is a matter with which the witness is concerned.
Miss Bryant. This telegram is signed by Lee S. Overman, chair-
man. Is that correct?
Senator Ovee:man. Mr. Humes has authority to sign my name to all
subpoenas to witnesses and to discharge witnesses. He has the
autliority to sign my name. I did not sign it personally. Mr. Humes
sent it personally, I suppose.
Miss Bryant. Mr. Williams was continually under discussion here.
Senator OvERjfAN. We telegraphed him to come here.
Miss Bryant. He will be here at 4.30 this afternoon.
Mr. Humes. We wired Mr. Williams to come, and we got no re-
sponse, so I canceled the telegram I sent to him.
Miss Bryant. Did you not also cancel the one to Col. Eobins?
Mr. Hu.MEs. Col. Eobins has never been subpoenaed, so you are
quite in error there.
Senator Overman. I want to say that we have under discussion
what we are going to do, on account of the shortness of the time be-
before this session of. Congress expires. The committee has not yet
decided.
Miss Bryant. I see. But, nevertheless, you have given about two
weeks to undersecretaries of the Y. M. C. A. and bank clerks.
Senator Overman. Will you let me talk, and I will let you talk.
You will let me talk, will you not? I was going to say, and explain
to you, that we have imder discussion whether or not we want to ad-
journ this over for two weeks in order that the Senators may attend
to their business in the Senate.
Miss Bryant. And so that they can pass a law first?
Senator Overman. Pass what law*?
Miss Bryant. Pass a law about free speech and free press which
is pending in the Senate?
Senator Overman. I do not know what may be done about that.
I do not know whether we are going on with this investigation or
not. That is a matter for discussion and decision hereafter. The
532 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGAITDA.
Senators have been kept from the Senate Chamber while all these
great measures have been considered, and we have under discussion
whether or not we want to continue.
Miss Bryant. Senator Overman, I object to Eussian politicians
coming here, and people with all sorts of picayune little grievances
that can talk all they want about Eussia, but if any one gets up and
says he does not believe that American troops ought to be kept in
Eussia, or he believes in self-determination, that American is treated
as a traitor. I object to that.
Senator Overman. Nobody has treated you as a traitor.
Miss Bryant. I think you did yesterday.
Senator Overman. In what way? What complaint have you got?
I would like to know what complaint you have.
Miss Bryant. Well, I was not allowed to speak; I was only asked
questions.
Senator Overman. I told you to come back this morning and I
would hear your statement, did I not?
Miss Bryant. Then, will I be allowed to go on?
Senator Overman. Certainly. Now, you have complained to this
committee, and I want to know what complaint 3'ou have. You
seem to want to make a martyr of yourself, when you have not beJen
treated unfairly that I can see. You are a woman and you do not
know anything about the conduct of an examination such as we have
in hand here. We are going to treat you fairly and treat you as a
ladj\
Miss Bryant. I do not want to be treated as a lady, but I want to
be treated as a human being.
Senator Overman. I want to treat you not only as an American
citizen, as a witness, and as a lady, but I want to know what com-
plaint you have got. Because I closed this meeting the other day and
sent the people out, is that your complaint?
Miss Bryant. No ; it was the whole conduct of the meeting that I
objected to.
Senator Sterling. Miss Bryant, let me just tell you that you are
managing, it appears to me, or trying, to create a whole lot of sym-
pathy. You are trying to work yourself up to believe that you are
being martyred here. Now, you have been treated most kindly and
considerately. The chairman of this committee could not treat you
in anj' other way than that, and I am sure that is also true of the
other members of the committee.
Miss Bryant. Do you call Senator King's treatment particularly
gentle ?
Senator Sterling. I did not hear a word of Senator King's exami-
nation, but from what I heard about it I do not think there was any-
thing in it about which 3'ou can complain.
Miss Bryant. I think everybody in this room would testify that it
was not very gentle. It was a sort of third degree.
Senator Oversian. I tried to explain to you that Senator King has
been a judge on the bench and has had these matters come up, fre-
quently, of witnesses who were charged with having no faith in the
Christian religion, and not believing in God, and he had to go
throueh that cross-examination and ask you those questions.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 533
Miss Betant. How would he have treated me if I had been a Jew ?
Senator Overman. He would have asked you the same questions, if
anybody had charged that you did not believe in God, as it has been
charged with respect to these Bolsheviki. Whether you do or not I
do not know, and therefore I am not accusing you. I do not know
whether I would have asked you those questions or not, myself, but
he did it, and I do not think lie intended any disrespect to you. I do
not think so. I am sure I want to treat you with the greatest respect.
You told me yesterday that you had been asked questions, and you
complained that you had not been able to make your statement. I
told you that if you came back in the morning I would see that you
did make your statement, and I want you to go on and make what
statement you have to make. But I would like to know why you com-
plain that you have been treated so badly. I do not know what your
complaints are except that you were asked a few questions prelimi-
nary, by Senator King. If you have any other complaint to the com-
mittee, I ask you to state it so that we may know.
Miss Bryant. My principal complaint is that the witnesses who
know the most about Kussia are not called; people who know most
about Russia. People who were sent there in official capacities are
not called.
Senator Overman. That does not affect you personally.
Miss Betant. But it affects me a great deal, because I have been
asked what they think.
Senator Overman. We have given you every opportunity, and we
want you to go on and make your statement, and I will hear any state-
ment you have got to make. But this refusing to call other witnesses
is a question to be determined. I do not know whether we are going
to call them or not. So if you do not know what we are going to do,
why do you say that ?
Miss Bryant. I have this telegram, and I also heard other nimors
to-day.
Senator Overman. As far as you are concerned personally, we have
not mistreated you, have we?
Miss Bryant. I am not admitting that at all. Senator.
Senator Overman. I would like to know what your complaint is.
Miss Bryant. I do not want to go into it.
Senator Overman. Will you not tell us ?
Miss Bryant. It was perfectly obvious to everybody that was in
this room. I will not go into it.
Senator Overman. If you do not explain what your complaint is, I
can not correct it. I would like to correct any mistreatment of you,
and I want to treat you with the utmost fairness. Now you can go
ahead and make your statement. You know you will be treated fairly
by me ; you know that. I am the chairman of this committee ; and I
think the other Senators will agree with me that you shall be -treated
with the greatest respect. Your main complaint is, as I understand
it, that we have not called other witnesses. When you came here and
asked to be heard. I told you you should be heard, did I not ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; you did the first day ; and the second day you
did not promise me.
Senator Overman. I did give you a hearing, whether I promised
you or not.
534 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
Miss Beyaxt. Yes: you did afterwards.
Senator Overjiax. I told you I could not promise any certain par-
ticular day. Mr. AVilliams has never asked to be heard, that I know of.
Miss Brvaxt. He came up here to the public hearing and asked to
be heard.
Senator O^-erjiax. You are the only witness that I know of who
has asked to be heard, except for a number of letters that I have re-
ceived from people asking to be heard.
Miss Bryant. But it is the same thing if people have sent letters
when they could not come here.
Senator Overjiax. Now we understand each other.
Mr. Humes. Who have sent letters asking to be heard?
Miss Brtaxt. Miss Beatty did, for one; and Mr. Keed did.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Eeed ?
Miss Bryaxt. Yes.
Senator OvERitAX. That is your husband ?
Miss Bryaxt. Yes.
Mr. HujiES. I have never seen that letter.
Senator Overmax. He sent me a note while you were testifying; but
I thought if I could put you on the stand it would clear up some of
these matters. That is all that I can recollect.
Mr. JoHx Eeed. I have written you a letter, too, Senator Overman.
Senator Overmax. All right; I will not deny it. I may have re-
ceived it. and my secretary may have it on file. I do not know. Mr.
Eeed, JNIiss Beatty, and who else?
Miss Bryaxt. I am sure that Mr. Keddie and different officials in
Philadelphia have sent letters.
Senator O^TiRMAx. Is that the man you spoke of — Mr. Keddie?
Mr. Humes. Mr. Keddie has not asked to be heard.
Miss Bryaxt. Some of those people have, because they published
statements in papers saying they ought to be heard.
Mr. Humes. Many letters have come suggesting that certain people
could prove this or prove that, but there has been no direct request
from Mr. Keddie.
Miss Bryant. The general impression is, nevertheless, Mr. Humes,
that 3'ou are only calling one side here. You must know that that is
the general impression.
Senator Overmax. Under the resolution, we are investigating the
Bolshevik government in Eussia.
Mr. Humes. The fact that you are permitted to testify is a complete
answer to your statement. That shows there is nothing one-sided
about the matter. You are here as a champion of the Bolshevik
government.
Miss Bryaxt. I am not. I have nothing to do with that at all.
Mr. Humes. You say there are two sides. It is only a question of
fact. How do you happen to say that ? How do you happen to be
talking about " two sides"?
Miss Bryaxt. Because these people who have testified before me
are absolutely against everything in revolutionary Eussia, and I am
neither for nor against. I am trying to tell it as an observer.
Mr. Humes. You have not heard their testimony, have you?
Miss Bry'ant. I have been right here in this court and heard it. As
long as they testified about people starving and people falling down
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. ^35
in the streets, and all that, and about there being perfect chaos in
Russia, it was all right; but the minute anybody began to testify that
Trotzky was an extraordinary person,, or anything lilie that', they
were dismissed.
Mr. Humes. Have you heard any witness testify here that favored
the restoration of the monarchy in Kussia? Have you heard them
say that they were in favor of the restoration of the monarchy, or any
such thing as that ?
Miss Bryant. I heard Kryshtofovich, and you know he worked
for the Tsar's Government. I think he is quite in favor of the Czar.
He talked as a monarchist.
Mr. Humes. You had better read his testimony, if you think that.
Miss Bexant. He has not been in favor of either the provisional
government or tlie soviet government.
Mr. Humes. He was not expressing his own opinion on anything.
He told the conditions under all of the governments.
Senator Sterling. Your testimony here, taking it as a whole, Avhat-
ever you may have said in regard to one or another particular mat-
ter, has put you in the position of a partisan and friend and defender
of the Bolsheviki. You l?now that. Anybody gets that impression
from your examination.
Miss Bryant. Surely. Why not?
Senator Sterling. Both the examination in chief and the re-
examination. You are defending them all the while.
Miss Bryant. Of course. Any fair statement appears so to you.
And I was given lectures.
Senator Steeling. You were not given lectures. You were cross-
examined. You must submit to cross-examination when it comes.
After you have testified we have to ask you questions on cross-exami-
nation, and because we have done so you have gotten the impression
that we were hostile to you.
Miss Brfant. Even my morals have been suggested by Senator
Nelson. He has given me regular lectures as to what I ought to
think, and how I might, somehow, come out of this terrible slump
that I have gotten into.
Senator Steeling. Senator Nelson asked you questions that were
perfectly proper, and that were material.
Miss Beyant. He did not ask me questions. He lectured me. May
I go on ?
Senator Overman. I am sorry. I had great respect for you. I
thought highly of your ability, and was rather impressed with you
yesterday; but now you come in this morning, and from what you
say I want to say that I am impressed Avith the fact that j'ou are
trying to make yourself out a martyr.
Miss Bryant. No.; I am not. Don't you believe it.
Senator Overman. I have asked you to state in what way the com-
mittee had treated you badly, and you said that you would not state.
Miss Bryant. May I go on with my testimony? That is my prin-
cipal business here, and I wish that I could.
Senator Overman. Yes, you may go on.
Miss Beyant. Yesterday, when I offered to read various things
out of soviet decrees and other things, Mr. Humes objected and said
that those things were not trustworthy : but you will agree that the
536 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAISDA.
Congressional Kecord is trustworthy and fair, will you not? [Laugh-
ter.]
Senator Overman. No, I would not admit that, I think. Now, let
us come down and be serious.
Miss Bbyant. On January 29 certain statements were made by
Senator Johnson, and some of those statements concerned myself, al-
though he did not mention my name. He said the State Department
allowed cable messages to be sent to Russia [reading] :
The messages were sent not only with the approval of the Government, bat
through the Government's agencies and at the Government's expense. * * •
These messages were gathered by a person designated by the authorities and
were sent to Washington to be forwarded through the State Department to
Petrograd.
I was given permission to do that, and I collected messages, and
these messages were sent over to Russia — this was just after Brest-
Litovsk — urging the Russians to come back into the war and stay
by their old peace formula. At the same time Mr. Steffens came
to me I
Senator Overman. State who Mr. Steffens is. J
Miss Bryant. Lincoln Steffens. He came to me from Mr. Creel.
Senator Wolcott. That does not give me any information.
Miss Bryant. If you will let me finish my sentence, you will get it.
Senator Wolcott. All right. -^
Miss Bryant. Mr. Steffens came to me and said that he wanted
me to sign a cablegram to Mr. Reed, who was then in Stockholm, to
go back to Russia and try to pursuade Lenine and Trotzky that Mr.
Wilson is sincere. I think if you will call Mr. Reed he will tell you;
about that, too. 1
Senator Wolcott. I am still waiting for you to tell me whoj
Steffens is.
Miss Bryant. Lincoln Steffens?
Senator Wolcott. Yes.
Miss Bryant. He is one of the best known writers in the Unitedl
States — probably the best known writer in the United States.
Senator Sterling. A Socialist ?
Miss Bryant. Will you please tell me why it makes any differenca
whether a person is a Socialist or not ?
Senator Sterling. I am not on the witness stand.
Miss Bryant. But you say " Socialist " as if it was a condemnation]
of him. (
Senator Steeling. I ask you a civil question, and I do not wantj
you to go out and complain about that, when I asked you whetherj,
he was a Socialist. You pretend to be. That is what has led you'i
to your association with the Bolsheviki, the fact that you are a^
Socialist. ",
Miss Bryant. How do you know that it is ? -,
Senator Steeling. You can not parade before the public the fact,,
that you are a martyr when you are refusing to answer a civil question. '
I asked you if Steffens is a Socialist. j
Miss Bryant. I think he is a Socialist ; I am not sure. *
Senator Sterling. Then, why did you not answer that he was? tj
Miss Bryant. Did you ever ask me if a man here is a Republican,,
or a Democrat ?
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 537
Senator Steeling. I am not here for the purpose of answering
ijji questions, but we are here to investigate these allied organizations
:o some extent.
j.^ Miss Bryant. You see, Mr. Steffens came from Mr. Creel. You
Jprobably know his politics.
*: Senator WoiiCOTT. What is it? I do not know.
,"^ Miss Bryant. I suppose he is a Democrat.
Senator Overman. Is he a Socialist?
•h Miss Bryant. He is not, I am sure.
*• Senator Overman. Now, you could have answered that in regard
ij^.o Mr. Steffens, whether he is or not. You say you do not know.
■ Miss Bryant. I did answer, but he shouted " Socialist ! " to me.
I Senator Overman. That was a perfectly civil question.
f Miss Bryant. When I brought certain papers up here yesterday, the
^'Tiinute I started to read them you would say, " Those are printed in
,"1 Socialist paper ? " and surely this implied that there was something
wrong about them if they were printed in Socialist papers.
Senator Overman. No ; we wanted to know the source from which
;hey came.
"" Mr. Humes. Proceed with your statement.
™* Miss Bryant. I sent these messages out, and at that time President
!?Wilson had sent his very friendly message to the congress of soviets
;hat were meeting in Moscow.
W Senator Wolcott. That was July 3 ?
n& Miss Bryant. Yes; that was one message, and we were given to
^understand that America was about to recognize the soviet govern-
'i'^-nent, and that is why I sent those messages ; and those messages ap-
Deared in the soldiers' and workers' papers on the front page, and the
" I'-Oommittee on Public Information, of course, could not have gotten
ihat sort of publicity, because they were discredited in Russia on
iccount of Mr. Sisson's activities.
I would like also to speak about the so-called Sisson documents,
:it;hat were published in this country. If I thought that Mr. Raymond
MiifRobins Avas to be called, I would not go into that, because it would
lot be necessary to ; but since I do not know, I think it is necessary.
^it Raymond Robins had these documents, "most of them, a long time
jefore Mr. Siss' i came to Russia. He gave them to Mr. Sisson as
in interestira p^ lample of forged documents. Mr. Robins told me
ii.it;hat himselS.T^'"'i-he presence of a good many other witnesses.
Senatorj]/ ^eman. Let me suggest this to you
IJii!' Missai^-NT. Yes.
jjgi Senat^ Overman. Do you know that of your own knowledge?
jtV Mifot^.EYANT. Yes; absolutely.
UK Sek .or Overman. From whom?
IVvBS Bryant. Mr. Robins himself, in the presence of witnesses.
Senator Overman. That is not competent testimony. Mr. Robins
,Akn speak for himself. But I have told you to state what you know.
ifilfou are on the stand, and we want you to tell what you know.
^ Miss Bryant. I do know that.
Senator Wolcott. Apparently you do not know that.
;,,l!| Miss Bryant. Why do I not know it?
w Senator Wolcott. You know that Mr. Robins told you that.
Miss Bryant. Yes ; I know he told me that.
538 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Wolcott. That is all you know.
Miss Bryant. I know more than that. When these documents
began to be published I wrote a letter to Mr. Creel, sajdng that I
would stake my life on the fact that these documents were fakes and
Mr. Creel MTote back to me and said
Senator 0^'erjiax. Have you got that Creel letter'^
Miss Bryant. I have not got it here, but it was published in the
New York Evening Post, and you can get it. I can give you that
letter.
Senator Sterling. Of what date was it published?
Miss Bryant. It was just at that time, about the third day after the
Sisson documents began to come out in the press.
Senator Wolcott. They were published by our State Department.
Miss Bryant. No; by the Committee on Public Information.
Senator Wolcott. Were they given out by that committee as
trustworthy documents I
Miss Bryant. They certainly were. Mr. Creel wrote to me ami
said that he believed in them, but he admitted that a number of them
could easily be faked, and then he went on to say that the Government
was behind this, and for me to remember it ; and I do not think that
Mr. Creel was any better American, printing something he was not
sure o,f, causing great hostility between two great countries, than 1
was because I did not think these things were genuine, and therefore
should not be given out as genuine.
Senator Sterling. When you say " hostility between two great
countries." you mean between the United States and what other
country — Russia ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator, Sterlinc;. Eussia as a whole, or do you mean simply the
Bolshevik government I
Miss Bryant. You see, I consider the soviet government — ^there
is no Bolshevik government, and I consider the soviet government—
as the real government of Russia ; and certainly representing the
majority of the people.
Senator Sterling. Is this not a fact, that the soviet government of
Russia is dictated l)y the Bolsheviks? They are in control, are they
not?
Miss Bryant. They are a political party. You col ' ^ say that the
Democrats, by the same logic, dictated the American Gco:ernment in
the same way. It is not really true.
Senator Steeling. Just one word about this soviet go 'ernment.
The members of the different Soviets in Russia are not necessarily
residents, are they, of the districts which they may be seilt there
from ? S
Miss Bryant. They can not be sent there to those districts, ''hat
was air absolutely erroneous statement.
Senator Sterling. You heard the statement of several witnesses to
that effect, did you not ?
Miss Bryant. I only heard the statement of one to that effect, that
of Madame Breshkovskaya. She really does not know about the
soviet government.
Senator Sterling. Do you know anything particularly about it
since you left there in January, 1918 ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 539
Miss Bryant. I know the principle it is founded on, and it does
not permit that.
Senator Sterling. Do not get agitated over the matter, but just
answer the question. Do you know, as a matter of fact, whether or
not all members of the Soviets have been residents of the districts for
Avhich they were members, since you left there ?
Miss Bryant. Certainly.
Senator Sterling. You know it, do you?
Miss Bryant. Tliey could not change that.
Senator Sterling. They could not change that? Have not men
been sent from Moscow to other districts to act as the soviet repre-
sentatives in those other districts?
Miss Bryant. No ; it does not work that way. They are sent from
the local Soviets into Moscow. That is the way it works.
Senator Sterling. Of course, the local soviet may
Miss Bryant. It must send its delegate in.
Senator Sterling. Yes; it may send its delegate in; but are not
delegates to local Soviets sent
Miss Bryant. No!
Senator Sterling. And members of the local Soviets sent out?
Miss Bryant. No; that is not the Avay it works. The delegates
are sent in to the contral body.
Mr. Humes. Is there anything in the soviet constitution that re-
quires residents of the districts to be sent as members of the soviet?
Miss Bryant. You understand exactly how it works, do you not?
It has been explained how the Soviets work and all that?
Mr. Humes. Is there anything in the constitution that requires a
member of a soviet to be a resident of the district that he represents
in the soviet ?
Miss Bryant. Why, surely
Mr. Humes. Just answer that question.
Miss Bryant. I can not answer a question like that, yes or no.
That is where you take advantage of me, or try to take advantage of
me, all the time. Major. You ask me to answer yes or no.
Mr. Humes. I do not care whether you answer yes or no, but I
want a*i answer that is responsive to the question.
Miss Bryant. Is there anything in the constitution that requires
a man to be a member of the soviet in which he lives ?
Senator Sterling. To be a resident of the district?
Mr. Humes. Is there anything in the constitution that requires
that a man be a resident of the district which he serves in the soviet?
Miss Bryant. I would have to look that up in the constitution. I
am not sure about that; but I know perfectly well that that is the
whole principle of the soviet government.
Mr. Humes. You are talking from the principles of the soviet
government yourself, and you do not know what the application of
them is?
Miss Bryant. I do know the application.
Mr. Humes. Do you?
Miss Bryant. Yes; of course.
Mr. Humes. You are assuming
Miss Bryant. Yes ; and all the time that I
540 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. You are assuming that the application is in compli-
ance with the principles ?
Miss Bryant. Yes, of course; and that is the same way
Mr. Humes (continuing). And you do not know what the applica-
tion is, of your own knowledge ?
Miss Bryant. Why, any more than I could say that I do not know
of my own knowledge that Senators do not come from the States
that they are elected from. I say that the whole principle of our
country is such, but I could not say that I know it as a fact. I did
not see each one come.
Mr. Humes. You know that the Constitution of the United States
requires that the Members of the Senate be residents of the States
from which they are elected, do you not?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Well, does the soviet constitution require a member
of the soviet to be a resident of the district for which he serves in the
soviet ?
Miss Bryant. Oh, I do not know, but I feel sure it does.
Senator Sterling. Have you read the constitution ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; I have read it, but I do not remember that par-
ticular point. But we have the constitution here, and you can easily
find that out.
Mr. Humes. I have read it very carefully and I can not find any
requirement of residence in the constitution.
Miss BRrANT. Why did you think that they did not reside there,
because Babushka said that they were all sent out
Mr. Humes. Because people have testified here that they were
present when members of the soviet were elected and that they were
people from outside of the district in which they were elected. That
is why.
Senator Sterling. More than one witness has testified to that.
Miss Bryant. You have several witnesses who worked in the soyiet
government and are expert on it who can give you very expert evi-
dence on that.
Senator Wolcott. It is not a case for expert testimony ; it is a case
of observation.
Miss Bryant. I want to go back, since it has taken up so much time,
to this nationalization of women. I am very much interested in this.
In the first place, they have equal suffrage in Eussia, and I can not
imagine how anybody would suppose that women would vote for their
own nationalization.
In the second place, women have always been very important m
Russia. I consider that Russian women are even more belligerent
than Russian men. I think that Russian men would not dare to sug-
gest such a thing to Russian women, and I know the place and the
importance of women under the soviet. Madame KoUontay, who is
head of the department of welfare, has set up all sorts of splendid
reforms for women in Russia. She has established, for one thing)
what she calls palaces of motherhood. Women, two months before
confinement, are paid their full salaries and are allowed to rest.
They do not have to go to work for two months afterwards and their
doctors and nurses are paid for by the State. That is one of the
reforms.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 541
Senator Overkan. Eight here let me ask you a question.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Senator Overman. It was stated here by one witness that they be-
haved m taking the children away from the mothers.
Miss Bryant. That is not true, and I wanted particularly to go into
■h 1. i- *■ P^^*^®' Ma^iame KoUontay's whole idea is to do away
with the dismal charitable institutions like orphan asylums. Her idea
was to put the children of peasants back into peasant homes, where
they would have individual care and be made a part of the family,
and she was working on that and had gotten along a good ways on
that when I was there. She had gone a long ways toward working
that out. They do not have child labor in Russia. Women are ac-
cepted on an equal basis with men, getting equal pay for equal work.
They have an equal place in the labor unions. They are not excluded
from any kind of work. I never have been in a country where women
were as free as they are in Russia and where they are treated not as
females but as human beings. When a woman gets up at a public
meeting and makes a speech nobody thinks about her being a lady or
about what kind of a hat she happens to wear. ' They just think of
what she says. It is a very healthy country for a suffragist to go into.
They asked me when I was in Russia about how many women we had
in Congress and in the Senate. I would like to tell you this, if I
may be permitted.
Senator Sterling. Yes.
Miss Bryant. I told them about Jeannette Rankin, that we had one
in Congress, and that we had made quite a fuss over her, and we did
not know whether we would ever have another one. They were quite
surprised. They could not understand, when we had had democracy
here so long, that our women, most of them, were not even enfran-
chised. So that you see they criticize us in many ways just as we
criticize them. But they never went to the extent that they said
that everybody in the United States was a Mormon because there is
Mormonism in the United States. They never went to the point
where they said all Congressmen and Senators are Holy Rollers be-
cause we have Holy Rollers here. They read our marriage laws and
understood them, although they consider them ridiculous. But we in
United States have taken a little bit of a decree printed by an an-
archist club and made it the expression of all Russia ; and that is what
1 want to speak of, because T can not believe that an}' man on this
committee can be so gullible that he can believe that the women of
Russia are nationalized.
Mr. Humes. Was there not something else besides that decree in-
troduced in evidence here ?
Miss Bryant. No. Mr. Simmons said it was printed in a paper
there. That does not prove anything. I would like to tell you about
that.
Mr. Humes. No; it was not with reference to a decree published
in a paper, or not published, but it was with reference to another
decree than the anarchist decree.
F Miss Bryant. Did you say it was anything else but an anarchist
decree ?
a Mr. Humes. Absolutely. Now, let me ask you, where is Kronstadt,
and what is Kronstadt?
542 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryaxt. It is the naval base.
Mr. HtJJiES. A naval base. Just where is Kronstadt?
Miss Bryant. It is near Petrograd.
Mr. HuJiEs. And is it not the center of much of the Bolshevik
revolution i
Miss Bryaxt. Yes ; the Kronstadt sailors are Bolsheviks.
Mr. HiJiEs. Did you not know that the soviet or the soldiers and
sailors of Kronstadt also took action in this matter ?
Miss Bryant. I know that is not true, because a woman who was the
head of the soviet there
Mr. Humes. What is that?
Miss Bryant. There was a woman at the head of the soviet in
Kronstadt, a Madame Stahl, a very splendid woman, who believed in
the equality of women, and she certainly never put over anything like
that on her own sex.
Mr. HtTMEs. Then, you say that the sailors at Kronstadt never
passed such a decree?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. And that the statement to that effect is the anarchist
decree, the authenticity of which, you admit, is not correct?
Miss Bri'ant. Yes; I believe it is not correct.
Mr. Humes. You believe it is not correct ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; I am sure it is not correct. How could it be?
Mr. Humes. Do you believe that the Izvestija
Miss Bryant. Have you the Izvestija? You said this was in the
Izvestija, and I found out by looking up my notes that it was never
printed in the Izvestija but in this [indicating paper]. I will tell
you
Mr. Hu3ies. You leceive the Izvestija in this country?
Miss Bryant. I see it in this country.
Mr. Humes. How many issues of it have you seen ?
Miss Bryant. I have seen quite a few.
Mr. Humes. Is it a daily paper?
Miss Bryant. It has been printed daily. I do not know whether
it has always been or not.
Mr. Humes. Can you read Russian ?
Miss Bryant. Yes; slowly.
Mr. Humes. Since you came back, in January, 1918, how many
copies of the Izvestija liave you seen?
Miss Bryant. Oh, my, I have piles of them that were brought
back. Mr. Williams brought back a whole trunkful.
Mr. Humes. How many?
Miss Bryant. I do not know the exact number.
Mr. Humes. When did Williams leave Petrograd?
Miss Bryant. I do not know the exact day he left Petrograd, but
he has been here less than two months.
Mr. Humes. He came out through Siberia, did he not?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. He left Petrograd in the middle of the summer, did
he not?
Miss Bryant. He left after all this came out.
Mr. Humes. How do you know when this came up ?
Bolshevik propaganda. 543
Miss Bryant. It was Supposed to be in July, was it not, or some-
thing like that ?
Mr. Humes. How do you fix the time of it? I thought it never
came up at all.
Miss Bryant. I fix the time by the fact that Jerome Davis, who
was head of the Y. M. C. A., said that he personally investigated the
Vladimir story, the one that you are particularly anxious to prove was
a soviet affair, and he said that he went there, and it was not true.
He is head of the Y. M. C. A., and I should not think that he would
make a false statement.
Mr. Humes. When did he go there ?
Miss Bryant. He went there when he heard this rmnor, and he
found that there was nothing in it at all ; that it had nothing to do
with the soviet.
Mr. Humes. Did he say when he made the inquiry ?
Miss Bryant. I mean that he made the inquiry after it came up.
He does not say how many days after, or how long after, but he is
very willing to testify, and he can tell you.
did yesterday.
Mr. Humes. It did come up in Russia?
Miss Bryant. Yes; of course, it was printed as an anarchist de-
cree ; but if you will let me go on I can tell you more about it than I
did yesterday.
Senator Wolcott. You will get to tell about it.
Mr. Humes. We will let you tell anything about whatever you
have knowledge of. You say they investigated there this anarchist
decree that was published ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. And did he ever tell you of the publication of the
decree in the Izestija? Did he say anything about that?
Miss Brya>;t. It is not a very large story, but he wants to testify
here. He can tell you all about it. He says he has absolute knowl-
edge about it.
Mr. Humes. Do you mean to say he has asked to testify?
Miss Bryant. I hope that he is asked to testify. I believe he has —
I hope he is called, because he has all this knowledge; and sni-ely,
if you are particularly anxious to know
Mr. Humes. I have in my pocket his official report to the Govern-
ment.
Miss Bryant. Well
Mr. HuJiES. I assume that he would testify to the same things
that he put in the official report ; do you not suppose he would ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know. I suppose so. But I should think
he would be the one to testify.
Mr. Humes. To judge whether his report to the Government is cor-
rect or not ? Do you not think that the official report that Mr. Davis
made to the Government would probably answer the purposes of the
inquiry ?
Miss Bryant. Not at all. I should think there would be no objec-
tion to asldng Mr. Davis what he meant by making a public state-
ment that he had investigated this matter, and founcl it to be false.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Davis is not under investigation.
Miss Bryant. He made an investigation, I said.
544 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAIiDA.
Mr. Htjmes. Did Mr. Davis say anything about investigating the
action of the soviet at Kronstadt ?
Miss Bryant. He said that there were some anarchist societies
at that time, but they were afterwards suppressed by the Bolshevik'
and that the anarchists of Moscow had to have machine guns brought
out to put them out of business. This happened, as you may know
around in a great many places in Russia. '
Mr. Humes. Did you ever see it happen?
Miss Betant. Yes ; I saw them fighting with the anarchists.
Mr. Humes. How frequently?
Miss Bryant. Whenever it was necessary.
Mr. Humes. How frequently; twice, a dozen times, or how fre-
quently ? This is a very material fact in relation to Russia.
Miss Bryant. Whenever the anarchists tried to confiscate property
without the plan of the Soviets, which was very definite ; and if they
went to live in the palaces or acted in any other way than that ap-
proved of. The palaces were turned into people's museums, and they
were full of precious art, and the Russians love their art, and they
did not want it destroyed in any way, so they turned these palaces
into people's museums as the French did.
Mr. HuaiES. How many people did you see shot at and killed or
wounded ?
Miss Bryant. Well, there were street battles when I was in Petro-
grad, and there was firing going on all the time.
Mr. Humes. There was firing going on all the time?
Miss Bryant. Of course ; it was civil war, as I have said.
Mr. Humes. Usually, when that firing was going on, some one was
killed, was he not ?
Miss Betant. Not always. By no means.
Mr. Humes. Half the time?
Miss Bryant. No, sir.
Mr. Humes. How many times did you see people killed under those
circumstances ?
Miss Bryant. I told you. I told you all about that and how many
I saw killed yesterday.
Mr. Humes. You said there was only one case where you saw any-
one killed.
Miss Bryant. No ; I said two cases.
Mr. Humes. One was when a motor car came down the street and
did the firing ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. The other was simply an isolated case of the shooting
of an individual?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. You have just stated that these fights with anarchists
were a common happening.
Miss Bryant. Well, they were ; you see
Mr. Humes. And you saw them?
Miss Bryant. This is the way it was. When you were going
through the streets sometimes there was shooting; I mean we could
hear firing; and then again we would ask for reports and the officials
told us about various things and what was going on, and in that way
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 545
we found out and knew what it was. "We did not see people actually
being killed, but we found that there was fighting going on.
Mr. Htjmes. This shooting was going on on the streets ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
■ Mr. Humes. I understood you to say yesterday that it Avas very
seldom that there was any shooting on the streets, and here you
say^ —
Miss Betant. I did not mean you to understand that. I said that
there was a state of civil war. I said no one bothered me. I was not
armed.
Senator Steeling. I got altogether a different impression. I want
to ask you the question if you did not seek to convey the impression
in your testimony of yesterday that it was quite orderly in Petrograd,
and that there was very little destitution ?
Miss Beyant. I said there was no more destitution in the Soviets
than imder Kerensky ; that it was always disorganized since the be-
ginning of the war. Will you let me finish with this decree? You
asked me a question.
Mr. Humes. We will confine it to this one subject of the nationaliza-
tion of women.
Miss Bryant. About Vladimir. The first four paragraphs of that
decree of Vladimir are the original decree. The rest were added as a
satire by a comic paper, the Moocka, which means the fly. It was
published in the late spring of 1918 in Moscow, and it was considered
nothing but a great joke in Russia.
. Mr. Humes. The material that was added, then, in the comic paper
in Eussia was such material as we in the United States consider ob-
scene matter, was it not ?
■ Miss Bryant. Oh, no ; not at all. Not anyway in Eussia. _
Mr. Humes. Do you mean to say that the, contents of this decree,
after the first four paragraphs, is not of an obscene nature that
would never be permitted in public print in this country ?
Miss Beyant. I will explain to you first
Mr. Humes. Just answer the question and then explain. You
can make any explanation you want.
Miss Beyant. Yes ; but
Mr. Humes. It would not be permitted in this country ?
Miss Beyant. Yes. Now, let me explain.
Mr. Humes. Let me ask you, is it not a fact, then, that the respect
for women and respect for morals was not at the high point that you
have undertaken to convey, if material of that kind was being printed
in the comic papers of Eussia as a joke, and looked upon as a joke,
rather than as a serious infringement of any moral code of any civ-
ilized race?
Miss Bryant. The same thing was printed in France as a comic
thing. You see, the Russians and the French, and all European
peoples do not have our puritanical ideas about what they should
print and what they should not print. They think these things are
very funny. We in America would not allow a single line or illus-
tration printed in a paper of the ordinary French comic illustrated
sheet to pass through our mails. We do not believe in these things,
but those people think they are humorous ; they think they are funny.
85723—19 35
546 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
]\Ir. HuJiES. Then, the moral code of America is very much higher
than that of the Eussians ?
INIiss Bryant. I would not say it is higher. It is very different ; not
so flexible. I would not say it was any higher. I would say that
we were more puritanical and less sophisticated than they are over
there.
Mr. Humes. You think that the Eussian and French practice of
printing this obscenity in a humorous vein is preferable to our code
of morals which disapproves of such practices?
Miss Beta NT. I do not say it is preferable, but like all European
things, I think it is not my business as an American to tell the Rus-
sians or the French what to print in their papers, so I have looked
at it just as a neutral observer, not taking a stand on it one way or
another.
Mr. Humes. Do you think we are puritanical when we disapprove
of that sort of thing ?
Miss Bryant. I think we are, as compared to what other countries
allow to be printed in their papers. My whole point about Russia
is that we are interfering too much in her affairs. In a little while
we will be telling the Eussians what they shall put on in their
theaters. We do not allow them to do what they desire.
Mr. Humes. You approve, do you, of the decrets, the so-called
legislation, or dictatorial legislation, that has been enacted by the
Eussian government?
Miss Bryant. I told you yesterday that I neither approve nor dis-
approve. The one point that I have made right straight along, and
that I am not going to be swerved from, is that I do not believe in
intervention, and I do not believe America has any right to go into
Eussia and send a force of American boys there to fight and settle
the internal affairs of Eussia ; because no one came into our country
during our Civil War, even during Sherman's march from Atlanta
to the sea, which was certainly considered a little ruthless by the
European world.
Mr. Humes. Then you believe that Eussia should have absolute
self-determination ?
Miss Bryant. I certainly do.
Mr. Humes. Do yoii approve, then, of the Eussian government
making an appropriation for the purpose of trying to control the
political action and political activities in other countries other than
Eussia ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know that it has, any more than the kind
of work our Committee on Public Information does in foreign coun-
tries.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know that there was an appropriation of
a large sum made by the soviet government for the purpose of
undertaking to influence the political action in other countries than
Eussia ?
Miss Bryant. I know
Mr. Humes. Do you not know that as a fact!
Miss Bryant. I do not know that as a fact; but I will tell you
what I do know as a fact.
Mr. Humes. Do you deny that?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 547
Miss Bryant. I will explain it. I neither deny it nor affirm it.
I will explain it.
Mr. Humes. You explain it ?
Miss Bryant. I will, because you can not deny nor affirm certain
statements without confusing your testimony.
Mr. Humes. You have not seen the act or decret that made an
appropriation for that purpose? Have you not admitted here that
there was money being sent over to this country for propaganda
purposes ?
Miss Bryant. Will you let me explain? Mr. Nuorteva told you
that he got money, and he wanted to come here and explain why he
got it, and you have not called him.
Mr. Humes. Answer my question now.
Miss Bryant. That is in answer to your question. He said he
would explain the whole reason why he got the money.
Mr. Humes. Let me ask you again, Miss Bryant : Do you approve
of the Russian appropriation of money for the purpose of influencing
and dominating political action in the United States as to its internal
affairs ?
Miss Bryant. Let me say
Mr. Humes. Just answer the question.
Miss Bryant. I have got to answer it in my own way. I can not
answer it in any other way. I said that I am principally concerned
about what happens in America. I am an American. I do not ap-
prove of many things that happen in Japan or many things that
happen in Eussia, but that is not my particular business.
Mr. Humes. Now, you are concerned, then, about what happens in
Eussia, in so far as it concerns the activities of the United States?
Miss Bryant. Of course, I am an American, and I have a lot of
faith in these United States.
Mr. Humes. But you are not concerned about what happens in
Eussia if it is intended to influence political action in the United
States?
Miss Bryant. Why, Mr. Humes, you must know that the monarch-
ists are allowed to buy whole half sheets in all our papers to carry
on their propaganda. I do not approve of that either, and I would
not approve if the Soviets did ; but that goes unhindered.
Mr. Humes. Do you mean to tell me and tell this committee that
the soviet newspapers are permitting the publication of any material
criticising or opposing the activities of the Bolshevik government ?
Miss Bryant. Why, there are other political papers being pub-
lished there.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know that all of the newspapers in Eussia
were taken over, under the constitution, by the soviet government ?
Miss Bryant. Do you know how they were distributed? I can
tell you that.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know that they were taken over ?
Miss Bryant. I know they were taken over, and for this reason:
In our country one rich man can own perhaps 20 papers and can
control their policies and can form public opinion, and they decided
in Eussia that they did not want that state of affairs, so they changed
it and made it a government force ; and it is according to how many
members you have in your party, the various printing arrangements
548 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
that you are allowed. That is the way it is run. The social revolu-
tionists have their own paper.
Mr. Humes. Then you think the proper practice for Russia, and
consequently it will be the proper practice in the United States is
to take over and control all of the newspapers; is that true?
Miss Brtakt. You see, Mr. Humes, I told you yesterday that I am
very sympathetic toward socialism. I have never been a member of
any party, but I am very sympathetic toward socialism, and the So-
cialists have believed in government ownership for 100 years.
Mr. Humes. You believe in the government ownership of news-
papers ?
Miss Betant. Of course, if I believe in government ownership I
must believe in it for newspapers.
Mr. Humes. Then you believe that the Government should con-
trol all of the newspapers ; and you say the Bolshevik is the only po-
litical power in power in Russia ; and therefore in this country if the
Democratic Partj' was in power the Democratic Party would domi-
nate all the newspapers, and if the Republican Party was in power
the Republican Party would dominate all the newspapers of the
country ?
Miss Bryakt. You did not follow me. I just said that the ma-
jority would have their own press, j^ou understand? If the Demo-
cratic Partj' was a bigger party than the Republican Party it would
have more papers, but if it was not a bigger party and if the Repub-
lican Party split, as it did at the time of the Bull Moose, then it
would not have.
Senator Overman. Do you know David Leavitt Hough?
Miss Brtant. I do not believe I do.
Senator Overman. Nevsky, 1, Petrograd?
Miss. Bryant. 1 Nevsky, Petrograd — ISTevsky Prospect? I know
the street, but I do not think I know the man.
Senator Overman. I have a letter from him this morning, and I
just wanted to identify him if I could.
Miss Bryant. I do not know him at all.
Senator Overman. He says :
I know and understand so well the Russian character that I know how
hopeless it is that they will ever be able to " self-determine " until the oppor-
tunity is made for them so to do by policing- the country from the outside
under the direction of some such wise and generous man as Gen. Wood, who
did so well in Cuba.
Miss Bryant. Xo; I don't know him. I have never met him.
Senator Overman. He says he spent a part of his time in Russia.
Mr. Hujies. Miss Bryant, in order that we may get your viewpoint—
because the viewpoint of a witness is always important in weighing
the testimony — you feel that when' the United States interfered in
Cuba in order to maintain a stable government, it was inter-
fering with the free self-determination of the people of Cuba, and
that it was a mistake, and that Cuba ought to havie been permitted
to conduct a civil war and settle its own affairs without the assist-
ance of anyone else ; is that true ?
Miss Bryant. I can not answer you that, because I know very little
about Cuba. I could not possibly answer it without speaking unm-
telligently. I am glad to tell you, however, that I think that Mexico
ought to settle its own affairs.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 549
Mr. HuBiEs. In other words, if the situation in Cuba
Miss Betant. I do not know anything about Cuba. I will tell
you that from the beginning.
Mr. Humes. Wait until I ask the question. If the conditions in
Cuba at the time of the American intervention were similar to the
conditions in Mexico at this time, or the conditions in Russia, it was
wrong for this country to assist in the organization and establish-
ment of a stable government and the restoration of peace?
Miss Brtant. I do not think it is synonymous at all, from what
little I know of it ; but I am not going to discuss it, because I said I
do not know anything about Cuba, and you would put me on record
as saying something about a country which I do not know anything
about.
Mr. Humes. You say it is not analogous, and yet you say you df»
not know anything about it ?
Miss Beyant. I have not concealed my opinion about Russia, and
you know that perfectly well, so why drag in Cuba ?
Mr. Humes. I am trying to get your viewpoint.
Miss Betant. I said I actually believed in self-determination. But
a little bit of an island like Cuba can hardly be compared with a
country like Russia, with 180,000,000 people.
Mr. Humes. You believe that Russia should have self-determina-
tion
Miss Betant. I do.
Mr. Humes (continuing). Without interference from this country,
to establish their own government ; but it is proper for them, during
the time they are trying to establish their own government, to under-
take to interfere with the political affairs of other countries than
their own, and to appropriate money for that purpose?
Miss Betant, I do not know whether they are doing that or not.
You can find out from Mr. Nuorteva. I do not know what they are
doing with their funds, or if they are allowed to use funds.
Senator Wolcott. May I interject a remark there? I thought I
understood you to say yesterday that you knew they were interfering
with the political affairs of another nation, to wit, Germany ?
Miss Betant. Oh, yes ; in Germany.
Senator Wolcott. Now, why do they not let Germany alone? Why
do they not apply their doctrine there •
Miss Brtant. You do not object to the fact that they brought about
the German revolution and stopped the war long ahead of time? It
was one of their ways of fighting.
Senator Wolcott. It is absolutely not worth while for me to under-
take to try to question you. I make the same complaint against you
that you make against this committee. You will not let me finish what
I am asking. Go ahead and make your statement.
Miss Betant. That was one of their ways of fighting, by destroying
Germany from the inside- They did it, and they did it very effec-
tively ; and any military man will tell you that if it had not been for
them the war would have lasted a great deal longer than ijt did.
Senator Wolcott. I doubt if a military man would say that. I
think a military man would say that the Germans were beaten on the
west front, and that is what caused the war to end.
550 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Beyaxt. But beating tlie Germans on the western front did
not necessarily mean that the Kaiser had to abdicate. A military
defeat does not always mean a change of government.
Senator Wolcott. I think it does.
Miss Bryant. Ebert always stood for the Kaiser, and so did Scheid-
emann, so why should they be against him at any time ?
Senator Wolcott. I do not think you are very well qualified to dis-
cuss military problems, and neither am I.
Miss Bryant. I agree with you, Senator Wolcott ; I am not ; and
that is vfhj I do not think that bank clerks and Y. M. C. A. secretaries,
or very old ladies, ought to come to you and tell you that we should
have a thousand troops in Eussia, or 10,000 troops in Russia, because
I do not think they know anything about military affairs. I would
not presume to tell this committee how many troops ought to go to
Russia to overwhelm the Bolsheviki.
Senator Overman. You are opposed to any troops going there at
all?
Miss Bryant. Yes. I am opposed to it, surely, because the people
in Russia do not want them there. I have two brothers in the Army,
who volunteered and went to France to fight for democracy. They
did not volunteer to fight the Russians; they volunteered to fighit
the Germans.
Senator Overjian. I want to say that this committee has to be in
the Senate in five minutes, as the appropriation bill is coming up to-
day, and so we will have to take a recess. I do not know whether to
take a recess until half past 3 or not. Senator Wolcott has agreed
to stay and conduct this examination and hear Miss Bryant's state-
ment, and I hoiDe, Mr. Humes, you will let her make her statement
and not ask too many questions; but Senator Wolcott will conduct
the hearing. I am sorry I have to go, but we will just let Senator
Wolcott stay here, as he has kindly agreed to do it. I will turn this
letter from Mr. Hough over to you, Mr. Humes, as he wants to be
heard. I am sorry I can not stay, but I have got to go.
Senator Wolcott. All right. Miss Bryant, you may proceed.
Miss Bryant. One point I want to make particularly clear is that
in all the time I was in Russia I did not hear Russians denouncing
America and saj'ing they hated America. On the other hand, they
seemed to have a more friendly feeling toward us than they did
toward any other nation.
Before I left Russia I went to see Marie Spirodonova, who is the
most politically powerful woman in Russia, and the last thing that
she said was, " Try to make them understand in great America how
hard we over here are striving to maintain our ideals." They always
had the feeling that we alone would stand out against intervention,
would stand out against any real bad conduct of other nations toward
Russia ; that if Russia was hard pressed, as it was at that time, that
we would not stand for going in there and trying to crush the
people.
Another point I wanted to bring out was that in all this reign of
terror these men here have told you about, it is well to remember
that not one American citizen was killed in Eussia during all of
that turmoil.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 551
Mr. Humes. May I ask you right there, has not this woman you
spoke of been since imprisoned by the Bolsheviki ?
Miss Bryant. No, sir. If you will ask Gregory Yarros about
that — ^he is the Associated Press man — ^lie can tell you the whole
story. She had a fight with the Bolsheviki. She is a very belligerent
person. She was one of the people who planned the death of Mir-
bach. She is a terrorist, and she did that; and the Soviets at the
time, while they were organizing their army and wanted to push the
Germans back, still felt that terror was a very bad thing for
any country, because it really works against you, as you know, and
stirs up all the radicals, and everybody gets blamed for it ; and they
did not' want the Germans in Moscow as a consequence, and they
thought it was not a good plan; but she really did help plan that
assassination, and yet she is still working with the Soviets.
Mr. Humes. Just let me catch that. She planned the death of
Mirbach ?
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Therefore, she was fighting the Germans ?
Miss Bryant. Oh, yes.
Mr. Humes. Yet she was put in jail because of her interference
with the Soviets in fighting the Germans ?
Miss Bryant. I did not say she was put in jail ; but you see what
they were trying to do was to prevent terror there, so that they could
go on with the regular warfare and put them out. For myself, I do
not blame Spirodonova for helping to plan the death of Mirbach. I
am not denouncing her for that. I like her better than any other
woman I know.
Mr. Humes. Go on with your statement.
Miss Bryant. Well, the point that I was going to make was that
not one American was killed in Russia. I mean by that civilians,
people who were not carrying on actual warfare.
Senator Wolcott. Men were thrown in jail, however.
Miss Bryant. I know, but don't you understand that if they had
gotten in the way of the army they should have been put in jail?
Americans were put in jail in France and other countries, correspond-
ents and others, at the beginning of the war.
Senator Wolcott. Were they not put in jail by the civil authori-
ties, as distinguished from the military authorities ?
Miss Bryant. "When a country is under military control, and in
actual civil warfare, the military authorities, of course, are the only
authorities.
Senator Wolcott. The American consul was put in jail, and is
still in jail.
Miss Bryant. Yes, because they accused him of starting a counter-
revolution, and I believe there is some good evidence of that.
One of the witnesses said that an American negro was one of the
commissars, and that showed his complete ignorance of Russian af-
fairs. There was one American negro in Petrograd, and this Ameri-
can negro was a professional gambler.
Senator Wolcott. Was that the man that they called Prof. Gordon ?
Miss Bryant. I think that is the man they called Prof. Gordon,
I don't know. This negro was arrested by the provisional govern-
ment and put in jail because they did not want him around there;
552 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
and after the Soviets came into power thej* were always having trou-
ble with this negro, but he would not go home, and stayed around
there and was always gambling, and they arrested him and took him
up to the American consulate and asked him to send him home. He
certainly did not get any place in the government.
Senator Wolcott. That was up until January, when you left?
Miss Bryant. Why should they ?
Senator Wolcott. That is the point, and I made that same inquiry,
why should they ?
Miss Bryant. I want to read something written by a man from the
French military mission in Moscow, on July 14, 1918 — a man by the
name of Sadou'l. He says, "We will not win the war by killing the
Russian revolution." This was at the time we began intervention.
Senator Wolcott. What is his nationality ?
Miss Bryant. French.
Senator Wolcott. He is a Frenchman ?
Miss Bryant. Yes : a member of the military mission there.
Senator Wolcott. You personally know him ?
Miss Bryant. No ; but I knew he was there, and I have seen him.
He continues :
By committing such a crime we shall not accomplish the task toward civiliza-
tion which the allies have set before them and we shall not realize a democratic
and just peace, the principles of which have been enunciated by our socialist
party and so eloquently developed by Wilsou.
The ministers of the entente, misinformed through the blindness of their
intelligence service, were in a position to easily delude the masses of working-
men and direct them against the power of the Soviets. But the day will come
when the allies will be swept aside and the truth proclaimed. What bitter
reproaches will then be addressed to the guilty governments for not having
known better or not having wanted to know better?
What resentment, what hatred will accumulate, and what terrible and
unnecessary fights are in store for the future ! But the crime will be irrepar-
able ! New ruins will not make old ruins look less ugly.
Mr. Humes. When was that statement made ?
Miss Bryant. July 14, 1918.
Mr. Htjmes. Do you know where this man is now ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know where he is now. He was with the
French military mission.
Mr. Humes. You do not know what his attitude is now, do you?
Miss Bryant. I suppose it is the same as it was.
Mr. Humes. You suppose that?
Senator Wolcott. The substance of what he said was that he
would not advise intervention.
Miss Bryant. He thought it would be almost irreparable for the
allies to start out with such high ideals and then to smash them.
ISenator Wolcott. His statement throws no light on the conditions
in Russia.
Miss Bryant. I will tell you of another man who did throw light
on conditions in Russia, and he knew Russia very well.
Senator Wolcott. His statement is simply the announcement of
his opinion that intervention would be unwise, and he gives the rea-
sons for having that opinion.
Miss Bryant. Yes. Well, he is a military man, and I should
think he would have some idea about it. And then, you see, Arthur
Ransome was another man who was brought up here in the testunony,
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 553
and I believe one witness said he was " at large in the United States."
Of course, I think that is a rather peculiar way to speak about a
man like Ransome.
Senator Wolcott. I do not recall that.
Miss Bryant. That was printed in one of the papers. I was not
here at the testimony.
Senator Wolcott. I do not recall it.
Mr. Humes. Do you not think that is a better sort of humor than
the sort which you say is so frequent in Russian and French papers ?
Miss Bryant. As I say, I am not a censor of European morals
at all.
Mr. Humes. Proceed with your statement.
Miss Betant. Arthur Ransome was a correspondent of the London
Daily News and also of the New York Times; and I want to say, Mr.
Humes, that the New York Times did to Arthur Ransome very much
the same thing as the Public Ledger did to me. Arthur Ransome was
their correspondent, but as soon as Arthur Ransome came out and gave
his opinion about what would happen in case of intervention they no
longer wrote of him as their regular correspondent, whose articles
they had printed from daily cables. They called him the " mouthpiece
of the Bolsheviki." And that is one of the things that I want to bring
out here, that newspaper reporters who try to honestly tell what is
happening in Russia are intimidated always when they make their
statements, and they are intimidated to the point where they not only
lose their jobs, but they lose their reputations, and they lose their
chance to make a living. That is why most of them can not afford to
tell the truth. They remain absolutely silent, or else they tell how
many people fall dead in the streets and how many horses they see
fall dead in the streets.
Mr. Humes. Which particular witness are you applying that to ?
Miss Bryant. I am referring now particularly to Mr. Herman
Bernstein.
Senator Wolcott. Miss Bryant, I want to read you a clipping from
the Philadelphia Ledger.
Miss Bryant. They read that here to me to-day, I think.
Senator Wolcott. This one ?
Miss Bryant. The one about myself ?
Senator Wolcott. Yes.
Miss Bryant. They read that to me when I first came in, and there
was a long discussion about it. That is why I mentioned it just now
again.
Senator Wolcott. I was not present.
Mr. Humes. Proceed with your statement.
Miss Bryant. The head of the Y. M. C. A. printed in the February
8, 1919, Survey an article telling about how easy it was to cooperate
with the Soviets.
Mr. Humes. What is his name ?
"Miss Bryant. His name is Davis.
Senator Wolcott. What is the date of that ?
Miss Bryant. February 8, 1919.
Senator Wolcott. What is the title of it?
Miss Bryant^ " Cooperating with the Commissars."
Senator Wolcott. By whom?
554 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Befaxt. Jerome Davis, the head of the Y. M. C. A. for two
years in Russia. I understood he was the chief secretary and that he
had charge. We understood that in Petrograd.
Mr. Humes. He had charge of a particular district, did he not?
Miss Bryant. I am not sure about that, but we always understood
he was at the head of the Y. M. C. A. in Russia. He says :
National Soviet leaders at almost every interview emphasized tfielr desire
for the continuance of our work, their wish that America would send more
men and other experts to help in all phases of educational, economic, and
relief work. Time after time they spoke of how much they wished an American
railroad commission would come to Russia. My personal experience, after hav-
ing had charge of the relationships with the Bolshevik government during almost
the entire period that the Y. M. C. A. was in Soviet territory. Justifies me in
stating that we always received every cooperation from the national Soviet
government.
A * * * I" * *
The great majority of those who have worlved in Soviet Russia under the
organization mentioned above will agree with me that it is possible to help
the Russian people under the Bolshevik government.
Senator WoI/COTT. Did we not send a railroad commission to Eus-
sia
Miss Brtant. We did ; but you probably know what happened to it.
Senator Wolcott. We sent one, did we not ?
Miss Betant. Yes ; but it is not working with the people at the
present time.
Senator Wolcott. Mr. Davis says in there that the Russian people
wished we would send a railroad commission.
Miss Beta XT. He means the Soviets, of course.
Senator Wolcott. The Russian people wish we would send one
there to help the Soviets ?
Miss Beyant. That was his impression.
Senator Wolcott. You do not think we ought to do that, do you ?
Miss Beyant. Well, I think we ought to decide that for ourselves.
I think a great deal of our unemployment in America is due to the
fact that we do not have an open avenue into Russia now, because they
need all sorts of supplies, and I think it would be helpful for both
countries if we really had more amicable relations.
Senator Wolcott. I thought your idea was that the Russian people
did not want our business men around. Why should we send anything
over there to help them in any way.
Miss Beyant. For one reason ; it is good business ; if for no other
reason. Every country wants to trade with Russia. You will agree
with me on that.
Senator Wolcott. Yes ; but this proposition is to send a railroad
commission over there to work with the Soviets. Do you favor our
going over there and helping the Soviets ?
Miss Betant. I think you are the people who ought to decide that.
I do not know anything about it.
Mr. Humes. I thought Russia ought to decide that. I thought
they ought to determine these things themselves. Your position now
is that the United States Government ought to settle the question as
to whether they will send anything over there to help the soviet gov-
ernment, and yet you question as to whether any intervention shall
be undertaken against the Soviets ; that that is a matter for Russia to
settle. How do you reconcile those two positions ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 555
Miss Bexant. Mr. Humes, I am perfectly consistent. I think we
ought to settle what action we should take, and I said the Russians
ought to settle their own affairs — ^their own actions. If we decide now
whether we shall send a commission or shall not send a commission,
that is our business. That is what I said from the beginning.
Mr. Humes. Is not that interfering with their self-determination ?
Do YOU not think that they ought to determine whether we shall send
anyone over there to help or not?
Miss Brtant. If they ask us for it, it is for us to decide whether we
will do it. Of course, we are not going to send a commission in there
just willy nilly, without their asking for any of these things or with-
out it being to our advantage to comply.
Mr. Humes. You quoted Jerome Davis. I want to read you two
sentences from an official report of Jerome Davis to the American
Consul General. You have quoted him as an authority. [Reading ;]
The legitimate criticism of Government acts was stifled by the suppression
of all except Bolsheviki papers, and the opposite parties were either under
arrest or In hiding. At the same time the Government gave up all hope of
printing to represent all classes and parties of workers and peasants, but there-
after busied itself in trying to keep the power.
Miss Bryant. Well, that was during the first days, was it not, in
the transitory period? Everybody knows that when a people first
take over the government, and a city is under martial law, there is not
much free press at that particular time.
Mr. Humes. This was after the assassination of Mirbach.
Miss Bryant. That was also in a critical hour.
Mr. Humes. This was subsequent to that ?
Miss Bryant. I would like to read you an explanation of Lenine's
attitude toward the press. He wrote this :
In the serious, decisive hour of the revolution and the days immediately
following, the provisional revolutionary committee was compelled to adopt a
whole series of measures against the counter-revolutionary press of all shades.
At once cries ai-ose from all sides that the new socialistic authority was
violating the essential principles of its program. The workers' and soldiers'
government draws attention to the fact that In our country behind such a
shield of liberalism is hidden an attempt to poison the minds and bring con-
fusion into the consciousness of the masses. It was impossible to leave such
a weapon as willful misrepresentation In the hands of the enemy, for it is
not less dangerous than bombs and machine guns.
That is why temporary and extraordinary measures have been adopted for
cutting ofe the stream of calumny in which the yellow press would be glad
to drown the young victory of the people.
As soon as the order will be consolidated, all administrative measures
against the press will l)e suspended. Full liberty will be given within the
broadest and most progressive measures in this respect; even in critical mo-
ments the restriction of the press is admissible only within the bounds of
necessity.
Mr. HuJiES. Is not that policy being invoked more strongly to-day
than it was at the time that statement was made ?
Miss Bryant. I do not think so.
Mr. Humes. Do you know?
Miss Bryant. You understand — I have not been there, but they
are still publishing other papers.
Mr. Humes. Will you name some other papers that are being
published in Russia than Bolshevik papers or papers that are con-
trolled by the government?
556 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryaxt. If yon want to bring me the files, I do not know the
names, but I can get the papers.
Mr. Humes. I will be glad to have you furnish me with Russian
papers printed in Eussia that are opposing the Bolshevik govern-
ment. You can give me those papers later.
Miss Bryant. I will be glad to do so. Mr. Nuorteva will giyg
them to you first hand.
There is also another thing that I want to bring out, and that is
about terror. The white terror in Finland was perhaps the worst
terror of the whole war in any country. You know that the White
Guard Finns attempted to establish a German king on the throne
and the White Guards fought in the German trenches from the
beginning of the war. I have some pictures which I want to give
you showing the White Guards, and these [indicating] are Red
Guards that they shot by machine gun fire.
Mr. Humes. Did you take those pictures?
Miss Bryant. They were taken just after I had gone through
Finland. These were brought over to Mr. Nuorteva by a man who
escaped. These are people shot down by machine guns.
Mr. Humes. That was the terror in Finland ?
Miss Bryant. Yes, as I said, the terror was not always on one
side. I just want to prove a point. This is white terror.
Mr. Humes. How do you tell whether these are White Guards
or Bed Guards?
Miss Bryant. By the white arm band, and because the only ones
that were killed by machine guns were the Bed Guards.
Mr. Humes. Did not the Bolshevik guards use machine guns?
Miss Bryant. They did not take bunches of people out in fifties
and shoot them with machine gun fire deliberately.
Mr. Humes. They did not ?
Senator Wolcott. What you mean is that they did not do it while
you were there.
Miss Bryant. They would not do it because they are not organized
against the people. They don't have to shoot great masses.
Senator Wolcott. You think they would not do it, because what
they have on paper is their practice?
Miss Bryant. They are championing the poorer classes of people,
and they do not get great masses of people and shoot them generally.
Senator Wolcott. You mean that they would not do that if they
had been carrying on their principles, but you do not know whether
that is so.
Miss Bryant. We do not know that they have done that.
Senator Wolcott. Witnesses have been here and testified.
Miss Bryant. But they did not see them.
Senator Wolcott. They saw them led out by the firing squads.
Miss Bryant. They did not see them.
Senator Wolcoit. They saw them led out, but could not see them
shot.
Miss Bryant. I did not see any either, but I am discredited when
I say that.
Senator Wolcott. I am pointing out the unreliability of your
information. ^Vhen a man sees the firing squad take out prisoners
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 557
and hears shots, he is justified, I think, in his opinion that they have
been shot.
Miss Beyant. I tell you that I know very well that this man,
Jacob Peters, who was supposed to be the head executioner of the
Soviet, was not that sort of man. Peters told me at various times
that the only people Avhom he believed in killing were traitors in his
own ranks, people who were grafters and who tried to steal every-
thing, people in a time like that who did not stick to the high moral
principle of revolutionary discipline. Those are the people in many
cases who were executed by the soviet, people in their own ranks.
Senator Wolcott. That is what Peters said ?
Miss Bryant. That was his whole principle of belief, and I believe
that is what he would do.
Senator Wolcott. Let me ask you. a question: Is it your idea,
because a man says that he believes so-and-so, that he never acts con-
trary to that ?
Miss Bryant. But you see my idea was that — I knew this man
Peters, and he is an idealist, a very esthetic young man, not the kind
of man who is a real butcher. And because I knew this man and knew
what he did or tried to do in Russia, I do not believe that he would
permit any butchering.
Mr. Humes. You knew that Peters was a member of a big anarchist
organization in White Chapel, London, did you not, before he went
back to Russia ?
Miss Bryant. I can not imagine him being an anarchist, because
he is a socialist. It is impossible to be both.
Mr. Humes. You deny that he is a member, of the anarchist group
in London?
Miss Bryant. I can not deny it. I did not know him in London.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know that the testimony that has been
taken by the committee has established that he was in London ? You
said yesterday he was in London ?
Miss Bryant. Oh, yes ; he was in London. I know that.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know that the testimony here shows that
he was a member of an anarchistic group ?
Miss Bryant. Wasn't it a socialist club ?
. Mr. Humes. That barricaded themselves in White Chapel after
the commission of some crimes ?
Miss Bryant. I never understood that Peters ever took any part in
political activities in London. I knew he was a clerk in a commission
house.
Mr. Humes. The reason he did not take a part in political affairs
in the sense that we generally use " political affairs " is that anarchists
are opposed to political activity or participation in politics, and they
believe simply m the use of force in the overthrow of the govern-
ment. That is the sense in which you say that he took no part \
Miss Bryant. I do not think that is the anarchists' doctrine. 1
am not particularly interested in their doctrine, but their doctrine is
that all governments are founded by force — which, of course, is a
fact— and therefore they are against all government; but I do not
believe they believe in force at all. I do not know that many of them
are terrorists.
558 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. Do you not think that the anarchists and the I. AV. W
are both opposed to participation in political affairs ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; because they do not believe in governments.
Mr. Humes. These pictures are on post cards ?
Miss Bryant. They were reprinted.
Mr. Humes. They were made for propaganda purposes?
Miss Bryant. Oh, no ; they were not ; not that I ever knew of.
Mr. Humes. Are they on post cards ?
Miss Bryant. They were reprinted. They only had one copy, so
I could not have brought it up to show you unless it was reprinted.
You would not call that propaganda.
Mr. HuaiEs. They are simply in the state that they are sold in public
places.
Miss Bryant. Are they sold in public places?
Mr. Humes. Is not that the form in which they are put on sale?
Miss Bryant. Yes; but that is one of the easiest ways to print
photographs.
Mr. Humes. In other words, it is not a private picture.
Miss Bryant. That has nothing to do with it, because it is printed
on a post card. That is not logical.
Mr. Humes. , You have seen very many German propaganda pic-
tures in just that same form, have you not? Was it not the practice
of the Germans to put out pictures of that kind ?
Miss Bryant. I do not know. You mean the post cards?
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Miss Bryant. I do not know what that has to do with it. When
you have a camera of this size you usually print them on these cards,
because they are very handy. It has nothing to do with the picture
at all.
Mr. Humes. Proceed with your statement, Miss Bryant.
Miss Bryant. Well, you mean that I should continue by myself '.
Mr. Humes. Go right on.
Miss Bryant. I do not care to say any more, except that I hope
other witnesses will be called who have been mentioned by me in this
testimony.
Mr. Humes. Then, there are just two or thrfee questions that I want
to ask. In the first place, you have said something about equal suf:
frage.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Was not equal suffrage granted by Kerensky in his
regime?
Miss Bryant. Kerensky did not grant it; it was granted by the
revolution.
Mr. Humes. When I say Kerensky, I am only distinguishing be-
tween the ending of the old regime and the Bolshevik regime.
Miss Bryant. It was granted before the time of the Kerensky
government, during the time of Miliukov.
Mr. HuBtES. It was immediately after the March revolution?
Miss Bryant. No, no; I will explain that. At the time of the
first revolution women were enfranchised. The Kussians could not
conceive that they did not have equal suffrage. The subject was not
discussed, even.
Mr. Humes. It was not a new thing after the Bolsheviki came into
power ?
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 559
Miss Bryant. No; but it continued after they came into power.
Mr. Htjmes. You said something about Madame Kollontay.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Had she not, since you were there, broken with the
soviet republic, the soviet government ?
Miss Bryant. Why, she went to Stockholm. There had been a
very short misunderstanding, as usually occurs between politicians ;
but she went back into the soviet government afterwards.
Senator Wolcott. Why do you think she went to Stockholm ?
Miss Bryant. She went there, I suppose, because they were always
trying to carry on the work there.
Senator Wolcott. You do not think she went because she was
afraid she would be put in jail?
Miss Bryant. No.
Mr. Humes. She was married?
Miss Bryant. She was, and that will explain — that was one of the
reasons for her quarrel with the soviet leaders. Dybenko, who was
at one time the head of the navy, took back into service some old
Kussian officers, because they had promised him that they would be
faithful to the revolutionary government, and they were fighting
at that time against the Germans. Well, these same old officers
promptly turned over the port of Narva to the Germans without
any resistance. Dybenko, as head of the navy, was held responsible
for it, because he had trusted these old-regime men, and for a short
time they put him in jail. That is an example of how impossible
it is to trust the old officers.
Mr. Humes. The fact is that she and her husband both fled ?
Miss Bryant. She did not flee.
Mr. Humes. They left Russia?
Miss Bryant. They came back again. They are still in the soviet.
Mr. Humes. When did they come back?
Miss Bryant. They did not stay in Stockholm very long.
Mr. Humes. About when; while you were there or since that
time?
Miss Bryant. Afterwards.
Mr. Humes. How long afterwards; in the summer or just this
last fall?
Miss Bryant. They left about March, 1918, and they went back
probably in March. I do not know, some time around there. I do
not think they stayed away very long.
Mr. Humes. What is the source of your information about their
return ?
Miss Bryant. Well, I heard some of it from various sources.
Mr. Humes. And your information that you have heard in that
country
Miss Bryant. I heard it from some one who came from Stockholm
and Imew about it — saw them there.
Mr. Humes. You said something about the Philadelphia Public
Ledger.
Miss Bryant. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Who was the man representing the Public Ledger that
asked you to change your credentials so as to make it appear that you
represented it ?
560 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Bryant. You see, Mr. Spurgeon has charge of the Public
Ledger, he is the editor in chief, and Mr. Watlnns has charge of the
syndicate ; and when I went up there and they told me to write these
articles for them I said, " Well, how about these passes ? They have
on them ' The Bell Newspaper Syndicate,' and what will I do about
it?" Mr. Watkins said, "You' can fix that up. Put the Public
Ledger in."
Mr. HtJMES. What is Mr. Watkins's position with the Public
Ledger ?
Miss Betant. He is head of the syndicate.
Mr. Humes. What syndicate ?
Miss Bryant. The Ledger syndicate.
Mr. Htjmes, And Mr. Watkins was the man that asked you to
change your credentials ?
Miss Bryant. I do not remember the exact conversation. It was
not extraordinary.
Mr. Humes. I understand that you did not represent yourself in
Russia as representing the Public Ledger at all.
Miss Bryant. No ; as a representative of the Bell Syndicate. I went
on the Metropolitan credentials almost all the time.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that Dr. Harold Williams represented
the New York Times rather than Mr. Kansome?
Miss Bryant. He did not write any more dispatches than Eansome
did. They both appeared daily in the New York Times.
Mr. Humes. Were they both representatives?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; they were certainly considered such.
Senator Wolcott. Just a minute. You have said, have you, all
that you want to say ?
Miss Bryant. Yes ; except, as I said, I want to urge that the people
who were at the head of organizations like the American Military Mis-
sion, the American Red Cross, and the Y. M. C. A., and the Friends
(Quakers), and various other official organizations, should be called
instead of underlings, because I have had to make in my testimony
a statement as to what I thought they would say, and I had to give
their opinion, and I wish they would be called to verify these state-
ments.
Senator Wolcott. You have not had to do that. You have chosen
to do that. I am particularly interested to know whether there are
any facts about Russia that you want to state in addition to what
you have given.
Miss Bryant. No ; just simply to say that, as I stated before, my
whole idea is that I believe in self-determination, and I do not think
the Russians are such beasts and fanatics as many of the witnesses
have tried to make out.
Mr. Humes. Just another question. What witness do you know
has attempted to say that the Russian people are beasts? Has any
witness referred to the Russian people in any but the most kindly way?
Miss Bryant. When they say that people are murdered by thou-
sands, and that people are starved, and all those conditions exist, I
would consider it just exactly the same thing.
Senator Wolcott. Certainly they were killed to an extent.
Miss Bezant. Of course, they were in our Civil War and in all
civil wars.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 561
Senator Wolcott. I notice by the morning's paper the official an-
nouncement by the Commissioner of the Interior Litovzky, who says
that not more than 13,700 were shot by the orders of the extraordi-
nary commission up to the 1st of last January, and the article also
states that there were no figures for those that were killed
Miss Bryant. I think it would be absolutely impossible to find cor-
rect figures like that.
Senator Wolcott. That there was no record made of the numbers
shot in small towns and villages, as the local authorities have avoided
all bureaucratic methods and often acted on simple intuition.
Miss Bryant. You see, they do that in the south when they lynch
people.
Senator Wolcott. So the Soviets are to be compared to the people
in the south that lynch ?
Miss Bryant. No.
Senator Wolcott. Why did you make that statement unless you
wanted to infer that comparison ?
Miss Bryant. I only wanted to infer that in all countries events
occur which other countries do not aprove of, and that we have been
prejudiced against the Russians. We think that everything they do
is bad and immoral, and I have wanted to protest.
Senator Wolcott. I do not think that impression has been created
here.
Miss Bryant. I hope it has not, but it seems to me that it had,
when I was listening.
(Thereupon, at 12.30 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee took a recess
until 3.30 o'clock p. m.)
AFTER RECESS.
The subcommittee met at 3.30 o'clock p. m., pursuant to the taking
of the recess.
Senator Wolcott. The meeting will come to order. Senator Over-
man is detained in the Senate for a short time and has asked me to
start the hearing. I look for him to come in at almost any moment.
Major, you have a witness?
Mr. Humes. Mr. Reed.
TESTIMONY OF MR. JOHN REED.
Senator Wolcott. Hold up your right hand.
Mr. Reed. I prefer to affirm.
Senator Wolcott. Have you any scruples against taking an oath 'i
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. You are not a Quaker, are you, Mr. Reed?
Mr. Reed. No.
Senator Wolcott. What is the nature of your scruples agamst
taking an oath ?
Mr. Reed. I just do not care to take an oath. I have not taken an
oath for a year. I prefer to affirm.
Senator Wolcott. Do you state that you have conscientious scru-
ples against taking an oath ?
Mr. Reed. Yes, sir.
85723—19 36
562 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
Senator Wolcott. Hold up your right hand. Do you solemnly
affirm that the evidence that you shall give shall be the truth, the
A\hoIe truth, and nothing but the truth, and so you do affirm^
Mr. Reed. I do solemnly affirm.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Reed, where do you reside?
Mr. Reed. 1 Patchin Place, New York.
Mr. HuJiEs. Ho^Y long have you resided in New York, approxi-
mately ?
Mr. Reed. Since 1911.
Mr. Humes. Prior to that you ^Yere a resident of Oregon, I believe?
Mr. Reed. Yes ; a resident of Oregon. I have not been there for a
long time, but I was a resident there.
Mr. Humes. You were born in Oregon, were you not ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. But you lived in Oregon, or that was really your home
until the time you came to New York, was it not ?
Mr. Reed. Y es ; that is to say, I was in Boston for four years, and
around Xew York, in school, for two years, and two years abroad.
Mr. Humes. But you have been in Xew York since 1911 ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Now, Mr. Reed, when did you first go to Russia; after
the outbreak of the European war?
Mr. Reed. I went in 1915 ; sailed in March for Italy and Greece;
went up to Serbia and Roumania, I suppose it was in April or May,
1915.
Mr. Humes. You were in this country at the time of the outbreak of
the Avar, were you ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. When did 3'ou first go to Europe after the outbreak
of the war?
Mr. Reed. I went to Europe immediately after the outbreak of the
war. I was out on the coast the day the war broke out and sailed
immediately. I got to Paris just at the Battle of the Marne.
Mr. Humes. How long did you stay in France at that time?
Mr. Reed. I stayed there three or four months.
Mr. Humes. Where did you go from there?
Mr. Reed. I went to Germany.
Mr. Humes. How long were you in Germany?
Mr. Reed. About a month and a half or two months.
Mr. Humes. Were you on the firing line during that time?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. In what capacity were you there?
Mr. Reed. As a reporter for the Metropolitan Magazine.
Mr. Humes. And where did you go from Germany ?
Mr. Reed. I went from Germany to England. I bought a ticket
to London on the JJnter den Linden^ went to England, and went back
to France.
Mr. Humes. How long did you stay in France?
Mr. Reed. A few days. Then I went back to England and sailed
for home.
Mr. Humes. And then when did you make your second trip to
Europe ?
Mr. Reed. Well, I got home about February and I started again
about a month or so later.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 563
Mr. Humes. And what countries did you visit on that occasion?
Mr. Keed. I visited Italy, Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, Roumania,
Turkey, and Eussia.
Mr. Humes. You were not in Germany on that trip ?
Mr. Eeed. No.
Mr. Humes. Nor France?
Mr. Reed. No.
Mr. Humes. About when did you land in Russia?
Mr. Eeed. Well, I was saying — I can not remember exactly. I
think it was about the end of April or May.
Mr. Humes. 1915 or 1916?
Mr. Reed. 1915.
Mr. Humes. 1915?.
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. How long did you stay in Eussia?
Mr. Reed. Well, I stayed there about two months.
Mr. Humes. Then you came back to this country?
Mr. Reed. Then I came back through Eoumania, Serbia, and Bul-
garia, and sailed to this country.
Mr. Humes. When did you get to this country, the fall of 1915 ?
Mr. Eeed. The fall of 1915.
Mr. Humes. When did you next go to Europe?
Mr. Eeed. I nest went to Europe — sailed August IT, 1917, 1 believe.
Mr. Humes. August 17, 1917? That was the trip on which you
took your wife ?
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. You secured passports for that trip, I suppose ?
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Were there atiy assurances given to the State Depart-
ment incidentally to the issuing of these passports ?
Mr. Eeed. Yes ; there were. I do not exactly remember the phras-
ing of it, but I remember that I was asked to give it so that I would
not represent the Socialist Party at the Stockholm conference. How-
ever, the thing was so much on my mind that after I did get to Petro-
grad, I was asked to make a lot of speeches at different places around —
a lot of political speeches — so I went and asked Consul Treadwell
what I should do about it, and he said he would not do it if he were
I, and so I did not do it. I refused to participate in any political
conferences or conventions.
Senator Wolcott. Were these assurances under oath?
Mr. Eeed. Yes, sir ; I think they were.
Senator Wolcott. Do you not know ?
Mr. Eeed. I do not remember. I did not have so many conscien-
tious scruples then as I do now. I think that I took oath at that time.
Senator Wolcott. Have you any objection to stating the nature of
your scruples against taking an oath?
Mr. Eeed. I do not like to swear because I think it is undignified to
have to commit yourself. I trust my own word, and I expect other
people to trust it, and I do not intend to tell lies.
Senator Wolcott. Then your desire not to be sworn is rather more
from a sense of pride than from conscientious scruples.
Mr. Eeed. Well, I have conscientious scruples against swearing._ I
do not see why I should swear on any particular book, or anything
564 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGASTDA.
of that kind. The whole tiling is mixed up with religious dogma,
which I do not approve of.
Senator Wolcott. We do not swear witnesses on any particular
book.
Mr. Reed. That is what is in my mind. That is all there is to it
Senator Wolcott. Suppose you put yourself in the same class with
the other witnesses.
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. If you will hold up your right hand. then. I
will swear you.
(The witness was sworn by Senator Wolcott.)
Mr. Humes. Did you, or did you not. engage in any political
activities when you were in Russia?
Mr. Eeed. Yes, sir.
Mr. Humes. You were engaged in political activities?
Mr. Reed. Yes ; I suppose you might call them political activities.
Mr. HuJiES. Then you did disregard on that occasion the oath that
you took to secure your passports in doing the thing that you had
promised under oath not to do ?
Mr. Reed. No; I do not concede that at all, because I promised
for a vei-y definite purpose ; and, as I say, I always asked advice. I was
thinking of it entirely in a political gathering and not as doing any
political work for the Russian soviet government against Germany.
And even in that work, I asked advice about that. Possibly I should
not have asked advice. I did not consider it part of my oath, any
more than when I was invited to go back to Petrograd as a repre-
sentative of the American Government, or something of that sort.
I consider that political work, but it was not a violation of my oath.
Mr. Humes. You did make speeches over there, did you not?
Mr. Eeed. I made a few speeches, but not in a political sense. I
did not make them as a politician and I did not make them as a repre-
. sentative of anybody or any political organization.
Mr. Humes. You made a speech before the third congress
Mr. Reed. Of Soviets.
Mr. Humes (continuing). Of the council of soldiers and workers'
deputies, did you not?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. You and Mr. Williams and Mr. Eeinstein all spoke on
that occasion?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. What other political activities did you engage in over
there ?
Mr. Reed. I was a member of the bureau of international revolu-
tionary propaganda attached to the commissar for foreign affairs.
Mr. Humes. That is the organization of which Mr. Eeinstein was
the head?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. For how long a period of time were you connected
with that?
Mr. Reed. About two months. . ,
Mr. Humes. Can you give us a more definite account of the penod
covered by those two months ?
Mr. Reed. I left Petrograd— February 7. January 7, December
7 — perhaps about December 1. I am not quite sure.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 565
Mr. Humes. You commenced that work about December 1 ?
Mr. Keed. I think so ; yes.
Mr. HiTMES. When did you leave Russia?
Mr. Reed. February 7.
Mr. Humes. That was February 7, 1918, that you left?
Mr. Reed. Yes. I am pretty positive of the date.
Mr. Humes. It is my understanding — I may be wrong about it — •
that you left there about the 20th of January. Possibly that would
be on the Russian calendar.
Mr. Reed. That is my recollection of it. I am not quite sure. I
think I was trying to make a boat that sailed February 12 on our
calendar. Of course, the two calendars are more or less mixed up,
but that is my impression. I am basing it on my wife's testimony.
She left on the 20th of January and I left 10 or 12 days later.
Mr. Humes. You did not leave together, then ?
Mr. Reed. No, sir.
Mr. Humes. My understanding was that you left together.
Mr. Reed. No, sir.
Mr. Humes. She was not in Stockholm when you got there ?
Mr. Reed. No.
Mr. Humes. She had left before you got there ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. What was the official status of this propaganda bu-
reau with which you were coimected?
Mr. Reed. The official status? I do not know exactly how to an-
swer that question. It was one of the departments of the commis-
sariat of foreign affairs.
Mr. Humes. What was the business of that organization, to pub-
lish newspapers or literature, or
Mr. Reed. We collaborated in the publication of newspapers, and
my particular job was — that is, as far as the English language was
concerned, it was — to see that the decrees and the actions of the soviet
government were translated into English. The translation was not
my job, but as far as English was concerned. I also collaborated in
the gathering of material and data and distributing of papers to go
into the German trenches.
Mr. Humes. I call your attention to decree No. 8, dated December
23, 1917, and ask you if that is one of the decrees that you translated
into English [handing paper to the witness] ?
Mr. Reed (after examining paper). No; I did not translate that
into English.
Mr. Humes. You saw it translated into English?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. That is one of the decrees that was issued during the
time that you were working there?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. This is the decree appropriating 2,000,000 rubles for
the needs of the revolutionary international movement and for the
purpose of carrying on the work of the soviet governments in other
countries than Russia. That is correct, is it not ?
Mr. Reed. I think so ; yes ; if I remember. That, however, had
nothing to do -v^ith our department.
566 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. You said you were translating these decrees, and this
is one of the decrees, and I thought that was one of those you trans-
lated.
Mr. Reed. No ; I did not translate that decree.
Mr. Humes. How many newspapers were you publishing or col-
laborating in at that time?
Mr. Reed. I was a very small cog in the machine. I merely got ma-
terial and handed it over to these various groups. I have an article
here that tells about it, the press bureau which Radek was the head
of and which was publishing those papers. The press bureau edited
the papers. They published one paper in German, which changed its
name from Die Fackel to Der Volkfriede, and we got out half a
million distribution a day of that, and then we got out half a million
of a Hungarian paper, and a quarter of a million of a Bohemian paper,
and a quarter of a million of a Roumanian paper, and a quarter mil-
lion of a Turkish paper ; and then we translated all the decrees, etc.
Mr. Humes. Is that a copy of one of the papers that you were
publishing [handing paper to witness] ?
Mr. Reed. Yes. I was not publishing it.
Mr. Humes. Well, I do not want to put words in your mouth. I
mean, you were collaborating in the publication of it ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Did you furnish the material in connection with the
article on the front page of that paper ?
Mr. Reed. On Wilson's speech?
Mr. Humes. Yes ; with reference to Wilson's speech.
Mr. Reed. No ; that was a mighty curious thing. You see, Robins
used to go to the soviet government, and ask the soviet government to
distribute American propaganda, which they did. They distributed
the Wilson speech. They put their own billposting service at his
disposal and posted it. He wanted to get his stuff into the German
trenches otherwise than by the way he was carrying it, which was
sending it down free by the soviet, and also having it distributed by
some soldiers' committees, so that he asked me to get Wilson's fourteen
points into this paper if I could.
Senator Wolcott. Who asked you ?
Mr. Reed. Robins.
Senator Wolcott. Oh, yes.
Mr. Reed. So as to get it down. As a matter of fact, I took it to
the Smolny and had it telegraphed to Trotzky, who was at Brest
at that time, and Trotzky gave it publicity at Brest. But I tried to
get it into this paper. Radek was away, and there was nobody in
charge except a subeditor, and he evidently made this thing out of it
and put it in. I was very much annoyed when it came out just this
way.
Mr. Humes. Then that was published in the paper without your
knowledge or consent ?
Mr. Reed. Yes ; I had nothing to say, anyway, about it.
Mr. Humes. And yet that is one of the papers that you were col-
laborating on?
Mr. Reed. Yes. I can show you two, here, that have fierce attacks
on German militarism, and tell the German people to revolt, and so
forth and so on.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 567
Mr. Humes. When you got into Eussia, it was along, probably, two
months before the Bolshevik revolution, was it not ?
Mr. Eeed. Yes, just about; a little more.
Mr. Humes. What was the condition of affairs in Russia ?
Mr. Eeed. At that time ?
Mr. Humes. Wlien you got there.
Mr. Eeed. It was just after the Korniloff affair. Korniloff had
raised an army and marched on Petrograd and tried to seize the
military dictatorship, and the Kerensky government had split. Half
the Kerensky cabinet were immediately revealed as partisans of
Korniloff. Kerensky issued a decree declaring Korniloff an outlaw,
and armed the citizens to repel him. The moment that Kerensky
armed the citizens, something happened that he did not expect, be-
cause the democratic revolutionary organizations arose and took full
control. After about five daj^s they dominated the provisional govern-
ment entirely. With their own propaganda and their own organiza-
tions, not the governmental organizations, they destroyed Korniloff's
army. I have copies of the proclamations with which they did it;
and when Kerensky attempted again to assume control after the
democratic organization had smashed Korniloff, it was a little too
late, because the democratic organizations had proved that they were
stronger than the provisional government, and much more determined
en smashing Korniloff. Do you want me to go on and tell the
situation ?
Mr. Humes. I want you to state the actual conditions as to there
being peace or civil war, terror or anarchy, or whatever it was.
Mr. Eeed. There was civil war. Korniloff was marching on Petro-
grad; and as time went on, under the Kerensky government, things
got very bad. Then, when I arrived there, the Ukrainian government,
which is now considered very patriotic by the allies, was dickering
for a separate peace with Germany. Vinnitchenko declared that he
was going to make peace with Germany if it suited him, and the Fin-
nish senate had declared Finland autonomous. Eussia was breaking
upj as it has never broken up since. The provisional government was
quite powerless. The provisional government included a lot of So-
cialist ministers, who had entered the cabinet promising certain
things. Tchernov promised that some disposition would be made of
the land question, and when he got in there he was unable to act, be-
cause the bourgeois ministers, the propertied-class ministers, would
not play. So that when he started out by making a valuation of the
land, all he could do after three months, just at the time I arrived, Avas
to propose a small bill, proposing that committees be sent around to
make valuation of these landed estates, and these commissions were
promptly arrested by the landowners and put in jail; the landowners
would not obey the provisional government, and the peasants got mad
and began seizing the land themselves, and the government could not
bring any pressure to bear on the landowners, but they could on the
peasants, and so they sent Cossacks to restore order.
Mr. Humes. The object was to ultimately secure a constituent as-
sembly which might enact the laws providing that the lands might be
distributed and that the socialistic measures that he advocated might
be carried out ?
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
568 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. And he wanted to do that through the constituent
assembly elected by the people, and the people became restless because
of the delay in the calling of that constituent assembly.
Mr. Reed. Yes ; that is so. That is just one of the reasons for which
they became restless.
Mr. Humes. Where were you at the time of the Bolshevik revolu-
tion ? Were you in Petrograd ?
Mr. Eeed. I was in Petrograd.
Mr. Humes. Will you just describe what took place at that time as
you saw it?
Mr. Eeed. Why, yes. You see, I will have to go back just for a
moment. During the democratic conference held in Petrograd, which
I believe was financed by Col. Thompson, of the American Red Cross,
Avhich at any rate the American Red Cross at that time was uphold-
ing— I am not sure about it financing, but I have been told on very
good authority that the Red Cross was cooperating in every way with
the Kerensky government ; this was just after the Korniloff revolt—
the democratic conference voted one night to have a representative
assembly and that the propertied classes should not have any votes in
it. It was a pretty democratic affair.
Mr. Humes. Can you give us the date of that ?
Mr. Reed. It was the middle of September. The moderate Socialist
leaders hurried to the Winter Palace, and they said that this thing
was getting quite serious ; that it was going to split all Russia in half.
Kerensky declared if the propertied classes were not admitted, he
would resign ; he said that everything was going to the dpvil and the
Germans were landing, or supposed to be landing ; so his spokesmen
went back to this democratic conference and said that there must not
be a representative assembly without representation of the propertied
classes, or the wJiole government would fall. So the moderate So-
cialists managed to swing the delegates in the voting in favor of
admitting the propertied classes, the very people who had been back-
ing Korniloff. The Bolsheviki were for an all-Socialist government,
and they declared that this was a trick, so that they walked out and
called for a congress of Soviets, of workers' and soldiers' deputies, to
meet in October. This congress should have been called in September,
according to the soviet constitution, but the Kerensky crowd— I
mean the representatives of the moderate Socialists — refused to call
this congress. The moderate Socialists were not going to call this
congress if they could a^'oid it, because the sov]ets had been becoming
one by one Bolsheviki.
Mr. Humes, "\¥hen had the First All-Russian Soviet met?
Mr. Reed. That was in June.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that the only requirement was that that
should meet twice a year?
Mr. Reed. No; every three months. The second congress should
have been held three months later.
Mr. Humes. All right; proceed.
Mr. Reed. As the day approached for the meeting of this congress
of the Soviets, not only the government opposed it but all the moderate
Socialist leaders, who had been losing their constituents to the Bol-
sheviki. It soon became evident that either the soviet would meet
and declare that the provisional government did not represent the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.' 569
people and take over the government themselves, and the provisional
government would resign, or else there would be a fight between
the two. That strife between the provisional government and the
Soviets of soldiers' and workers' deputies had been going on for a
whole year. There were two governments existing in Eussia.
Now, the congress of the Soviets was to meet November 7. On the
night of November 5 the Kerenskjr. government — well, there are
several details in that story, one the formation of the military revo-
lutionary committee. The Kerensky government, knowing that the
garrison of Petrograd was all Bolshevik, had ordered it out of the
city, in spite of the will of the soldiers' committees. The garrison did
not want to leave without being sure of the regiments that were com-
ing to take their places, that they should be composed of soldiers who
could be trusted to preserve the revolution ; and if they left they did
not know what reaction there might be. So that this strife between
the provisional government and the military revolutionary com-
mittee, which represented the Petrograd garrison, became very severe,
and finally came to an open clash; the military revolutionary com-
mittee declared that it would not obey the provisional government until
it had representation in the general staff. The Kerensky govern-
ment, on the night of the 4th of November, sent a general to the
Smolny Institute to say that he would grant this representation, and
then Gen. Manikoffsky revoked that offer of Kerensky himself at
2 o'clock in the morning. The next night Kerensky sent regiments of
troops to close down the Bolshevik newspapers, and issued warrants
of arrest for the soviet leaders. The next day, of course, the gar-
rison gathered around the soviet, and that night the Pavloff regi-
ment, which was on duty at the genefal staff, heard the general staff
drawing up plans for the surrounding of the Smolny Institute and the
dispersal of the Soviets. The Pavloff regiment decided that they
. ought to take things into their own hands, and their committee met,
and they decided to arrest the ministers; they did arrest them and
took them to the Smolny Institute, and the Bolsheviki who were
meeting there sai>d, "We do not want anybody arrested. This is
premature. Nobody has done anything to us yet " ; and they released
the ministers, and at 6 o'clock in the morning the military committee
got conclusive, indisputable evidence that warrants had already been
issued for the arrest of Lenine and Trotzky and all the others, and
they sent out detachments from the garrison to seize and hold all the
principal points of the city. The Soviets met that night and decided
to assume the government in the name of the people of Russia, of
which they claimed that they were the true representatives, repre-
senting the great mass of the people, and the Winter Palace fell, under
bombardment, at 11 o'clock.
Mr. Humes. Was that at night or in the daytime ?
Mr. Reed. At night ; and from that time on the movement spread
in almost identical form with almost identical results practically all
over Russia, and also all over Siberia.
Mr. Htimbs. How much blood was shed and how much rioting and
how much disorder was there in the fall of the Winter Palace, or in
the taking over of the government?
Mr. Reed. I know that the chief of the militia — that is, of the city
militia — was shot when he was trying to arrest the editors of Bolshe-
vik papers. Somebody shot him.
570 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
In the taking of the Winter Palace there were 11 men killed on the
side of the Bolsheviki, and, as far as I Imow, in the fighting— I was
there all the time — I could not find any further casualties. There
was not one man killed of the people defending the palace. That was
11 men killed in the taking of the Winter Palace.
When they arrested the junkers, the officer cadets, who were de-
fending the Winter Palace, they let them go. I saw the red guards
come out with them, armed, under arrest, and they brought them to
the door and said, " Will you take up arms any more against the
risen people? " The junkers answered, " No," and they were allowed
to go free.
Four days later those same junkers went down and captured the
telephone station, and they were again taken prisoner, and this time,
owing to the intervention of Albert Rhys Williams, they were re-
leased again. Thej' were asked again if they would take up arms,
and they again said no, and they were disarmed and sent off.
Mr. Htjmes. Each time they were disarmed?
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. No ; the first time they were not disarmed, did
you not say?
Mr. Reed. Yes; they were disarmed both times.
Wlien the Cossacks came up from the south these same junkers
came out and joined Kerensky, after having given their parole twice
not to do so, and this time about 20 of them were killed.
Senator Wolcott. How many were there defending the Winter
Palace?
Mr. Reed. There were about 250 of them. When the ministers
were arrested they were taken on foot to Peter and Paul Fortress,
and there were three attempts by the crowd on the street to lynch
them — this was after midnight— but they were defended by the
Kronstadt sailors, and none of them were killed.
Senator Wolcott. The Kerensky officials were in the Winter Palace,
were they not ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Was Kerensky himself in there?
Mr. Reed. No; Kerensky escaped to the front in the morning-
early that morning — before things happened ; he went down to the
front and tried to raise an army.
But there is another point that ought to be cleared up here, be-
cause it will probably reappear over and over, and that is about the
so-called rape of the woman's battalion which was defending the
Winter Palace. I took particular pains to verify that, and I have also
a report on that from the anti-Bolshevik commission which was sent
to Levashovo to investigate. The woman's battalion found itself in
the Winter Palace. It was asked to swear allegiance to Kerensky.
There was only a very small force there, just about 250 of these
women, and 200 junkers ; and the junkers locked the woman's bat-
talion in the back of the palace so that nothing would happen to the
women. They were locked down in the cellar there, and the Bolshe-
viki, the Red Guards, after they came into the Winter Palace, looked
all around, and they thought there might be junkers hiding down
there, and they opened the door and saw this woman's battalion, and
they did not want to hurt them, nobody was very hot at that time.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 571
The Eed Guards said, " What shall we do with these people? " They
could not get the women to go out of the place ; they were afraid
that they were going to be murdered ; so that finally the Eed Guards
went and got a neutral officer of a certain regiment, who had not
joined the Bblsheviki, but who was considered an honest sort of
fellow, and he told the women that he was not a Bolshevik, and he
would see that they were treated fairly. Most of them were carried
to the Finland station and sent to Levashovo; but many of them
wanted to stay in town, and the Bolsheviki walked around with
them almost all night, looking for some place to put them, and
finally found a place to put them, and three weeks later all the
women were brought into town, and they were given civilian clothes
and disbanded as a regiment.
The reports were that a great many of these women had been
violated, and that some of them were thrown out of windows, and
that four of them had committed suicide. The report to the Duma
of Petrograd — which was against the Bolsheviki — was that one
woman had evidently been violated. No women had been killed: no
women had been thrown out of a window ; and one woman only had
committed suicide, and she left a note in which she said that she had
been disappointed in her ideals.
Mr. Humes. You heard about the deaths in this woman's battalion,
Mr. Eeed. Whom did you find in Eussia that had formerly been
residents in the United States, and what were their names ?
Mr. Eeed. I found quite a lot of people, but I do not remember all
of their names. I will tell you what I can think of.
Mr. Htjmes. As far as you can remember.
Mr. Eeed. Shatoff.
Mr. Htjmes. When had he been in the United States?
Mr. Eeed. He went back at the beginning of the Kerensky revo-
lution.
Mr. Humes. How long had he been here ?
Mr. Eeed. I think a couple of years.
Mr. Humes. He was a Eussian, was he not ?
Mr. Eeed. Yes ; he was a Eussian.
Mr. Humes. WLo else?
Mr. Eeed. Then there was a man named Petrovsky.
Mr. Humes. Was he a Eussian?
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Where did he live?
Mr. Eeed. I do not know where he lived. I met him in New York,
but I am pretty sure he did not live there. I met him before. He was
practically the only one that I had met before.
Mr. Humes. Do you know how long he had been in the United
States?
Mr. Eeed. About four or five years, I should say, maybe longer.
Mr. Humes. He was a Eussian, was he?
Mr. Eeed. He was a Eussian.
Mr. Humes. What was his correct name? Did he have another
name? . -, ■ .
Mr. Eeed. I think he had another name. All Eussian revolutionists
have other names, everyone of them.
Mr. Humes. What was his other name?
572 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGAinJA.
Mr. Eeed. Nelson.
Mr. Humes. Who else ?
Mr. Eeed. George Melnichansky.
Mr. Humes. "Wliere did he live in the United States? ,
Mr. Eeed. Bayonne, N. J.
Mr. Humes. How long had he been here ?
Mr. Eeed. I do not know.
Mr. Humes. What was his other name ?
Mr. Eeed. Melcher. He changed it because no one could pro-
nounce it.
Mr. Humes. Was he a Eussian ?
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
Mr. Husies. Who else ?
Mr. Eeed. Of course there was Trotzky, but Trotzky was only here
about a year ; and Eeinstein, and Zorin, who was commissar of posts
and telegraphs.
Mr. Humes. What was his other name ?
Mr. Eeed. Gumberg.
Mr. Humes. Was he a Eussian ?
Mr. Eeed. He is a Eussian Jew.
Mr. Humes. How Jong had he been in this country ?
Mr. Eeed. I think he was only here a few months ; I am not sure,
I know he can hardly speak English at all.
Mr. Humes. Go on; who else?
Mr. Eeed. Manyinin, who was a Eussian business man here.
Mr. Humes. What was his other name?
Mr. Eeed. That is all, I think. He had nothing to do with the
fighting at all.
Mr. Humes. Was he a Eussian ?
Mr. Eeed. He was a Eussian. He was mayor of the town of
Sestroretzk under the Bolsheviki. He was primarily a mechanic and
manufacturer.
Mr. Humes. Who else?
Mr. Eeed. Well, Alexander Gumberg, the man who got the Sisson
documents for Sisson.
Mr. Humes. What was his position over there in the government?
Mr. Eeed. He did not have any position in the government.
Mr. Humes. Who else?
Mr. Eeed. I am not saying all these people had positions in the
government. Is that what you mean ?
Mr. Humes. Confine it to the ones who had some position with the
government.
Mr. Eeed. You could confine it to Trotsky, Eeinstein, Zorin, and
I think that is all.
Senator Wolcott. Did you ever come in contact with the man who
is the head of the Nicolai Eailroad ? What was his name?
Mr. Eeed. His name was Krushinsky.
Senator Wolcott. Was he from America ?
Mr. Eeed. No ; he was not. I will tell you how this story about
Shatoff came to be told.
Senator Wolcott. There was some fellow there at one time as the
head of that railway, according to a witness who testified here, who
was very familiar with New York and the island and Brooklyn.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 573
Mr. Reed. Of course, a man who comes through the train and asks
you for your passport is not the head of a railway.
Senator Wolcott. The witness said he was.
Mr. Reed. I take issue with the witness, and I will tell you why.
I think it is a natural mistake, because every American that came to
Petrograd was told that Shatoff was a great demon, and a most ter-
rible anarchist, etc., so there have been people who have written
magazine articles who have described that they met some Russian
from the East Side who had some obscure little position — perhaps he
■was a ticket agent, and he talked about New York — and they put the
name Shatoff to him. This Shatoff who was talked about I know
intimately, as I know most of the fellows from America in prominent
positions there.
Senator Wolcott. You left there, I think you said, in January.
Mr. Humes. February 7.
Mr. Reed. Yes ; but I know pretty well what Shatoff has been do-
ing since then.
Senator Wolcott. You have not been back since that time ?
Mr. Reed. No ; but Shatoff was not the man to put in charge of a
railroad, and they never had him do that. You can look in Izvestija
and find out what Shatoff is doing.
Senator Wolcott. Was he ever put in charge of the Nicolai Rail-
road ?
Mr. Reed. Not so far as I know. I think everybody knows Shatoff
and what he was doing.
Senator Wolcott. Mr. Humes, did not a witness testify here that
the man who was the head of that railroad was Shatoff ?
Mr. Htjmes. I do not recall what the name was. That may have
been the name. He said he was the commissar or superintendent of
some work in connection with that line of railroad.
Senator Wolcott. He seemed to be boss of the situation, they said.
Mr. HrrMES. Who else, now ? Give us the names of the rest.
Senator Wolcott. The point I wanted to make was that the man
you refer to, who was talked about, never was the head of the rail-
road, as you said ?
Mr. Reed. Not so far as I know; and I am sure he could not be.
His whole job was in another direction.
Mr. Htjmes. There might be some other Shatoff.
Mr. Reed. There might be some other Shatoff, although I do not
know. Then, there was a man, as I said — this is connected with the
government, you mean?
Mr. Humes. Yes; connected with the government.
Mr. Reed. There was a man named Meshkovsky.
Mr. Humes. What was his other name?
Mr. Reed. I do not remember. I do not know whether I knew it
or not.
Mr. Humes. Was he a Russian or a Russian Jew ?
Mr. Reed. A Russian.
Mr. Humes. Who else? Just go right down the list.
Mr. Reed. I have not got any list.
Mr. Humes. You have in your mind, probably?
Mr. Reed. Well, every once in a while people would come there.
There was a fellow that I knew who used to call himself Eddie.
574 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAITOA.
That is all I knew about him. He came as the representative of
the soviet of Kharkoff, which is away down in the south. Almost
every small soviet in the industrial districts throughout Russia
had some fellow who had been in America. I know another one also—
although I did not know him when I came there — Voskoff, who was
the organizer of the carpenters' union in America and did a tre-
mendous work organizing a government arms factory just outside
of Petrograd.
Mr. Humes. What was his other name ?
Mr. Reed. That is all I knew.
Mr. Humes. Where were his headquarters ?
Mr. Eeed. I think in New York.
Mr. Humes. He was a Russian, was he?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Was he naturalized in this country ?
Mr. Reed. I do not think so. I do not know. I know he was a very
marvelous organizer.
Mr. Humes. Among the commissars in Petrograd, how many of
them had been to the United States?
Mr. Reed. You mean the council of people's commissars?
Mr. Humes. Yes ; the council of people's commissars.
Mr. Reed. Only one ; Trotzky, I think.
Mr. Humes. Trotzky was the only one?
Mr. Reed. So far as I can remember. If you will prompt, probably
I can tell you.
Mr. Humes. Have you a complete list of them ?
Mr. Reed. Of the council of commissars?
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Reed. Not at this moment. I can work it out in a few mo-
ments without any trouble.
Mr. Humes. Will you make a list and hand it to us this afternoon!
I do not want to take the time now.
Mr. Reed. Surely.
Senator Woloottt. Who was the commissar of the northern Petro-
grad commune?
Mr. Reed. At the present time?
Senator Wolcott. Who was when you were there?
Mr. Reed. There was no such thing when I was there. That was
established afterwards; it was established in about April, I think;
April or May.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know who, he was?
Mr. Reed. Zinoviev.
Senator Wolcott. My recollection is that some witness testified wko
he was, and, as I remember, he was secretary to Mr. Robins.
Mr. Reed. Zorin was meant. Zorin may have been chief commissar
of the northern commune at one time. Zorin is the man whose name
I said was Gumberg ; but, of course, it was his brother who was work-
ing with Robins. And that Gumberg was not working with Raymond
Robins at that time ; he was 'translator to Sisson.
Mr. Humes. When had he been secretary to Robins, before or after
he became engaged by Sisson ?
Mr. Reed. Before.
Mr. Humes. When did Sisson go to Russia ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 575
'I Mr. Eeed. Sisson turned up there — let me see — the end of Decem-
ber, I believe ; I think just about the middle of December.
Mr. Humes. Decembor, 1917?
Mr. Reed. Probably.
Mr. Humes. Well, December, 1917.
Mr. Eeed. Yes; sure.
Mr. Humes. Prior to that time Gumberg had been secretary to
Eobins ?
Mr. Eeed. Translator, not secretary.
Mr. Humes. Well, employed by him ?
Mr. Eeed. Of course I do not •want to cormnent on Mr. Eobins's
or Mr. Sisson's personal affairs in regard to Gumberg, but that is my
understanding. .
Mr. Humes. We are only trying to identify the man. that is all.
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Now, Mr. Eeed, during the period from the November
revolution up until you left, on the 7th of February, what was the
; condition of affairs in Petrograd ?
Mr. Eeed. Well, in order to tell you that I will have to tell what it
was like at the end of the Kerensky regime.
Mr. Humes. You did.
Mr. Eeed. No ; I did not.
Mr. Humes. I thought you covered that. I asked you some time
ago, I think.
Mr. Eeed. You did not ask me that. You asked me what it was
like when I arrived in Petrograd.
Mr. Humes. Just go on and tell us what the condition was from the
time you arrived up until the revolution, and then tell us what the
condition was during the revolution and up until the time that vou
left.
Mr. Eeed. Well, the last month of the Kerensky regime was marked
lirst by the falling off of the bread supply from 2 pounds a day to 1
pound, to half a pound, to a quarter of a pound, and, the final week,
no bread at all. Holdups and crime increased to such an extent that
you could hardly walk down the streets. The papers were full of it.
Not only had the government broken down, but the municipal gov-
ernment had absolutely broken down. The city militia was quite dis-
organized and up in the air, and the street-cleaning apparatus and
all that sort of thing had broken down. The cooperative distribution
of food had broken down — milk and everything of that sort.
The first five nights of the Bolshevik revolution were marked by
an utter absence of crime of any kind. It was probably the most
orderly time there has ever been in Petrograd, because the streets were
patroled by patrols of red guards and soldiers who were fired by a
certain kind of idealism.
Mr. Humes. I do not want to interrupt yoii, but you say the first
five days of the revolution. You mean the five days following the
success of the Bolshevik revolution, I assume.
Mr. Eeed. No ; because for two or three, weeks it did not succeed.
There were counter revolutions in the beginning, and it was not
entirely successful the night that the Winter Palace fell.
Mr. Humes. Five nights following the fall of the Winter Palace?
Mr. Eeed. Including the fall of the Winter Palace. After that
things settled down to normal — well, no. I will withdraw that and
576 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
say that for the first three weeks of the Bolshevik regime the city was
excellently policed and excellent order was kept in it.
After that time several factors entered into the situation, and one
of them was the wine riots. The soldiers of certain regiments got
on to the fact that there were wine cellars, and telephone messages
were sent to the barracks and also notes were sent to the barracks
saying where these wine cellars were, and I think a few of those
provocateur notes declared that the soldiers should go and get the
wine in the various places. Well, it was very cold, and these soldiers
were out on the streets most of the time fighting, etc., and they
yielded to temptation — some of them — and broke into the wine cel-
lars. For about two weeks you would hear of a sudden in the
night a terrible crash — somebody would smash a window in— and
the soldiers would go in and pass out the bottles, and there would be
a crowd of about 200 soldiers around the wine cellars, and they would
drink this wine and go around town firing off guns in the air. They
did some' damage, but it was very inconsiderable.
Mr. Humes. I understood you a moment ago to say that there was
very little disorder and everything was quiet after those first three
weeks. Now you have said that the soldiers were on the streets
fighting all the time, and consequently they wanted the wine. Now,
suppose we reach an understanding about that.
Mr. Eeed. I am not talking about civil war; I am talking about
crime ; I am talking about unlicensed crime — holding up people and
shooting them. I am not talking about two armed forces fighting
each other. There were no houses robbed and no hold-ups. I am
not talking about civil war.
Mr. Humes. But there was fighting on the streets all the tune?
Mr. Reed. No ; there was not fighting on the streets all the time.
Mr. Humes. To what extent was there fighting?
Mr. Eeed. There was only fighting to this extent. There was
fighting on the day of the fall of the Winter Palace, that is one day,
that was Wednesday. There was fighting the following Sunday
and the following Monday, when the junkers made a counter-revolu-
tion. There was fighting the following Tuesday at night, and Wed-
nesday morning when Kerensky's army was reported to be 4 miles
from the city and coming in.
Mr. Humes. Was it ?
Mr. Eeed. No, it was not ; but that was the rumor. It was 8 miles
from the city.
Mr. Humes. That was the result of a false rumor as to the location
of the troops ?
Mr. Reed. The point is that a lot of people rose, thinking that he
was coming in, and it upset affairs.
Mr. Humes. Go on.
Mr. Reed. The Soviets stopped the wine pogToms themselves. They
sent first the Kronstadt sailors and tried to stop the looting of the
wine cellars by argument, and they also made speeches about it in
the Soviets, and they published proclamations, etc., and so on, and
they kept that up for about fwo weeks ; but the plundering of the
wine cellars still continued, especially by two regiments — ^the lowest
element of the regiments — so the Soviets saw that something had to
be done immediately. They took a vote on the use of force in the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 577
central executive committee of the Soviets, and the debate lasted
about four and a half hours, at the end of which time they sent out
trucks with machine guns strapped on them, and they stopped this
business. The commissars would go on and give three warnings to
the men who were looting the wine cellars, and if the men left the
wine cellars, the commissars would go in and smash all the bottles
out in the street and let the wine flow. That is what they did with
the Winter Palace wine cellar, which was worth about $4,000,000, and
they poured the wine into the Neva. If the soldiers did not leave the
wine cellars, they would shoot.
Mr. HtTMES. When did that take place with reference to the revolu-
tion? Was that at the end of the three weeks' period after the fall
of the Winter Palace ?
Mr. Eeed. I think it began — this lasted for quite a while.
Mr. Htjmes. How long did it last ? Was it still in vogue when you
left?
Mr. Eeed. No ; it had been stopped.
Mr. Humes. How long ?
Mr. Eeed. It lasted for about two weeks and a half, because the
Soviets could not get their minds made up to use force on these people ;
and they had to be more cr less careful politically, too, because they
had to educate everybody to this revolution and see that the wrong-
doers were punished.
Mr. Humes. What change was made in the method of furnishing
food to the population when the Bolshevik government came in ?
Mr. Eeed. Of course, the Kerensky government had dropped out
without leaving any resources at all in the city, or supplies, and the
soviet government was faced with strikes in all the ministries. The
employees of all the ministries went on strike, the bank clerks went on
strike, the employees of large business houses — clerks, etc. — went on
strike, even the telephone girls went on strike against the Bolsheviki ;
and not only that, but the cooperative associations refused to pro-
vision the city unless the Bolshevik goA^ernment was overthrown.
Mr. Humes. The Bolshevik government?
Mr. Eeed. Well, at that time it was the Bolshevik government for a
few days.
Mr. Humes. This was before the Bolshevik revolution, though, was
it not?
Mr. Eeed. No; you asked me what happened after the Bolshevik
revolution:
Mr. Humes. Pardon me. I wanted to locate the time. Go on.
Mr. Eeed. They suspected that the food speculators had great stores
stored away in the city, which were being held for high prices, so they
went around to the great warehouses which had been reported, to find
out if food was being held, and as there was a desperate emergency
they proceeded to take this food and distribute it to the people. During
all the time I was there under the soviet government there was never
so little bread as there had been in the last week or week and a half of
the Kerensky regime. When it came to the end of December we were
put back to a pound and a half a day again, and the way the Soviets
did it was very interesting. You see, it was an emergency govern-
ment, without the possibility of using the government machinery,
because the government machinery A\'as paralyzed. They could not
85723—19 37
578 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
depend on the higher officinls, bnt only on the organized ^yill of the
working people. So they closed the trans-Siberian to all passenger
traffic for 24 days, and then they got 13 trains, and they got the shop
committees in charge of the different factories to load up these trains
with things that the peasants needed, and took a government com-
mission with those things — clothing, implements, and everything the
peasants needed, and sent them out to exchange these articles for food,
because the Kerenskv govei'nment money was not worth anything.
Mr. HuJiEs. Where did they get this clothing and these commodities
that they were taking out to trade Avith the peasants for food supplies?
Mr. Eeed. They got them from the factory workers.
Mr. Humes. They were requisitioned?
Mr. Eeed. They were requisitioned.
Mr. Htjmes. Had those factories been nationalized at that time?
Mr. Reed. Well, a great many of them had practically been na-
tionalized. That is to say, the owners had fled away six or eight
months before and the workmen had continued them. I know sev-
eral factories that were operated that way. The workmen continued
to manufacture after the factories were officially shut down. The
owners had left for foreign parts.
Mr. Humes. In effect, they simply requisitioned or confiscated
enough material for those 13 trains that were sent out. They were
sent out into Siberia or the interior, and took that stuff to the peas-
ants and traded that stuff to the peasants for supplies, which they
brought back into Petrograd for the feeding of the people.
Mr. Eeed. Not only that, but for the government of Samara and
the government of Tambov and other Provinces where famine was
threatening.
Senator Wolcott. Did they take any of those things from stores?
Mr. Reed. No; this was a pure cooperation of the factory shop
committee in the factories to get together all things that they had
manufactured. At that time they did not touch anything in the
stores.
My. Humes. Are there textile mills in Petrograd?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Now, when they got this foodstuff, how was it issued?
Mr. Reed. It was issued by iDread cards from the special food com-
mittee. At that time the special food committee started to strike;
but they happened to remember that they themselves would starve,
so they decided to go on working.
Mr. Humes. How was the population divided, if at all, for the
purpose of issuing this food ?
Mr. Reed. Well, every citizen at that time was given the ordinary
food cards, such as were in use in every country in war time. That,
of course, was a government measure, but it had been carried fur-
ther.
Mr. Humes. They gave those cards to all the people ?
Mr. Reed. To all the people at that time.
Mr. Humes. Now, subsequent to that time, and while you were
there, were the decrees issued dividing the population into classes
for the purpose of provisioning?
Mr. Reed. No; it was not necessary at that time.
Mr. Humes. Subsequently, however, that was done, was it not.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 579
Mr. Reed. I believe it was. I have seen the decree.
Mr. Htjmes. And the people were divided into four classes, accord-
ing to their business or standing in the community, as viewed by the
government?
Mr. Eeed. No ; according to their usefulness and their need. You
know, the people that did the least
Mr. Humes. The usefulness was determined by the government ?
Mr. Reed. The people that got the least food
Mr. Humes. They were arbitrarily classified according to their
alleged usefulness into four classes?
Mr. Reed. And the members of the government got the least food,
you will notice that.
Mr. Humes. I have not seen any evidence of that.
Mr. Reed. You will notice it in the degree.
Mr. Humes. We will get to that after a little while. Now, that all
happened ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. So you do not know how it 'worked out in practice?
Mr. Reed. No.
Mr. Humes. Did you see any starvation in Petrograd while you
were there ?
Mr. Reed. Well, food was not so easy to get.
Mr. Humes. Any starvation?
Mr. Reed. I have never seen any actual starvation. I have seen
people very hungry. There is no doubt about it. I have been very
hungry myself.
Mr. Humes. But the conditions had not become disturbed when
you left ?
Mr. Reed. No.
Mr. Humes. Were there any pilfering and holdups on the streets
up to the time that you left?
Mr. Reed. There was very little in comparison with the last week
of the Kerensky government. You might also say that the city was
about as orderly as it had ever been. There was really very strict
policing in Petrograd at that time. Of coure, it would be foolish to
say that there was no crime in the city.
Mr. Humes. Now, Mr. Reed, is there anything else that you want
to say in connection with the things that you saw in Petrograd as to
the conditions there. If there is, just make the statement.
Mr. Reed. I would like to say one thing about the way that a fac-
tory is run, because I think very few people understand that. But
first I want to speak just for a moment about this classification. In
most countries, you see, when there is a time of famine — and that was
true in Europe during the war — the people who suffer the most are
the families of the working people ; while in Petrograd, of course, the
thing was quite opposite. The working people in their unions had a
preference in food, and the working people, the people who did actual
work — I do not mean by that manual labor; I mean any kind of
labor — the food was distributed in this classification entirely accord-
ing to the necessity for food. That is to say, people engaged in heavy
manual labor needed more food, and they got more, and the people
who needed less got less, and the government employees, who worked
with their brains, as it is called, got very little, as compared to the
workers.
580 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The whole industrial machinery in Russia is controlled by what
is called the council of workers control, and that council of work-
ers control consists of delegates from the all-Eussian trade unions
which determine wages, hours, and conditions of each industry, and
the all-Russian council of factory shop committees, which controls
production at the source. And I would say here that there are 304
industries nationalized, in Russia, and all the rest are in private
hands. They are controlled, however, by the workers entirely.
Mr. Humes. Then all of the factories have not been nationalized?
Mr. Reed. Oh, no.
Mr. Humes. That is in disregard of one of the principles of the
government, not to nationalize them?
Mr. Reed. The government is not one of those theoretical dreams
that e\eryone seems to think it must be. The government is
extremely practical in Russia. The government knows itself per-
fectly well that it is impossible to ignore the capitalist. It knows
that if the capitalists do not attack them with arms they would with
capital.
Senator Wolcott. Is that the philosophy of their international
program, to try to make all the world socialistic, and thus, so to speak,
make the world safe for socialism?
Mr. Reed. I should say it was. I may say that they are not going
to do it with an invading army, but by the advertisement of their
doctrine. That is international socialism, which has existed for the
last 40 or 50 years.
Senator Wolcott. People in charge of the soviet government
favor that, do they not?
Mr. Reed. I should think they did.
Senator Wolcott. You said there were 304 industries national-
ized?
Air. Reed. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. That, of course, means more than 304 factories?
Mr. Reed. Yes ; it means much more than that. None of those in-
dustries are completely nationalized. There are one or two factories
that are not in every case.
What I wanted to say was that the Russian republic has offered,
the soviet government has offered to foreign capital inducements to
come to Russia, even as it is. They offered it to the American am-
bassador at a certain time. They have offered it to all the European
countries, especially the allied countries, in the same way they offered
to keep on fighting Germany if they should be given certain aid by
the allied countries, which offer was in some cases refused and in
other cases ignored.
The Russian government, as soon as a man who owns a factory is
interested in developing and is interested in the work, and can do
something to keep the factory going, and has a definite place in it,
and is willing to work, under workers' control, does not nationalize
the factory. In other words, it guarantees him an income.
Now, as regards the figures for industry, everybody seems to think
that there is no industry going on in Russia. But, as a matter of
fact, practically 63 to 68 per cent of the textile business of Great
Russia is under control of the soviet government, and it is almost
normal in production.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 581
Senator Wolcott. Where do you get that information 'from?
Mr. Eeed. I got it from the official report of the ministry of com-
merce and industry, which also gives all the industries in which
production is not normal, in which the industry has fallen off. In
some industries it has absolutely ceased.
Senator AVolcott. That is a Bolshevik soviet ministry?
Mr. Reed. That is a soviet ministry.
Senator Wolcott. That puts out this information ?
Mr. Reed. It does not put it out primarily for the outside world.
Senator Wolcott. From which you got your information ?
Mr. Reed. Yes. I have never seen that questioned, by the way.
I have a copy of the Survey.
Senator Wolcott. The witnesses have questioned it here.
Mr. Reed. I have a copy of the Survey of February 1, 1919, with
an article called "A new Era in Russian Industry," written in the
summer of 1918 by Clara I. Taylor, who is an industrial investigator
in this country, and who investigated Russian industry in the summer
of 1918, in the worst period of Russian industry, when it was most
disorganized; and the picture she paints in many instances shows
that the soviet government has not lived up to what it said it was
going to do. It shows, however, that there is an immense industry,
especially textile industry, around Moscow. She knows what the
factories around Moscow are doing; she has investigated them.
I have seen two or three very interesting examples of factories
worked by the workers. One was at Sestrovetzk, the government
arms factory. It may not be believed here when I tell these figures.
They can be verified. I think Prof. Ross might verify them. Of
course, it was a government-owned factory under the old regime,
and therefore full of grafters and very inefficient; but the workers
have reduced the expenses of running the factory 50 per cent, have
reduced the hours from ll^ hours to 8, and have increased produc-
tion 45 per cent. They not only have done that, but they have taken
over the town and have built the first sewer system they ever had
in the town, and they have built a three-story school building and
hospital. I will grant that that was a model factory and a model
town, and the people at the head of the soviet had a great experi-
ence in organization, as most of the leaders of the soviet were
raen who had been in America and had gone back and were able to
render valuable service.
Senator Wolcott. You say that you saw that yourself?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. That had been a government institution organized
to make war material during the war ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Htjmes. And it had been organized by and under the control
of the government prior to the revolution, and the activities there
were continued by the Bolshevik government after they came into
power ?
Mr. Reed. It is a little more complicated than that.
Mr. Humes. It was not a plant that had been nationalized and
taken over in the sense that private enterprises were nationalized,
■was it?
582 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Eeed. Yes ; it was absolutely the same system of management.
Mr. Humes. It was a government plant all the time?
Mr. Reed. Yes; but the nationalized government plant and na-
tionalized private plant are on an equality as regards management.
Senator Wolcott. Did they use the same personnel when they took
it over?
Mr. Reed. That was an interesting thing. These government fac-
tories were built by the old regime, and, of course, when the Czar fell
most of the managers ran away. When the Czar abdicated the old
managers left or were kicked out by the workmen, who hated them
anyway, so the government factories in Russia had practically one
year's jump on the private factories in working out workers' control.
The Kerensky government had never been able to get control of the
factories. They really ran themselves by the workers and not under
the domination of the ministries of labor, and commerce, and in-
dustry at all.
Mr. Htjjies. There was a feeling in Germany and a general belief
that under the Czar's regime many of those that were employed in
the service of the government were pro-German and not in sympathy
with the war against Germany?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. But is it not true that that was an arms and munition
factory of the government, and is not that one of the reasons — the
inefficiency and ineffectiveness of that plants — which account very
largely for the want of equipment of the Russian Army in the field,
and their being unable to supply themselves with the necessary imple-
ments of war?
Mr. Reed. I think that is very possible. But you must remember
there is another factor, too, and that was not only the inability to
get munitions but the deliberate manufacture of munitions that did
not fit the guns. That was done, of course. The trial of Gen. Souk-
homlinoff showed very well that the Minister of War under the Czar
had had those munitions manufactured so that they did not fit the
guns, and that thing was carried on in some parts of Russia even
under the Kerensky government. I do not mean to say that Kerensky
knew the situation, but his chief of staff, Kornilof , compelled the fall
of Riga in order to compel the fall of the soldiers' committee.
Mr. HuJiES. In other words, the gross mismanagement in the mu-
nition factories was not rectified when Kerensky came into power, but
was continued under Kerenslcy.
Mr. Reed. That is practically true, except at the places where the
workmen took things over.
Senator Wolcott. The point proves this, does it not, assuming all
the facts you have stated, that soviet management of the munitions
business was more efficient than government operation as it mani-
fested itself in Russia?
Mr. Reed. Oh, yes. I do not think a capitalist government can be
efficient in managing anything.
Senator Wolcott. The extent of the proof about this factory is
that the government management under the Russian regime was less
efficient than the soviet management. It does not prove, that par-
ticular incident, any excellence of the soviet management, for m-
stiince, over private industry?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 583
Mr. Reed. That particular incident does not. I believe there is an
American, of the American Railway Mission, who was interviewed in
New York — I am not at liberty to give his name, but he is in Wash-
ington now — who testified as to the results of the soviet management
as compared with private management.
Senator Wolcott. You say he was a railroad man?
Mr. Reed. I think I can get him and get his name for you.
Mr. Humes. How many newspapers were being published in Russia
when you left ?
Mr. Reed. About 10,000,000, I should imagine.
Mr. Htjmes. Were there any being printed that were not being
printed under the control of the government ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. HiTMES. How long was it after you left that the government
took over the control of all the newspapers?
Mr. Reed. I think my wife was not quite able to get that o^'er to
you. There seems to be a misunderstanding. I want to explain
what the soviet government did. They sought to destroy the mo-
nopoly of the press by the propertied classes. They took over the
monopoly not of the newspapers bxit of the ink-printing presses and
paper in Russia. A commission was elected, a nonpartisan commis-
sion, a commission composed of proportional representatives of all
the political parties, to decide upon the distribution of this paper
and ink and presses. The municipal elections determined what pro-
portion of constituents each party had, and the proportion of con-
stituents of each political party determined the amount of ink, paper,
and presses which were awarded to that part}' ; that is to say, if the
Cadet Party had a third of the votes, it got a third of the available
printing facilities.
Mr. Humes. There is no Cadet paper that is being printed in Rus-
sia, is there ?
Mr. Reed. There are two there, and I think I can get them for
you.
Mr. Humes. Where are they printed ?
Mr. Reed. One is Moscow.
Mr. Humes. What is the name of it ?
Mr. Reed. I do not know that. I have seen the papers of several
other parties. There are papers of even the opposing parties pub-
lished in Moscow at the present time.
Mr. Humes. Can you give us the names of any papers that are
being printed in Russia that are not controlled by or not supporting
the Bolshevik government ?
Mr. Reed. Volia Naroda, a socialist revolutionary paper.
Mr. Humes. Where is that brought out ?
Mr. Reed. In Moscow.
Mr. Humes. When did you last see that?
Mr. Reed. Just the other day.
Mr. Humes. What was the date of it ?
Mr. Reed. I think it was about December, last December.
Mr. Humes. December, 1918 ?
M. Reed. I think so. I know I have seen many papers.
Mr. Humes. Was that a paper opposing the government?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
584 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAITOA.
Mr. Htjmes. In what way was it opposing the government?
Mr. Reed. Well, the socialist revolutionary party never did make
up its mind to go in with the soviet government, and never let up
for one minute opposing the dictatorship of the proletariat theory
which the Bolsheviki advanced. Now, I have here an account of the
meeting of the Mensheviki, which took place in Moscow. This is in
a Bolshevik paper, and it devotes space to the three days' session. A
great many of the speakers said that they would not have anything
to do with the Bolsheviki under any circumstances.
Mr. Humes. When was that meeting, the date of the meeting?
Mr. Reed. December 10, 1918.
Senator Wolcott. You saw the paper yourself?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. You made the translation ?
Mr. Reed. I did not make the translation ; no. This is published
in the Northern Commune, a Bolshevik paper, December 12, 1916
[reading] :
At the meeting of tie Mensheviki that took place at Moscow Abramovicli
pointed out that the entire democratic element is now fluctuating between two
sentiments. Let us have anything rather than the Bolsheviki ; let us have a
union of all living forces of the revolution. Martov, at the end of his speech,
declared that the entire democracy of the west, even its most right elements,
should protest against the plans of foreign imperialists, not only in the name
of the people of Russia, but also in the name, chiefly, of the preservation of
the accomplishment of the revolution, " whatever may be the result of this
Bolsheviki experiment on the revolution."
And the decisive resolution practically amounted to this, that they
would join together, whatever might be the result of this Bolsheviki
government. It is evident that they did not agree with the Bolshe-
viki.
Now, at Sestroretzk, the town of which I was speaking, when I
was there after the Bolshevik insurrection, and at the time of the
insurrection, when there was fighting with Kerensky and shooting
around Petrograd and Moscow, all the halls had been confiscated
by the soviet government. The opposition political parties were
going around and asking the Bolshevik soviet government for per-
mission to use the halls to talk against them, and they were given
to them. According to late newspaper reports this is still the case.
Senator Wolcott. When was that?
Mr. Reed. January, 1918.
Mr. Humes. Now, I call your attention to one of the decrees, as
follows [reading] :
The following organs of the press shall be subject to be closed: (o) Those
inciting to open resistance or disturbance toward the workers' and peasants'
government; (b) those sowing confusion by means of an obviously columna-
tory perversion of facts ; ( c ) those inciting to acts of criminal character, pun-
ishable by the penal laws.
Now, is it not a fact that pursuant to that decree no newspapers
that are not supporting the Bolsheviki are permitted to be pub-
lished ?
i\Ir. Reed. That is not true.
Mr. Humes. Then, they have not carried their decrees into effect.
Mr. Reed. Yes; they have; but you do not have to excite to vio-
lence against the government to oppose it. The papers that incite
to violence against the Government of this country are suppressed.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 585
Mr. Humes. Do you not think they should be?
Senator Wolcott. As a matter of fact, I do not think they are
Mr. Eeed. That is the theory of the Post Office, at any rate.
Mr. Humes. Do you not think that newspapers that advocate the
forcible overthrow of the Government should be suppressed?
Mr. Eeed. I think it is perfectly natural that they should be.
Mr. Humes. Do you not think they ought to be?
Mr. Eeed. It depends upon what you mean by the forcible over-
throw of the Government.
Mr. Humes. I- mean the overthrow of the Government other than
such changes in form as may be brought about under the Constitu-
tion, in the way that is provided.
Mr. Eeed. Well, I believe that our Declaration of Independence
says something about the inalienable right of the people to change
the form of government whenever they see fit.
Mr. Humes. And following that, the Constitution provides the
means by which that should be accomplished, does it not?
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Do you think that any newspaper or any public
speaker has a right to advocate a change in the form of government
in any other way than the inalienable way that is provided for in the
Declaration of Independence or the Constitution itself?
Mr. Eeed. I do not think that — I would rather make a broader
question of this.
Mr. Humes. Just answer the question, and then explain.
Mr. Eeed. I can not answer the question without making it in my
own way. The way I want to answer that question is this : That I
think no changes ought to be made in the form of government until a
majority of the people are in favor of such change, and I do not think
that any obstruction ought to stand in the way of the will of the
majority of the people.
Mr. Humes. And you believe that when the majority of the people
want that, they are justified in disregarding— that justifies any
means by which it can be secured ?
Mr. Eeed. If it can be secured by legal means, I do not think there
is any justification or excuse for force.
Mr. Humes. Now, under the Constitution of the United States the
people of the United States can change the form of government in
the manner provided for in that document.
Mr. Eeed. That is the theory of the government.
Mr. Humes. Is not that a fact ?
Mr. Eeed. If I did not believe it was a fact, I would not vote, and
I do vote.
Mr. Humes. Then you must believe that any agitation advocating
a change in the form of government in any other way than that man-
ner provided by the Constitution is improper and should be sup-
pressed. Is that true ? Do you believe that ?
Mr. Eeed. No ; there are a great many matters
Mr. Humes. You do not believe that. You believe that the people
have a right to advocate the overthrow of the Government in a man-
ner other than the manner proided for in the fundamental law itself,
do you ?
Mr. Eeed. I prefer to answer that m my own way.
586 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. I want you to answer the question and then explain.
Mr. Reed. I can not answer
Senator Wolcott. Let him answer in the way he pleases.
Mr. Reed. I am trying to answer everything and not trying to
evade anything. The fact is that the constitutions and governments
of modern nations — the western liberal nations — were established
when industrial era was young, and there were not many conditions
of industry which required change. We have found that there are
certain cases where purely political action seems to be inadequate;
that is, where workers with rising prices for food have tried to get a
raise in wages and perhaps do not get it. The srtike is perfectly legal,
and yet the strike is not provided for in the Constitution. That is an
instance of what I mean; different conditions come up at different
times in the history of a people which require different methods of
changing the form of government. The rights of workers to or-
ganize is not provided for in the Constitution, and was at first bit-
terly opposed, but it is now legally recognized. That is what I mean,
and as long as a people of a country are really responsive, or the gov-
ernment is responsive, to the will of the people there is no necessity
for any violence whatever. I do not see any necessity for violence in
the United States.
Mr. Hu.'MEs. The question of the legality of the organization of
labor is not a question of the form of government.
Mr. Reed. I do not see why it is not. It is a matter for govern-
ment.
Mr. Humes. We are talking about the form of government. You
are discussing a subject that is a question of possible legislation.
You are not discussing the matter that goes to the form of govern-
ment.
Mr. Reed. I am discussing the matter of laws and legislation.
Mr. Humes. That has nothing to do with the form of government.
Mr. Reed. No.
Mr. Hu3tES. Then you do not question the right of the government
to legislate on these subjects?
Mr. Reed. Question the right of the government?
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Reed. No ; I do not, but it is not provided for in the machinery.
If you would look at the reconstruction of the British Empire at
this time, the British Imperial Government is undergoing a complete
change in form, proposed by the ministry of labor, proposed by
Lloyd George to recognize self-government in industry and give
industry a share in the government.
Mv. Humes. You do not distinguish between legislation intended
to carry into effect a form of government and the form of govern-
ment itself, do you?
Mr. Reed. No; I think the form of government, as composed of
accretions — I mean, we have in some States the initiative and refer-
endum, and we have a great many legislative reforms which are
not provided for in the Constitution in any way, but respond to the
needs of the people, that is all.
Mr. Humes. Now, Mr. Reed, is it or is it not a fact that in the
past you have advocated and been affiliated, directly or indirectly,
with anarchistic movements? Have you not proclaimed anarchistic
doctrines ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 587
Mr. Eeed. T do not remember having done so. Anarchy means
against — I do not understand what you mean by anarchistic doc-
trines.
Mr. Humes. I mean the abolition of all government.
Mr. Reed. No, never, not so far as I know. I am very much
against that.
Mr. Htjmes. Now, Mr. Eeed, for how long a period of time were
you on the German firing line and in Germany?
Mr. Eeed. Well, as I testified, a month and a half or two months.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that while you were in Germany and
in the German trenches, you there, for amusement or some other
purpose, participated in the handling of German machine guns?
Mr. Eeed. No ; I never handled a German machine gun.
Mr. Humes. Have you not so stated ?
Mr. Eeed. No.
Mr. Humes. Have you not stated that while you were in the
German trenches you fired a German machine gun?
Mr. Eeed. No ; I never stated it. I think I had better explain this
whole incident. You see, I have been brought up before the French
Embassy, and have been pursued in every way for this alleged
shooting on the French lines. I have denied it in the New York
Herald and through the papers several times. I think I had bet-
ter tell yon what really happened. There was a man by the name of
Eobert Dunn, of the New York Evening Post. He and I went into
the German trenches. We went in at night, while there was not
anrthing doing at all. In the back of the trenches, the back lines,
a German officer who was with us took a gun from a soldier, and
he said, " Do you want to see how it works ? " It would not have
occurred to my mind to shoot at anyone. I am entirely opposed
to anything of that kind. Besides, I have lived in France myself,
and have more affection for the French than any other people
except my own people. Dunn wrote an article in the Evening Post,
in which he called himself and me Franc-tireurs in the trenches;
he said that the Germans had offered us a gun to shoot through a
peephole, and he took a gun, and he did not take it until after I, who
was a pacifist — and that is not true, by the way — until I had shot
it. He knew my aversion to such things, and, as a matter of fact,
neither of us shot. I do not know how many times this thing must
be contradicted, but I am perfectly willing to keep on contradict-
ing it.
Mr. Humes. That is one of the harrowing tales of the war corre-
spondents that is mere fiction?
Mr. Eeed. Pure fiction, as far as I am concerned.
Mr. Humes. It is some satisfaction to get a light on war corre-
spondents.
Mr. Eeed. Dunn is now, by the way, or was until recently, an
ensign in the American Navy, attached to the French squadron, so
that it could not have been very serious.
Senator Wolcott. Would you favor for this country the national-
ization of industry and of land by direct action, after the fashion of
the Soviet government in Eussia?
Mr. Eeed. Why, I would favor the nationalization of industry and
land but the question of method is only a question of whether it can
588 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
be done anyway. It never crosses my mind that it can not be done
perfectly peaceably. I really still hold to the theory that when the
majority of the people want that in this country they will get it.
Senator Wolcott. I think they will, too, by constitutional legal
methods.
Mr. Eeed. Any way that they can get it.
Senator Wolcott. If they do not get it that way, if it does not come
that way, it is proof that they do not M'ant it.
Mr. Eeed. It may be or it may not.
Senator Wolcott. Do you not think it would be so ?
Mr. Eeed. I do not laiow, when such reforms come up, whether our
Government is flexible enough to permit them.
Senator Wolcott. We would have to change our Constitution be-
fore that could be done.
Mr. Eeed. We do not have to change our Constitution before "we
send troops in Eussia without a declaration of war.
Senator Wolcott. No ; we have the right to do that.
Mr. Eeed. We do not have to change our Constitution in the phrase
which says that the right of free speech shall not be abridged and
annulled ; yet it is both abridged and annulled.
Senator Wolcott. I do not know where it is. If you mean by the
right of free speech that you can preach violence and incendiarism,
it ought to be annulled.
Mr. Eeed. Why is not the Constitution changed ?
Senator Wolcott. That is not free speech.
What I was interested to know is this : Whether or not you think
that the taking over of private property without compensation to
the owner — the so-called nationalization of property — should be
tolerated in this country except through the ordinary legal processes
provided by our form of government, our Constitution, and our laws.
Mr. Eeed. Well, as I was trying to answer you, I do not know
how flexible our laws are and how flexible our Constitution is, and
how flexible our form of government is. It never has been brought to
a real test whether it is possible to follow the will of the people in
such a gigantic result. I do not see any reason why it should not be.
Senator Wolcott. Have you in the course of your trips over the
country advocated the nationalization of industry and land in this
country as the Eussian soviet has done ?
Mr. Eeed. No; I have said I thought it was a very good thing,
and I point to the effect of it in Eussia. I do not think, you know,
that these changes have come about in all countries in exactly the
same form. They will come about according to the different condi-
tions that exist in all countries, but I think they will come about in
all countries. That is why, when I talk of the Eussian soviet govern-
ment, although I think it is a great thing, and what they are doing is
a great thing. I do not mean to say that I think it will come about
like that in Germany, or that it will come about that way here. It will
come about the way they work to make reforms. It will probably
come about here the way the people want it. What that way will
be I can not prophesy. The only thing I can say is that I would
like to see labor organized ; I would like to see the people educated ui
true economics, and to understand their interests and class interests,
and taught to work together.
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 589
Mr. Humes. Mr. Reed, on February 8, 1918, you were quoted in
Clinstiania, in an interview, as follows [reading] :
Conditions in the United States liave long ago become worse than in Russia.
Freedom of speech has been suppressed and every vestige of democracy has dis-
appeared.
Mr. Reed. That is slightly exaggerated. I denied it the next day.
Have you my denial ?
Mr. Humes. No. You were so quoted, and you denied it?
Mr. Reed. It was a misquotation.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Reed, did you or did you not make the statement
at a meeting in Yonkers last Sunday that there were 3,000,000 rifles
in the hands of 3,000,000 Avorkmen in Russia, and that very shortly
there would be 3,000,000 rifles in the hands of 3,000,000 workingmen
in the United States, to be used in the same manner that they "were
being used in Russia ?
Mr. Reed. I never said such a thing in my life. How foolish !
How could you get 3,000,000 rifles into the hands of 3,000,000 Ameri-
can workingmen?
Mr. Humes. What was the reference that you made to rifles in
that speech ?
Mr. Reed. I did not make any reference to rifles. I remember de-
scribing conditions in Russia, and I said that there were 3,000,000
men in Russia organized against the imperialists of the world in
defense of the socialist fatherland.
Mr. Humes. And you have no recollection
Mr. Reed. I could not say anything, Mr. Humes, of that sort.
How could 3,000,000 rifles be gotten into the hands of 3,000,000
American workmen for that purpose? That is impossible.
Mr. Humes. Well, did you intend to give the impression to the
people there that that was a condition or a proposition to be attained
in this country ?
Mr. Reed. I do not understand how I could have given any such
impression. If you could quote my words, I could tell you whether
I said them or not.
Mr. Humes. Did you intend by anything that you said to convey
any such impression ?
Mr. Reed. No. I may be misunderstood sometimes, because I am
always talking to the working class, urging them to enforce their
rights.
Mr. Humes. What led you to discuss the arming of workingmen?
Mr. Reed. In this country ?
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Reed. I never did at all. I have not the slightest recollection
of saying anything about arming .the workmen in this country.
Mr" Humes. Then there was no connection between your reference
to the conditions in Russia and this country ?
Mr. Reed. I was talking about the general conditions in Russia, and
talking about the Russian situation. I can not understand how that
impression could be formed. It would never have crossed my mind
to say anything about a revolutionary army of 3,000,000 American
workmen now, because they are fairly contented.
Mr. Humes. Have you in any of your public speeches advocated a
revolution in the United States similar to the revolution in Russia?
590 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
ilr. Reed. I have always advocated a revolution in the United
States.
Mr. Humes. You are in favor of a revolution in the United States?
Mr. Eeed. Eevolution does not necessarily mean a revolution by
force. By revolution I mean a profound social change. I do not
know how it is to be attained.
Mr. Humes. Do you not in your speeches \ea\e the impression with
your audience that you are talking about a revolution of force?
Mr. Eeed. Possibly.
Senator Wolcott. Do -\ou mean to leave that impression with
them?
Mr. Eeed. Xo. My point is this, that the will of the people will be
done; the will of the great majority of the people will be done.
Senator Wolcott. That is a sound point.
Mr. Eeed. That is my point, and if the will of the great majority
is not done at the time of the American revolution, it will be done by
law ; it will be done by some other way, that is all.
Senator "Wolcott. Do you not know, Mr. Eeed, that the use of
the word " revolution " in the ordinary meaning carries the idea of
force, arms, and conflict? ,
Mr. Eeed. Well, as a matter of fact, unfortunately, all these pro-
found social changes have been accompanied by force. There is not
one that has not.
Senator Wolcott. Have you not used the word " revolution " to
mean force?
Mr. Eeed. No ; I did not put it in there. It has been associated with
that word.
Senator Wolcott. Do you not think, as a matter of fairness to your-
self, as well as to your auditors, that you ought to explain that you
do not mean force when you use the word " revolution ? "
Mr. Eeed. I mean, of course, that the will of the people will be done,
and if it can not be done by law it will be done by force. It never
has been done peaceably, but I do not see why it should not. I still
do not see why it is not. As a matter of fact, if I am saying anything
which is contrary to law, I am willing to answer for it.
Senator Wolcott. I am speaking only of the matter of fair dealing
with the American people and with yourself in the use of a word
which carries with it the idea of armed force, whether or not, if you
do not intend that idea, you ought not to make it plain in your
addresses.
Mr. Eeed. I have talked a good deal since the espionage act, and
have done a good deal of explaining. I am a revolutionary socialist.
But, as a matter of fact, in order to make myself perfectly clear, I
have done a good deal of explaining in my talks around the country.
Senator Wolcott. By "revolutionary socialism," I suppose you
mean the overthrow of the present — what you call capitalistic — sys-
tem, by peaceable means ?
Mr. Eeed. By peaceable means, by all means, if possible.
Senator Wolcott. Yes.
Mr. Eeed. By peaceable means, and never before the mass of the
people is ready for it. It is impossible. I mean
Senator Wolcott. You have a perfect right to advocate that, so
far as I can see.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 591
Mr. Reed. And I just want to state that anybody \Yho advocates
the overthrow of the majority by the minority is nothing but a
criminal, because it means an abortive lot of bloodshed without any
object at all, killing for no purpose. It means Napoleon after the
French Revolution and everything else.
Mr. Httmes. In 1918 you spoke in a hall on East Fifth Street, did
you not?
Mr. Reed. When was this?
Mr. Humes. June 20. In June, sometime.
Mr. Reed. I probably did; yes.
Mr. Humes. Did you not at that time make, and have you not
since made, a statement that you were organizing the Bolshevik
movement in America so systematically that you would not be sur-
prised to see something doing before the year's end, especially in
New York City, Rochester, Detroit, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and
Buffalo and Cleveland?
Mr. Reed. No, sir; I never did.
Mr. Humes. The Foreign League was already in existence?
Mr. Rejed. No, sir.
Mr. Humes. You never said that?
Mr. Reed. No. I can not imagine myself saying these things.
Such things are impossible.
Mr. Humes. You were selected by the Bolshevik government as
their consul general in New York, were you not ?
Mr. Reed. By the soviet government.
Mr. Humes. Yes. You were appointed by Trotzky, I believe ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Are you at this time, and have you been since you
returned to this country, an official representative of the Bolshevik
government in the country?
' Mr. Reed. No.
Mr. Humes. Are you in communication with the officers of the
Bolshevik government?
Mr. Reed. Why, I see people that are going abroad sometimes, and
I send notes by them.
Mr. Humes. Yoii keep in communication with them through vol-
unteer couriers ?
Mr. Reed. No ; I have never heard a word, personally, from any of
the soviet commissars in the time that I have been here, and I have
never sent them a word.
Mr. Humes. Do yoii communicate with them through intermedi-
aries ?
Mr. Reed. No. You mean to say, am I trying to evade your ques-
tion? No; I am not trying to evade your question. I have sent
word to Reinstein several times and I have sent word to Vorovsky,
who is in Sweden. I have never sent any other. That has been done
through the State Department.
Mr. Humes. You have never understaken to represent the soviet
government officially in this country?
Mr. Reed. No ; I never have.
Mr. Humes. I think that is all.
Senator Wolcott. You say you never have represented them?
Mr. Reed. No.
592 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Wolcott. Are you aware of anyone representing that gov-
ernment in this country?
Mr. Reed. Xo ; I am not. Albert Williams has an authorization to
open a soviet information bureau.
Senator "Wolcott. Do you know who bears the expense of the con-
ducting of that bureau ?
Mr. Reed. It never has been opened.
Senator Wolcott. It never has been opened ?
Mr. Reed. No money for it.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know whether or not there are any rep-
resentatives in this country who receive money for the purpose of
explaining the soviet government to the people of this country?
Mr. Reed. No. I do not ; except Nuorteva says that he has received
some money that was released by the State Department to him, part
of which came from the soviet government.
Senator Wolcott. Are you confining the question to money that
comes from Russia? Do you know of anybody who is receiving
money in this country from any source — Russian, American, or what
not — for the purpose of spreading information about the Soviet
government ?
Mr. Reed. Why, when I go to a meeting I usually charge them a
fee, because I have got to live, and that is my only source of income.
I wanted to open a bureau of information, and I went around to
some people in New York from whom I thought I might get some
money — and I think I may get some money yet — ^to do it. You know
there are some wealthy women in New York who have nothing to do
with their money except something like that. [Laughter.] For ex-
ample, we publish pamphlets, you know. I will got to a fellow that I
know, or one or two fellows, and borrow a thousand dollars and get
a translation of a Russian pamphlet of a Russian decree, or some-
thing of that sort, and publish it, and then we send it all over the
United States through the mails and the express and sell it and get
the money back from it, and what we get back we put into another
pamphlet. But there are no funds back of this business here. There
is no money in talking about Russia in this country.
Mr. Htjmes. Except as you may be able to persuade some of the
bourgeois ladies of New York to assist in the enterprise?
Mr. Reed. Well, that does not go to me, anyway.
Mr. Humes. No ; it does not go to you ; but for the expense of it?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Well, compensation for telling the truth about
Russia ; I believe that is the phrase that describes your talk, is it not?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. That is derived solely and entirely from the fees
that you get when you attend meetings — these various meetings; is
that correct?
Mr. Reed. Yes ; or sometimes I write an article and get sometmng
for it. . ■ J I,'
Senator Wolcott. A meeting in Yonkers was just mentioned this
last week.
Mr. Htjmes. Last Sunday night.
Senator Wolcott. Under whose auspices was that held?
Mr. Reed. That was the local socialist party — an open meeting.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 593
Senator Wolcott. They paid you for coming over?
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Were you at the meeting here in Washington ?
Mr. Keed. No, I was not. I am considered too disreputable to
attend these big meetings. They do not ask me.
Senator Wolcott. Why do they consider you disreputable?
Mr. Eeed. I have been indicted a couple of times. I was indicted
quite a long time ago for saying some of the same things that Senator
Johnson has since said in the Senate, so that they do not press the
indictment.
Senator Wolcott. Are the charges, the indictments, still pending ?
Mr. Eeed. Yes ; one is in New York. I would be very glad to be
tried on that, by the way. I have told the district attorney so, but
he does not seem to be anxious.
Senator Wolcott. I am going to ask the stenographer to read a
question which I asked you awhSe ago.
(The stenographer i^ead the question referred to, as follows:)
Senator WorxoTT. By " revolutionary socialism," I suppose you mean the
(ivprthrow of the present — what you call c;ipitalistic — system, by peaceable
means?
Senator Wolcott. Now, I want to insert in that question the word
"legal," so that it will read, " by peaceable and legal means."
Mr. Eeed. I want to insert in my answer that law is made by
people with power always. The Eussian soviet government has got
laws. It has got 41 volumes of law, some of which I have got here.
A contract that is carried out there is carried out by law, and I want
to say that really this does not go to the heart of the question, be-
cause the law of one generation is not the law of another generation.
The Connecticut blue laws which arfe now on the statute books of that
State, and which forbid a man to kiss his wife on Sunday, are not
in force.
Senator Wolcott. Will you please explain to me ? I do not know
where your logic is leading you, but tell me how that comes in here ?
Mr. Eeed. I want to say that I suppose what you are trying to
Senator Wolcott. Your mental agility is, I confess, too much for
me. I do not know where you are going to.
Mr. Eeed. I do not mean, Senator Wolcott, to be too mentally agile.
What I was trying to say is to say that I think when you put in that
word " legal "
Senator Wolcott. I mean, by it, according to the forms of present
law.
Mr. Eeed. According to the forms of present law ? Not necessarily
the forms of present law, because laws are changed according to the
temper of people.
Senator Wolcott. You see, you change the laws, under the form of
the present law so understood.
Mr. Eeed. You change the forms of present law, too.
Senator Wolcott. Yes ; any new law is a change, but that is legal.
Mr. Eeed. All that I am trying to lay down is that the form of the
laws and the form of tlie government correspond to the age and the
temper of the people and contemporary conditions, just as govern-
ment expresses the will of the mass of the people — at least democratic
government ought to.
85723—19 38
594 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. HuarEs. You believe that those laws must be enacted in the
manner prescribed by the fundamental law ?
Mr. Eeed. Which is the fundamental law ?
Mr. HuJiEs. The Constitution.
Mr. Reed. I think the Constitution can be changed, too.
Senator AVolcott. For instance, our present law in this country is
that a man's property can not be taken away from him by anybody
except by the State, and then just compensation must be paid.
Mt. Eeed. What about the distillers ?
Senator Wolcott. Just a minute. There you are, tlying oil on
something that I do not want to discuss at all. That is a diilerent
issue. You can ask the Supreme Court about that. The distilleries
are there. Their property is not taken away from them. They have
all still got their distilleries. Their license is taken away from them.
Under the Constitution a man's property can not be taken away
from him except by the State, and then it must be upon due compensa-
tion. Let us imagine that the people of this countiw could tiike over
all property of the individual, giving him no compensation for it. and
they could do it, peaceably — that is to say, without violence. Do you
think they should do it without first having changed the Constitution
and determined the legal form of the guaranties with which private
property should be safeguarded ?
Let mfe put it this way: With that clause in the Constitution re-
maining there, do you think that it would be at all proper for thfr
people of this country to take over the property without tendering
to the owners anything else ?
Mr. Eeed. It seems to me that that is a hypothetical question, but I
will try to answer it. It seems to me that before the people of the
United States would do any such 'thing they would pass an amend-
ment to the Constitution.
Senator Wolcott. That is what they should do.
Mr. Eeed. Abolish the Constitution.
Senator Wolcott. That is what they should do. Do you not
think that is what they ought to do ?
Mr. Eeed. Of course, what they ought to do — they ought to accom-
plish a thing with the least change and with the least upsetting of
order and with the least inconvenience to people. I think that if
the great majority of the people of this country wanted to national-
ize land and industry, or something of that sort, and the Constitution
for some reason — the machinery of government — could not yield to
it, they ought to do it anyway ; but I think — of course, I am always
in favor of doing it by law when possible. It is only when it is
impossible to do it that I am in favor of other methods.
Mr. Htjmes. Is there any change in the form of the Government
of the United States that can not be accomplished by peaceful means
by a majority of the people under the Constitution?
Mr. Eeed. I do not know. That is something that I am waiting
to see.
Mr. Humes. You do not know ?
Mr. Eeed. I do not know.
Mr. Htjmes. You know how the Constitution can be amended, do-
you?
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 595
Mr. Humes. Do you know of any amendment that could not be
made to the Constitution in the manner provided for by its terms ?
Mr. Eeed. Well, of course, it is a great deal a matter of the ma-
chinery— the machinery of government.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a matter of votes and not a matter of ma-
chinery ?
Mr. Reed. Votes are a matter of the machinei'y of government.
They are a part of the machinery of government. Of course, I am
in favor of doing it ; I have tried to tell you people that I do not know
what is going to come up in the future. We have got a new world
on our shoulders now, and certainly the fathers who drafted the
Constitution could not foresee the industrial age, and we can not
foresee Avhat is going to follow this; wp can not foresee the society
which is to follow. The British Government seems to be foreseeing
it a little, but we do not here.
Senator Wolcott. There is one fundamental idea that the found-
ers of this Government had, and that is that when a man worked and
acquired property he should be protected in the possession of it, and
that right is guaranteed in the Constitution. Now, the soviet gov-
ernment runs directly counter to that fundamental idea.
Mr. Reed. The only reason it does is to carry out that fundamental
idea.
Senator Wolcott. It destroys that idea. It takes away private
ownership.
Mr. Reed. It takes away private ownership but not private use.
What is the difference ? The reason for private ownership is so that
a man may use, without being hindered, the results of his labor.
That is what the soviet government stands for.
Senator Wolcott. The soviet government wants to substitute
private use for private ownership? Is that all there is to it? Let
a man use forever what he has got instead of owning it ?
Mr. Reed. What is the difference? I do not understand what is
the advantage in his owning anything?
Senator Wolcott. Because he always has it and can use it again.
Mr. Reed. He can always have the use of it under the soviet gov-
ernment.
Mr. Humes. Until he gets old.
Mr. Reed. A workingman. You are talking about a workingman
now. Until he grows old ; yes.
Mr. Humes. Then he becomes a pensioner of the state ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. He is never allowed to accumulate anything for him-
self.
Mr. Reed. He can accumulate all he pleases during his lifetime.
Mr. Humes. He can not accumulate a home.
Mr. Reed. He is provided with a home. He can accumulate a home
and build it just the way he pleases, under the soviet government.
Mr. Humes. On the charity estate.
Mr. Reed. Charity? I do not know whether it is charity or not.
It is his government. Charity means that somebody else gives some-
thing to you ; but it is his government.
Mj. Humes. He is on the charity of the state. When he becomes
too old to work he has acquired no right to live on that land dur-
596 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
in^ his declining years, has he ? But as soon as he is physically un-
able to work he must give up the land.
Mr. Eeed. Not exactly.
ilr. Humes. As soon as he becomes unable to work, himself, he
is taken off the land that he has lived on all his life and becomes a
pensioner of the state, and his land is turned over to some one else*
is not that correct?
Mr. Reed. What is the idea of being taken off the land? What
does an old man want to live on a lot of land for? He is not taken
out of his house. He can pass his declining ^-ears in the same house
which lie has lived in.
Mr. Humes. If his house happens to .be on the land he is workiiio;,
he is taken off of it, is he not?
Mr. Eeed. Yes, sir; that is provided for in the land decrees and
regulations, that a man who lives and works in a house lives in the
house to his death if he pleases.
Mr. Humes. Can you show me that passage ?
Mr. Reed. I do not think that I have the land decrees here.
Mr. Humes. I have.
]\rr. Reed (continuing). But I have all of them at home. Have you
the.volost land regulations?
ilr. Humes. I do not know what you call them, but I have what
purports to be a copy of the land regulations.
Mr. Reed. How many of them are there ?
Senator Wolcott. You say that over thei'e a man can not employ
anybody to work for him i ,
Mr. Reed. Xot on the farms.
Senator Wolcott. The American farmer would like that.
]\Ir. Reed. He is allowed as much land as he himself can work, and
what the soviet government does is to try to encourage the farmers
to farm in communes ; say, 30 farmers take 30 allotments of land and
work it in common; and they are supplied with grain and with agri-
cultural machinery and cverj'thing that is needed, including agricul-
tural instruction. I have here a little decree about the organization,
of course, in running tractors.
Senator Wolcott. Suppose that a man does not work along all right
with the rest ; what do they do, put him out ?
Mr. Reed. The Russian peasants ha^e been working in communes
on the Russian landed estates for some centuries, and they know how
to manage themselves. If a man does not work in Soviet Russia, he
can not eat; that is all there is to that. If there is some reason why
he can not work, he is pensioned; but if he will not work
Senator Wolcot't. That puts me in mind of where we had a coni-
anunistic system over here, at Jamestown. Two or three did all the
work, and the rest of the bunch were loafers, and Capt. John Smith
had to get a gun and go after them.
Mr. Reed. It may be true that the Americans are not educated
enough so that they will work when they are given an honorable
chance, but the Russian people have been doing it for 10 centuries.
When the landlord wanted his lands cultivated or his crops brought
in, he gave the contract to the village, and he gave 50 per cent of the
earnings to the commune which undertook the job. He made a con-
tract with the commune, and the whole village moved out and divided
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 597
the stuff commonly. The reason for that is, I suppose, that the Rus-
sian people have been used to communal life for centuries, and capi-
talistic competition has not come between man and man the way it
has here.
Senator Wolcott. It was not very elevating for them there.
Mr. Reed. That was not what kept them down.
Senator Wolcott. At all events it did not bring them up.
]\Ir. Reed. I am not sure that it did not. They are pretty high.
Senator Wolcott. The Russian peasant is said to be very illiterate.
Mr. Reed. He may be very illiterate.
Mr. HtTMES. First, we agree that no hired labor is allowed for the
purpose of cultivation of the land. We agree on that, do we not 'I
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. I call your attention to the following paragraphs in
this land decree [reading] :
In the event of a temporary iiic;ii)aci(y of a iiienilier of a county community
(luring the course of two years the connnunity sliall be bound to render hiiii
assistance during this peri(«l of time liy cultivating his land.
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. In other words, the law compels the neighbors of the
man who is physically incapacitated to cultivate his land. [Reading :]
Agriculturists who in consequence of old age oi- sickness will have lost the
possibility of cultivating their land shall lose the right to use it, and they shall
receive instead a pension from the State.
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Is there anything there that gives a man a right to use
the house in which he lives, and yet deprives him of the right to u.se the
land?
Mr. Reed. Let me see what that is you have.
Mr. Humes (handing paper to the witness). It is marked there. It
starts at the bottom of that page and is marked with blue pencil.
Mr. Reed (after examining pamphlet). Yes. I translated this de-
cree, by the way. This is our own publication.
Mr. Humes. Yes. I am glad to know that it is official. [Laughter.]
Mr. Reed. Oh, well, you have got here only — now, I want to point
out, in the first place, this [reading] :
For guidance during the realization of the great lajid reforms till their
final resolution by the constituent assembly sgalk serke, the following peasant
nakaz (instrviction), drawn up on the basis of 1242 local peasant nakazes liy the
editor's office of the Izvestiju of the All-Russia Soviet of peasant delegates and
published In Xo. 88 of said Izvestija (Petrograd, No. 88, Aug. 19, 1917).
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Reed. In other woi'ds, these instructions, the ones that you havti
been reading, were drawn up on the basis of 242 villages which filed
instructions, and this Avas drawn up by the soviet peasants' head-
quarters as the peasants desire.
Mr. Humes. That shows, then, what elasticity there is in the
official documents.
Mr. Reed. Let me get along
Mr. Humes. Answer my question first, and then exj^lain. That is
the rule, as I read it, of the soviet government, is it not ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
598 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGA^TDA.
Mr. Humes. That where a man becomes sick for two years and is
unable to work, his land must be worked. His neighbors hare got to
AA'ork it for him gratuitously ?
Mr. Eeed. Yes. He is not thrown out in the street.
Mr. Hu3tES. When he becomes too old or from sickness is unable
to work his land, he is deprived of the right of use of the land and
becomes a pensioner of the state?
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
Mr. Humes. That is correct, is it ?
Mr. Reed. That is correct.
Mr. HuaiES. Then, as a matter of fact, all persons in old age or in
sickness become dependents of the state, do they not?
Mr. Eeed. It is there stated.
Mr. Humes. Yes ; and they are not permited to acquire a homestead
in which they can live in their declining years?
]Mr. Reed. If you had had here the other decrees, you know there
are eight decrees on the land. One is the instructions for the volost
land committee. Another is the regulations for the emissaries to
the provinces; and so on. You will find that there is a general de-
cree of commissars of social welfare which ranges from charitable
institutions to commissars of agriculture, which settles this question
of dwelling places of people who have reached their declining years
and become pensioners of the state.
Mr. Humes. Where do they live?
Mr. Eeed. They live in their homesteads where they have worked.
' Mr. Humes. Do they have a title to the homestead?
Mr. Eeed. When they die, it passes into — you see, just let me ex-
plain about the land. Land is very valuable in Eussia. It is very
valuable for raising crops. The people need lots of food. It is
necessary to raise food ; and a lot of people need work and a lot of
people need land. All the land is pooled in the general land fund.
When a man becomes of age, which is about 16, he is encouraged to
go into a commune with others. When he becomes incapacitated
permanently for work he withdraws, and his land goes into a general
land pool. He occupies his homestead, and it is on the basis of the
present houses that are now erected.
Mr. Humes. Is this homestead on the land that he works?
Mr. Eeed. Homesteads are in villages and not on the land, in
Eussia. The mir has disappeared. The peasant village is a piece of
land. It is set apart from the farm land. It has been always, and
is at the present time.
Mr. Humes. Is private property recognized in the homesteads?
Mr. Eeed. While a man is alive he has a right to live in his house.
Senator Wolcott. Is not that subject to the decision of the com-
missar, according to that regulation ?
Mr. Eeed. In what subject to the decision of the commissar? •
Senator Wolcott. Whether he shall live in the house?
Mr. Eeed. No ; it is not. There is nothing about that at all here.
Senator Wolcott. I thought there was a commissar there. Just
read that again.
Mr. Eeed (reading) :
Agriculturists wlio in ciiusequeiifp of old age or sickness will have lost the
possibility of cultivating their land shall lose the right to use it, and they shall
x-eceive instead a pension from the state.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 599
Senator Wolcott. You read something in addition to that, did
you not?
Mr. Eeed (continuing reading) :
In the event of a temporary incapacity of a member of a county community
during the course of two years the community shall be bound to render him
Assistance during this period of time by cultivating his land.
Mr. Humes. Did you not read further there ?
Mr. Reed. No ; I did not, here.
Mr. Humes. I thought you read another clause there besides the
one that I read.
Mr. Reed. No; I am telling you about this. When a man dies
after living in his house all his life, which he is allowed to do, and
also when he withdraws from the land itself, if his land is withdrawn
from him, he has a right to designate the person who shall have the
£rst preference to that land. He has a right also, on dying, to desig-
nate the person who shall have the right to live in his house, as a
matter of fact. He has a right to designate the man who shall have
first preference, you see.
Mr. Humes. That is on the theory, then, that the population in
these mirs, or whatever you call them by the new name, is always to
continue the same, and that an increase in the population is not to
make necessary a redistribution of this land, is it not ?
Mr. Reed. No ; not at all. The land is redistributed all the time.
The portions of the land probably vary, and when a man becomes
incapacitated his land goes back for general distribution again into
the land fund.
Mr. Humes. If he can designate the successor in possession of that
land, how can there be a redistribution or a reproportioning of the
land? If there is a reproportioning, he is designating the man in
possession, is he?
Mr. Reed. What difference does it make whether he designates
the man to occupy the land or not ? The land is allotted on the basis
of the amount that a man can work. If he can not work, he can not
be designated as the possessor of this land.
Mr. Humes. But I am not answering a question as to why; I am
asking you how it is physically possible to permit the possessor to
designate his successor on that land when the natural fluctuations in
population will make necessary a reapportioning?
Mr. Reed. A reapportionment of the land he can not, of course, go
against. For example, when the country becomes so congested as you
indicate, that a lot of people will be forced, and the population of the
villages is bigger than the land will support, there are several ex-
pedients. For instance, emigration is provided for in the first decree.
Mr. Humes. Emigration is required ?
Mr. Reed. It is not required.
Mr. Humes. For instance, when there is not sufiicient land for all
the population, the state requires them to emigrate to some other
locality ?
Mr. Reed. If you will notice that decree, you will find that the
right of emigration is accorded. The Russian people have always
been travelers, and they want to emigrate. That is how Siberia
was settled.
600 BOLSHEviJi PKOPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. But it deprives him of the right to select the location
of his own home, because if there is not sufficient land there the
state can say ^vhere he shall live?
Mr. Reed. What is the difference ? The Middle West is congested,
and a lot of people are forced off the land into the cities.
Senator Wolcott. Who is going to say who shall leave?
Mr. Reed. The community.
Senator Wolcott. Would not that be a fine state of affairs ?
Mr. Reed. Why?
Senator Wolcott. I live in Dover, Del., and suppose it got to be
such a state of affairs, the population was such, that the community
would come to me and say. " Here, Wolcott, you will have to get out.
It is up to you to move."
Mr. Reed. Well?
Senator Wolcott. Well, there would be trouble. They would have
to carry me out.
Mr. HuJtES. Mr. Reed, suppose you lived in one of those villages,
and j^ou had a couple of sons — say they were twins
Mr. Reed. Thank you, sir.
Mr. HrJtES. And they had reached the age of 16 years on a given
date, what disposition would the state make of those sons? If you
were physically able to work your own farm, and the time had come
for them to have an allotment, and the land in that community had
all been apportioned among the people who were living there, what
would become of your sons ?
Mr. Reed. Well, suppose my sons wanted to stay there and work?
Of course, the office of the all-Russian peasant Soviets in Petrograd and
the minister of agriculture keep a regular diagram of the population
of the agricultural distiicts and the distribution of land. When the
distribution or apportionment of land becomes so small that a man
can not support himself on it in comfort, there are various different
methods employed. For example, it is like our Middle West, where
the land has all been taken up. and the people move further out.
When the land all gets taken up in a certain village, the people move
in Russia.
There is another thing, and that is the fact that intensive cultiva-
tion, which has never been known in Russia, is being taught now, so
the land is practically for the next 100 years inexhaustible, and there
is no necessity for talking about the reapportionment or allotment
except in a case where a man can not work his allotment.
Senator 0\'erman. They are undertaking to build a permanent
state ?
Mr. Reed. Yes.
Senator Overmax. The answer would be this, would it not, that
either your sons would have to leave their parents and go into some
other locality, or else you and your whole family, if you wanted to
live in the same community, in the same village, and continue a
reasonable family relation with your children, would have to all
leave that locality and go into some other locality in order that those
boys of yours could get an allotment of land and earn a livelihood;
is not that the answer ?
]\Ir. Reed. That is true in the United States at the present day.
I could not get a job in my own home town. I had to go to New
York.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 601
Senator Wolcott. It was a voluntary going on your part, however ?
Mr. Eeed. There has been no compulsion in the present emigration
in Eussia.
Mr. 'Humes. Would it be possible to carry that scheme out without
ultimately having compulsory emigration?
Mr. Eeed. I do not know about that. If there is a question of com-
pulsion, I should think that the way it would probably work out
would be this, that instead of every peasant having to work 11
hours a clay cultivating his lot, they would reduce the hours of labor
on a particular allotment, and that sort of thing, if it was in a socialist
state. They are reducing the hours of industrial labor in England
to six now.
Senator Wolcott. Mr. Eeed, do.you want to say anything further
for this record ?
Mr. Eeed. I just want to say that I think it is extremely impor-
tant that the people who have been in Eussia recently and are in
favor of the Soviet government be called. I do not mean socialists,
but people like Frank Keddie, and people like Eaymond Eobins, who
have been in very close connection with it.
Senator WoLcoi''r. Mr. Thompson?
Mr. Eeed. I should think Col. Thompson would be a very valuable
witness.
Senator Wolcott. Do you laiow where he is?
Mr. Eeed. I do not know where he is now. I think Maj. Allen
Wardwell would be a peach. He is a Wall Street lawyer, the head
of the Eed Cross, and is a fair man. Maj. Thomas Thacher would
be a good one. Then, Jerome B. Davis, one of the heads of the Y. M.
C. A. in Eussia, would be a very good witness, since he spent almost
all of his time around the village districts.
Mr. Humes. Will you furnish the committee with copies of trans-
lations of all of these decrets that have been referred to, in order that
we can complete the record ? I want to make sure that we have all of
these main regulations and all of these other decrets. I do not want
to put them in piecemeal.
Mr. Eeed. I think I can get you all of that. I am not quite sure
whether I can get you all the decrets that I have seen.
Mr. Humes. You can furnish us with all that you can.
Mr. Eeed. It is quite a long job and quite an expensive job.
Mr. Humes. I want to know if you have translations of them.
Mr. Eeed. I have translations of some, but not all of them. I have
a great many of them.
Mr. Humes. If you have not extra copies that you can furnish us
in the translation, if you will let us have the original, so that we can
translate them, we will return the original to you.
Mr. Eeed. All right, I think I can get you all that. I will have to
go back to New York and gather it up in different places.
Mr. Humes. Will you do that and send them to me?
Mr. Eeed. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. There is nothing further you want to say ?
Mr. Eeed. No.
(Tliereupon, at 5.65 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee adjourned
until Saturday, February 22, 1919, at 10.30 o'clock a. m.)
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1919.
United States Senate,
Subcommittee of the Comjiittee on the Judiciaey,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., pursuant to adjourn-
ment, in Eoom 226, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman
presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman) and Wolcott.
Senator Overman. The subcommittee will come to order. Call the
first witness.
TESTIMONY OF MR. ALBEET RHYS WILLIAMS.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Mr. Humes. Where do you reside?
Mr. Williams. New York City.
Mr. Humes. Where were you born ?
Mr. Williams. Greenwich, Ohio.
Mr. Humes. What is your business ?
Mr. Williams. Lecturer and writer.
Mr. Humes. Were you formerly in the ministry ?
Mr. Williams. I was ; yes.
Mr. Humes. An ordained minister?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Mr. Humes. In what denomination?
Mr. Williams. Congregational.
Senator Overman. You claim to be a minister, do you not?
Mr. Williams. No.
Senator Wolcott. Have you severed your connection with the
ministry ?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Senator Overman. How did you go about severing it; did you
resign ?
Mr. Williams. No. Perhaps that is a premature statement. My
name, I suppose, still appears upon the book. I left the active
ministry about three years ago.
Senator Overman. How did you quit them? Did you write a let-
ter saying you resigned, or did you just quit?
Mr. Williams. I just left the church.
* Senator Overman. Just left the ministry without any notification
at all?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
603
604 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
ilr. Humes. You mean you left the ministry. You do not mean
you left the church, I assume ? Did you sever your connection with
the church?
Mr. Williams. No ; I am still a member of the church, and I sup-
pose still a member of the ministerial association.
Mr. Hr JiEs. Have you traveled in Europe or been in Europe since
the European war started in 1914?
Mr. WiLLJAMS. I -n-as in Paris at the opening of the great war in
1914.
Mr. Humes. You vere there when the war started, were you?
INIr. Williams. Yes.
Mr. Humes. How long did you stay there?
Mr. Williams. About three months.
Mr. Humes. Did you go back to the United States then?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
ilr. Humes. How long did vou remain in the United States (
Uv. Williams. Until May." 1917.
Mr. Humes. Where did you go then ?
jNIr. Williams. Direct to Russia.
Mr. Humes. By what route?
Mr. '\A'iLLiAMs. From Stockholm into Petrograd.
Mr. Humes. Did j^ou go there on any mission, or just as a lecturer
and writer?
^Ir. Williams. I went there with credentials from the New York
Evening Post.
ilr. Humes. "\'\Tien did you arrive in Russia ?
Mr. Williams. About June. 1915."
]\Ir. Humes. How long did you remain in Russia ?
Mr. Williams. I'ntil Ju]v."l918.
Mr. PIuMES. July. 1918 ? "
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Mr. Humes. You were there approximately a year, then?
j\Ir. Williajis. About 14 months.
Mr. Humes. If you arrived there on the 15th of June and left in
July, that would be 13 months, would it not ?
Mr. AVillia:\is. Yes.
Senator Ovekmax. You left in Julv, 1918 ?
Mr. Williams. 1918.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Williams, will you just state to the committee
the condition that you found existing in Russia when you arriveri
there ?
Mr. Williams. I arrived during the Kerensky regime. Tlint
was the time of the calling of the first all-Russian congress of Soviets
in Petrograd. I stayed in Petrograd about two or three months,
getting a little acquainted with the language and the situation, and
after that I made a journey to Moscow, and then down into the
Uln-aine. After that I went down the Volga ; after that I went into
Finland ; after that I went to the Russian front near Riga ; then I mad'.'
several trips to the villages ; and after that came out over the Trans-
Siberian Railway. '
Mr. Humes. During this trip was that traveling all done during the
Kerensky regime '.
b
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 605
Air. WiLLiAjxs. No ; the first of that trip I covered most of Eussia
during the Kerensky regime, and then covered some places «\ er again
during the Soviet regime.
Mr. Humes. Just tell us what you saw and what the situation
Avas during the Kerensky regime, so as to distinguish between the
things that you saAv and observed during that regime and during the
Bolsheviki regime. First confine yourself to the Kerensky regime.
Mr. Williams. On leaving Petrograd for Moscow, first having
spent the time in Petrograd, I saw the general increasing disorganiza-
tion that was going on as the result of the great war and as the result,
perhaps, of the change through the first revolution. When I made
the trip out into the country I saw the disorganization still further
going on. For example, I went out into what is called the Tamboj
government, and I saw the peasants there taking over the land of
their oivn free will. In some cases they were burning hay ricks, and
sometimes manor houses, and the sky was very often reddened by
these burnings.
]\Ir. Humes. Where is this Tamboj government?
Mr. Williams. It is off near the Volga section.
Mr. Humes. Near the Volga?
Mr. AA'iLLiAMs. Yes. Then I was in some factories, and I saw the
effect of the workingmen taking over the factories, in a great many
cases making very violent demands for higher and higher wages,
in some cases putting out the managers and technicians and botching
the machinery and spoiling a great deal of the goods, and then
Avhen I was at the front I saw the bad condition among the soldiery.
I saw, for example, a great many soldiers barefooted, walking in
the freezing mud. I saw a squad of soldiers, for example, falling
upon a turnip field and devouring it, because they had no other food ;
I saw horses that had fallen dead for the lack of food.
Mr. Humes. When was it that you were at the front? Was it
early in your trip, or was it toward the close of the Kerensl^^ regime?
Mr. WiLLiA:sts. I was at the Eiga front about the middle of Sep-
tember, 1917, just after the Germans had made their advance through
Eiga.
Mr. Humes. Is the weather there such that it commences to freeze
' in September ?
Mr. Williams. Yes ; it is probably like it is here now.
Mr. Humes. All right, proceed.
Mr. Williams. And so I saw that general condition of disintegra-
tion going on in Eussia on all sides. At the same time I saw in the
soviet organizations that were springing up, those that had already
sprung up and additional ones that were all the time being organized,
a discussion going on as to what the people wanted, and, first of all,
I found in some of the — —
Senator Overman. Do you speak Eussian?
Mr. Williams. I do not boast of speaking very much of it, but I
can get along ordinarily, and can read ordinary newspapers, because
I spent most of my time with the soldiers in the army, the peasants
in the villages, and the workmen in the factories. I am measurably
equipped with' a speaking knowledge of Eussian, although I was not
adept at it at that particular time.
Senator Wolcott. Did you have any difficulty understanding it?
606 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
]Mr. Williams. Certainly. I have a great deal of difficulty in under-
standing when anything is spoken at all rapidly, but an ordinary
conversation I can pick up at the present time, anyhow.
Senator OvERarA>'. Do the different provinces all have the same
language, or different languages^
Mr. Williams. I suppose that about 160,000,000 Eussians under-
stand the native Eussian language, so ordinarily a man can past
through all sections with the one language.
Senator Overjiax. Did you ever study the language? "What lan-
guage is it really like, or is it similar to any other?
Mr. "Williams. I do not know. I am not much of a linguist. I
studied Hebrew for about a year, and perhaps having studied Hebrew
a year the Eussian was not so very difficult to me. One of the
striking facts that you found was that in every soviet that one went
to, of which there are probably tens of thousands in Eussia, one could
always ask for the American, and there was always some man there
who had been in America, who came out from the soviet and w;is
able to talk in English.
Senator Overman. You say the language is more like the Hebrew?
Mr. "\"\'iLLiAJis. It is like Hebrew in this respect, it is verv dif-
ficult.
Senator Oversiax. do ahead.
]\Ir. Williams. In these soviet organizations there were becoming-
stronger and stronger during the summer of 1917; there were certain
very clear ideas that began to come out in the minds of people, cer-
tain formulated demands.
We have an individualistic idea in regard to the land, but in
Eussia there is a communistic idea ; also there is a difference of feel-
ing about the confiscation of land. It is remarkable that 19 out of
20 of all the Eussian people believe that the land never belonged
rightfully to the great landlords, and so the cry had always been
" The land is God's and the people's." In these Soviets this old land
cry became formulated in a very definite slogan, which was the first
slogan of the Soviets, " Land to the people."
Senator Overman. Do you agree with what has been stated here
that the Eussian people generally, 85 per cent of them, are ignorant
like children, and do not know anything except what their rights are.
or what they claim to be their rights ?
Mr. Williams. I think that probably not more than 50 per cent of
the Eussian people can read and write, but I think that the Eussian
people have an extraordinary ability to think, and so I was very niucli
impressed by the contact that I hacl in the villages with their natural
soil wisdom.
Senator Overman. I understand that only 85 per cent of them can
read and write, and I just wanted to know Avhether you agreed with
that statement.
Mr. Williams. Many say 60 or 70 per cent, but since the revolution
occurred there have been a great number of people who have learned
to read and write, and I was very much impressed when I talked to
the peasants
Senator Oveeman. They must be a remarkable people to learn in
a year to read and write.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 607
Mr. Williams. I think a great many of them have learned to read
or write in the army. Of those Russians who can not read at the
present time, I think it is not an exaggeration to say that, with the
tens of thousands of newspapers that have been opened up, the
average Russian has as many solid articles upon economics and poli-
tics, sociology and business management read to him, even in the
country areas, as the average American. I think that is not an ex-
aggerated statement. But apart from their ability to read and write,
I happen to know, for example, a certain man who was a Bolshevik
agitator in a little village along the Volga. I heard him speak to a
group of peasants for five hours. He was a trusted man, because he
was the son of a teacher, and he talked to these peasants, as I say, for
fire hours with terrific energy. He told me afterwards that he had
made, as far as he could see, not a single convert. These old peasants
were very judicious in their attitude. They took all of his words, and
then they sat down for almost a month at their different meetings
talking these things over. At the end of three months this man came
back, and he found, as he told me, that probably a third of the
peasants had assimilated a great many of the views that he had given
them, and they had rejected a great many of the views that he had
given them. They had discarded the ideas that they regarded as be-
ing nonapplicable to their position, and they had retained those that
were applicable to them and which commended themselves to their
judgment.
I was much struck by their ability to keep from, being carried away
by any large and wonderful tales that we came to them, as foreigners,
to tell. For instance, as a guest in the house of Ivan Ivanoff, in
Spasskoe, I remember boasting about some of the wonders of America.
To these peasants, 60 miles back from the Volga, I told about our
great slsyscrapers towering up to the clouds; of our subAvays, with
trains tearing through the night; of our great white ways, boiling
with people. I tried to impress them with our wonderful steel mills,
with a thousand triphammers stamping away day and night. They
listened intenselj^ We thought we very much impressed them, but
that night we heard Ivan saying to his wife, "Poor fellows. No Avon-
der they are pale. Just to think of being brought up in a country
like that."
In other words, in Russia, you have probably heard befoie this com-
mittee, that the people are not entirely mesmerized and obsessed with
American institutions. It is not entirely that they fear the things we
call evil, but they also fear some of the things that we call good. They
take a different attitude. They are not obsessed really by the idea of
production. They have not the American idea of spending their
energies in getting a living, but rather in living. So even if Russia
does not build up ihdustrially like America in a very short time, I do
not think it is going to hurt the Russian people, because they are not
inchned to put the same valuations upon certain aspects of life that
we put upon certain aspects of life.
They regard our life here, for example, where we have slums and
palaces where we have the extremely poor and the extremely rich,
and where we have a bitter class war, with a hatred existing between
the possessors and the nonpossessors, as most undesirable. They do
not like it at all. I was talking, for example, with a man who happens
608 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
to be a social revolutionist. I asked him why ^Aere they not content
to stop with their first revolution and be satisfied A\ith making a coun-
try lilve democratic America or democratic France or like England.
He said this, " I have lived in England. I know that they have an
East End in London and I loiow they have a West End. and I knoAv
that you in America ha^■e an East Side in New Yorlt and I know that
you have a Fifth Avenue." Then he said, " We did not go to our
death in the mines and dungeons and out into the waste places of
Siberia in order to make ,here in Russia a civilization which is going
to have an East Side and a Fifth Avenue." In other words, there is
a natural reaction against what they think are the injustices and the
extremities of poverty and wealth which they have in every one of the
western countries. For this I'eason they were not willing to make a
revolution and stop it just where we sto]3 all our revolutions — on a
political basis. They wanted to go through and make it into a social
revolution.
iMr. HuJiES. Toward the close of the Kerensky revolution there
developed really a state of anarchy, did there not?
Mr. Williams. As I said, it was because of this state of anarchy that
the Bolshevik revolution found it possible to take over the government.
The soldiers were throwing down their guns and marching away
from the trenches. Y. M. C. A. men have told me that they did that
where they never even heard the word Bolsheviki. It was the opera-
tion of natural forces that were driving them.
Senator Overman. What is the definition of the word '' Bolshe-
viki"?
Mv. Williams. I asked a Eussian what his definition of the word
" Bolsheviki " was, and he said, " It is the shortest cut to socialism."
May I just return to this other view?
Senator Overman. Yes. Pardon me for interrupting you. I just
wanted to know, for my own satisfaction, what the Russian definition
of that word was.
jNIr. WiLLiAJis. Will you picture the Russian soldiers in those con-
ditions that everybody admits they were in, and then imagine the
representative of the Kerensky government going to one of these
soldiers and saying, " Glorious Russian soldier, now for the glory of
great Russia we will fight until we take Constantinople." And they
said, " We do not want Constantinople. We want peace." And then
those Russian soldiers began to think " This Russian government of
Kerensky is an imperialistic government. It wants to take other
people's land. We do not want other people to take, our land, nor
are we willing to fight in order to take other people's land." They
would say, " our government seems to be just as imperialistic as Ger-
many itself." Then there began to come into the minds of some of
the soldiers the idea that the allies themselves had imperialistic de-
signs of- taking land and other spoils, as the result of the war.
The same way with the workman. He was seized with this desire.
The Kerensky government would not give him what he wanted, which
was some control over the factories.
Now, I want you to go back into the psychology of the Eussian
worker's mind, if possible, and remember that he Wtis told that he
was a free man. " A free man," he reasoned " has some control oyer
his life. My life I spend, for the largest part, in the factories.
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 609
Therefore, I think I ought to have some control over the factories."
Therefore, when the Kerensky government gave him no control over
the factories, he, in a very anarchistic way, seized the factories, in
many cases, and the result was the destruction of machinery and
materials, such as has been told about in those cases. It was the same
way with the land. The peasants were taking it over, willy nilly,
as they pleased, and the result was confusion, and an added disloca-
tion of industry and political life.
In answer to these demands, of land for the peasants, peace for the
people, and factories for the workers, the Kerensky government, with
its young and inexperienced ministers, could do nothing at all but
say. " Wait until the end of the war," and then after that they said
" Wait until the Constituent Assembly ; " and month after month
passed by, and month by month gi-ew the unrest and the anger of the
people, and the people said, " If this weak thing that calls itself a
government can do nothing at all, we ourselves are going to do some-
thing." We saw this great upheaval of the people desiring to possess
themselves of peace and land and factories ; what iii reality they were
doing was bringing Russia to the verge' of chaos and anarchy and
ruin. I do not think that is an exaggerated picture. What did the
Kerensky government do ? It sent to them the best people it had, the
" grandfather " and the " grandmother " of the people, Tschaikowsky
and Breshkovsky, a great and noble spirit. But the government had
lost all control over the people and the people's organizations. As
Tschaikowsky said, the people had swept way on past him in this
great, elemental movement. Then there were two great leaders of the
Mensheviki, Tseretelli and Tscheidze.
Tseretelli had just come from his long years' imprisonment in
Siberia. He had been the leader of the labor party in the Duma.
Both of them had been trusted by the people. They were very elo-
quent men. They were asked to unloose their eloquence upon the
masses, and put a stop to what the Kerensky government said was
the insane demands of the masses. They might just as well have un-
lossed their eloquence at a volcano. Then the Kerensky government
issued orders and resolutions. They might as well have issued their
orders and resolutions to an earthquake. When the government sent
out detachments to put down uprisings these detachments used to go
over to the side of the people. And here, in that condition of disin-
tegration and dislocation of industry, you had the Kerensky govern-
ment, with the ministers falling in and out of ofEce, and the allies
trying to keep it alive by hyperdemiic injections of threats and
promises ; but it availed nothing. The Kerensky government in a
situation which demanded the strength of a giant was as weak and
helpless as a babe.
Senator Overman. Did you know Kerensky?
Mr. Williams. No; I did not know Kerensky very well. I just
met him incidentally. I had no chance to get acquainted with him.
That was the condition. Senator, that prevailed in September and
in October of 1917.
I do not pretend to have anything but a viewpoint — a partisan
viewpoint, if you please^ — of the masses of the people with whom I
spent my time, just as I believe that the viewpoint that has been
generally expressed in this committee is a partisan viewpoint of the
85723—19 39
610 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
people who have lived with those who have lost out in the revolution
because the revolution is a very unfortunate affair for some people, as
it is fortunate for others. There are winners and losers — just like
in everything else — and the losers suffer a great deal. I am not so de-
void of all imagination as not to think of the sufferings of the people
who have lived in the roof garden of life and have suddenly had to
step out and go to work ; and of the sufferings also of people who
have been forcibly dispossessed of their property. I know something
of the conditions of those people, and I know something of their
suffering and dismay. This has been reflected in America by almost
every person that has been allowed to speak, because these people
have lived with that class — the losers — who are full of anger and re-
sentment, embitterment and rancor.
But, on the other hand, you must know that as there are people
who lose out in a revolution there are others who win ; and the vast
masses of the people are winners in this revolution, and they are just
as happy as the others are sad, and they hail the revolution just as
gloriousl}' and joyfuUj^ as the others condemn it.
I am presenting the partisan viewpoint of the masses of the people
toward the revolution and the soviet and the present leaders.
Senator Overman. So you say these men are, speaking from a par-
tisan standpoint, against the Bolsheviki, as you are, speaking from a
partisan standpoint, for them; is that the idea?
Mr. Williams. I think that is a fair statement of the fact. It is
simply because I know that every situation has two aspects, and be-
cause one side has presented its side and has had every opportunity
to px'esent fully its side in the newspapers, on the public forum, in
committees, etc., that I have not felt called upon to present that side
of the situation. I have felt called upon, out of my own feelings
toward the great masses of the people, to try to articulate their view-
point and their attitude toward the revolution.
Senator Wolcott. You would not place — I must call her the
" grandmother " of the revolution because I do not remember the
name — in the group of partisans against the Bolsheviki, against the
soviet that you spoke of, would you?
Mr. WiLLiAJis. I would prefer not to dwell upon her psychology
and her mind, because I have every reverence, as everybody has, for
her past. I know this, that Madam Breshkovsky loved the peasants
and loved Kerensky. Kerenslvy was the idol of her heart. The
Soviets came and took the peasants away from her, and then went out
and took the government away from Kerensky ; and I know that as
a human being she can not help being prejudiced by that situation.
Senator Wolcott. She undoubtedly speaks as a person who has
intense sympathy with the Russian people. That is an element in
her psychological make-up.
Mr. Williams. Yes ; it is.
Senator Wolcott. She does not speak from the viewpoint of one
who has lived in ease and comfort, surrounded with luxuries?
Mr. Williams. No; but this is a very striking point. In the
soviet government — I refuse to say that there is a Bolshevist gov-
ernment in Russia ; there is a soviet government, which is composed
of several political parties, and the latest news that we have is that
the present soviet government has not only been joined by Maxim
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 611
Gorky, the great leader, but also by Martoff, the Menshevik leader,
and by men like Tchernoff, the great leader of the social revolu-
tionists, who have gone over to the soviet government and are work-
ing in cooperation with Lenine. In the soviet government you will
find in every soviet that four out of five of the members of the soviet
are young men, 35 or 40 years of age, perhaps 9 out of 10 of them.
They are all enthusiasts for this new order of society which they are
trying to create, while it happens that most of the opponents of the
Soviets are very old revolutionists ; some of them over 70 years of age.
These old revolutionary leaders, who are the heroes of American life
and who have done great work in the past, are, after all, the leaders
of the past, while the leaders of the present are the younger and more
vital forces-. I think it is true to state that in the Soviets four out of
five of the members are under 35 or 40 years of age. and that they are
the leaders of the future.
Now, if I may, let me return to the situation in 1917, with these
peasants seizing the estates and the workers seizing the factories and
the soldiers deserting from the trenches. In this situation there
was a group of people that seemed to understand what was going
on in Eussia, a group of people who had a set of brains ; a group of
people who understood that for a spontaneous, elemental, deep-
running, radical movement only a deep-running, radical program
would suffice; a group of people who had the confidence of the
masses, and therefore knew how to take these elemental energies and
direct them to some constructive purpose; a group of people who
understood the people, and therefore to whom the people would
listen. And now, in this case, I refer not to the Soviet but to the
party of the Bolsheviks. It is not fair to say that they understood
the people or that they had the confidence of the people, because they
were the people. The Bolshevik party was made up primarily of^
members of the working classes. It did not have as many educated
or members of the intelligentsia as the Menshevik party or the So-
cialist-revolutionary party. It was primarily the party of the
working class, and naturally the working people understood what
the working people wanted. The Bolsheviks spoke the people's lan-
guages, they thought the people's thoughts, and could articulate the
people's ideas.
It happens that the Bolshevik party has among them some of the
intelligentsia. We know of such characters here as Lenine and
Trotzky, and there are others like Lunacharsky, Kollontay. Tchitche-
rin, etc.
There was this group of the intelligentsia in this party. They
spoke a great many languages, some of therh having written any-
where from 3 to 20 volumes on various subjects. Thej^ adjudged the
situation and adjusted themselves to it. These people had a very
sublime faith in the great natural impulses and movement of the
people. I think that is a fundamental distinction between the man
who is a democrat and the man who is not a democrat. The true
democrat is one who trusts in the hearts of the people: that even
though at times they are very crass and crude, in general their im-
pulses are directed toward the right goal. I think the Bolshevik
intelligentsia in particular had a sublime faith in the people. They
believed literally that " the emancipation of the vast masses of work-
612 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
<ers should come from the workers themselves " and not from some
scheme that the intelligentsia, getting together, would rig up out of
their minds and superimpose upon the people. I remember a group
of workmen from a factory came to Lenine and asked him how to
run the factory. He held up his hands and said, " How do I know
how to run it? I do not know how to run it. You go and try, and
come back and tell me what you did, and then I will try to learn
from your blunders and mistakes, and," he added humorously, '• will
^'rite a book about it."
And then I think that the Bolshevik intelligentsia had a very dis-
tinct love for the people. That may be very emotional and senti-
mental, but there are people who do take a joy in mixing with the
multitudes who may be ignorant and sometimes crass, sometimes un-
•couth, and yet they feel that in them are the real values which come
lip out of the soil. I met one of these Bolsheviks at Voladarski, who
was working about 18 hours a day, and he told me, " I have had
more joy working with the people in the last eight months than 40
men ought to have in all their lives."
This Bolshevik intelligentsia was different from the other intelli-
gentsia in this : The others said, " Yes ; let the people rule, but let
them rule through us." The Bolshevik intelligentsia said, "'Let the
people rule themselves." The other intelligentsia said, '* We Imow
what is good for the people, and therefore we will give it to them."
The Bolshevik intelligentsia said, " Let the people find out what they
want themselves, and we will try to aid them in gaining their de-
sires."
Then the Bolsheviks said, " This Kerenskj' government has no
jforce; it has no authority; nobody respects it. The cabinet is a
weakling. In the meantime, workmen and peasants, look at the
■organization that you yourselves have built out of your own conscious-
ness, and that is a living thing." They pointed to the -soviet.
Now. it is a remarkable phenomenon in human history that three
days after the fall of the first revolution there sprang up in every
toAvn. in every village, in every citj^ this new organization called the
■soviet.
Senator '\A^OLroTT. What do you mean by "the fall of the first
revolution " ?
]\Ir. W^iLLiAMS. I mean the fall of the Czar in the first revolution
in ^larch, 1917. Afterwards came the springing up of these Soviets
all over the land. I was talking with a commander, who said that
liis ship was in Italian waters, and that two days after the first revo-
lution his crew organized itself into a soviet which was an exact
replica of the soviet that was organized in Petrograd, and they had
liad no intercommunication and knew little or nothing about the
Soviets in 190.5. It is a phenomenon that, being that far apart, there
should spring into being this new government apparatus.
The Czar was dethroned, and the revolution was made, as all revo-
lutions are made, by the hungry masses. From the Yiborg section
they came out on the streets of Petrograd. They came on despite the
Cossack patrols on the Vensky and despite the machine guns of the
police. Miliukov, seeing the great throng bearing the red flag, said,
^' There goes the Eussian revolution, and it will be crushed in 15
minutes." But the workmen came on, until their bodies littered the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 613
streets of Petrograd. But still they came on, singing and pleading
\yith soldiers and Cossacks nntil they came ovei' to the people's side
and made the revolution. When it was made, then appeared upoa
the scene other personalities — lawyers, politicians, etc. They said.
"Noble working-men, you go back to the factories; brave soldiers,
you go back to the trenches; and glorious peasants, you go back to^
the land. We are willing to take upon our shoulders the res]Donsi-
bility of making this great government, which is a very difficult task."
The Russian people are very tractable and obedient and patient, and
they went back. But they are also a very intelligent people, and^
before they went back they organized themselves into these little
groups. Every munition factory sent men they trusted, 1 fronii
every 500 of their members; every glassworks, every brickyard,
every shop or mill of 'any kind did likewise; every teachers' organi-
zation was asked to send a teacher, and every engineers' organiza-
tion to send an engineer, and then they called themselves a soviet.
Thus in every soviet there are people who knoAv about the different
trades; miners Avho know about mining and teachers who know
about teaching and engineers who know about engineering. They:
are the best men in their respective trades. They are elected accord-
ing to groups and occupations, while in all our congressional and ad-
ministrative bodies they are elected according to geographical dis-
tricts.
Senator Overman". Do they have one central place where these dele-
gates go?
Mr. AA'iujIajis. Every town has its soviet building.
Senator Overman. I understand ; but do you have any central place
where these people in the towns and villages send delegates ?
Mr. Williams. Well, Senator, it is this way: In Vladivostok, in^
Irkutsk, and in Kiev, according to the size of the district, the district
or the city soviet selects a delegate, and he is sent to Moscow, and they^
have every three months in Moscow an all-Eussian congress of Sovi-
ets, in which there are 1,200 to 1,500 delegates. The last congress X
attended there were about 1,400 delegates, of whom, roughly speak-
ing, 800 were of the two sections of Bolsheviks, about 300 left social
revolutionists, about 150 Mensheviks, and there were about 100 of
some other parties and about 19 anarchists. These delegates were
regularly elected and sent to this all-Kussian congress of Soviets. ,
That congress meets every three months and passes upon all the de-
crees and orders and all the general laws that have been made by what
is called the executive committee. The executive committee is a bod}^
that is elected by the soviet congress. It is like our Congress. This;
central executive committee remains after the all-Eussian congress-,
dissolves. The great all-Eussian congress keeps in session only 10
days or two weeks, and on dissolving leaves behind this executive.
committee of 250 members. Then the cabinet or council of people's;
commissars is responsible to this executive committee, Avhich at any
time can appoint and dismiss any of the members of the council of
people's commissars. Now, that is roughly a sketch of the soviet
form of government.
Senator Wolcott. Then these people who actually administer the-
powers of government are the commissars ?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
614 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Wolcott. They are not elected by the people ?
JNIr. Williams. They are not elected directly by the people.
Senator Wolcott. They are elected by the central executive com-
mittee ?
Mr. WiLLiAjis. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Which in turn is elected by the all-Russian cou-
gre.-;^ of Soviets I
Mr. ^A'illtams. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. AYhich in turn is made up of deleiiate^ selected
by the local Soviets \
]\Ir. Williams. Yes.
Senator "\Yolcott. Which, in turn, are elected by the people J
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. So that the rulers of Russia 'are four times ry-
moved from the people?
Air. Williams. I think that is a fair statement. Senator: and I
think that is one of the crucial objections to the soviet system, ns
compared to such a system as. perhaps, we have in America.
Senator Wolcott. lender that system the rulers of the cDuntry
are more removed from the body of the j^eople than the rulers of this
country are from the body of the people '.
Air. "Williams. So far as the electioneering system is concerned.
Ycs. You must remember that the AU-Eussian congress of Soviets
meets every three months and reflects any changes in the masses of
the people, and therefore it is possible to withdraw any member at
;iny time. For example, here is an instance
Senator Wolcott. But wait just a minute.
Mr. WiLLiAiis. Yes, sir.
Senator Wolcott. The executive council elects these commissars —
that is, the rulers; and how often is tlie executive committee elected?
Air. AA^iLLiAjis. Every time the AU-Eussian congress of Soviets
meets it has a right to draw out any of the commissars ; so that it is
only three months. AVhen it meets e^'ery tliree months it passes on
all the laws and all the decrees and matters that have been issued by
the central executive committee and by the council of people's com-
missars; so that at any time it can withdraw any member. A
new executive committee is left behind every three months.
Senator AA^olcott. Yes: the All-Eussian congress of Soviets meets
every three months; but how often are the members of the executive
committee of the All-Eussian congress of Soviets elected?
Air. AA^iLiiiAMs. I'hey are elected eveiy three months. I think,
Senatoi-, 3'our statement about the remoteness of these- indirect
mandates from the people is a fair statement of the situation, and I
think it is a valid criticism on a soviet order of government; and that
is the only reason that, so far as I am a partisan or making a plea,
I Avould like to see the Eussians try out this new kind of state appa-
ratus, and try to perfect it as they can. Perhaps they can work out an
organization there that may be better than our organization. Per-
haps not. Perhaps it can not be worked out better than our organiza-
tion. But it is certainly valuable from a laboratory point of view to
try out a new order of government which may be more reflective 01
the wishes of the people and which may be more consistent with the
new industrial and economic situation. I think it would. Senator. 1
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 615
do not Imow. But that is the plea I make for letting Russia alone,
to see a test made of a social order different from anything we have
elsewhere in the world.
Now, to return, if I may, to those Soviets which were growing up
in the summer of 1918. They were growing up on every side. The
people were learning to speak in them. As Mr. Eoot has said, " Rus-
.sia became a nation of 100,000,000 orators," and the floodgates of
speech burst around these forums of the people. They learned also
!it that time to get together and to work together. There Avere \-ery
many tremendous blunders ; but out of it all this — a soviet system-^
was growing up. The local Soviets Avere being slowly linked up
together into a vast network spread over the country. And when the
Kerensky organization displayed its utter weakness, the only part
that the Bolshevik played in this matter was to come to the masses
of the people and say. '' Here is an organization that has been built
out of your own brains, out of your own hearts." They pointed to the
soviet. They said, " It has power, it has authority, it has organiz-
ing ability, and if you want a goA^ernment that will give you land and
peace, and "
Senator "Wolcott. Bread.
Mr. WiixiAMS. " And factories — there it is. It is just a matter
of taking it over." In other words, it is true that inside of that old
government machine there had grown up an entirely new structure
which had the indorsement of the people, which the old govern-
mental machine did not have. And, so, when the so-called Bolshevik
revolution occurred, it was very simple. The Bolshevik announced
openly in advance that the Soviets were going to assume the powers
of government ; that they- were, in fact, the real government of Rus-
sia, because there was no other power in that country. They pub-
licly announced the date practically on which they were going to
take over the government in Petrograd. It was as simple as that.
They went down to the Marensky Palace, where the members of the
body calling itself the government of Russia assembled, and they
told these people that they must go home, because they did not rep-
resent the Russian people. They went to the provisional government,
which was in the Winter Palace. They surrounded it and shot one
shell into the Winter Palace, and then began shooting blank cartridges.
That is the only force they used against the Kerensky government.
I think it is fair to say that any government or institution shows its
right to live and its claim to life by the number of people who will
come to its rescue. We know this, that, if the Government of the
United States was in danger, uncounted millions, a vast majority of
the people, would rally to its rescue, because it has, as a whole, the
masses that have that attitude toward it. But in Russia, when the
Kerensky government was in danger, the only people who rallied to
it were the Women's Battalion, a few junkers, and a few detached
Cossack organizations over the country. The so-called Bolshevik rev-
olution was accomplished in Petrograd without the killing of more
than 15 or 18 people, and those were mostly Bolshevik themselves,
who, standing on the outside of the Winter Palace, were shot by the
junkers from the inside. The junkers lost one man, and I believe one
of the women of the Women's Battalion fainted.
Senator Overman. What do you mean by " junkers " ?
616 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
]\Ir. "\A'rLLiAMS. " Junker " is a word taken from the German, and
means the landowner class, the young officers who are the mainstay of
the Prussian military machine. So they apply the word to youno-
military officers of Russia who are in training in the schools largeK.
Well, may I state here, may I interject here, seeing that vou are
giving me such a patient hearing, that it was about that time, while
it was very quiet in Petrograd, that the report went out that 200
women in the Women's Battalion had been assaulted. It was said
that the Bolsheviki had assaulted those women. In the Daily Xews,
which was an English paper, it was asserted over and over again th;it
Gen. Knox, of the British Mission, had gone to Smolny to protest
against the assaulting of these '200 women of the battalion, yot when
Ave were detailed by the Duma we went to one of the bitterest anti-
soviet person, Madame Tykova. the wife of Harold Williams, and
she insisted that the Duma had examined the whole matter. The
fact was that these women had been treated with courtesy, and while
they had been told to disband and go home no affront had been
offered them. I only say that because everywhere in Petrograd the
rumor had been to the effect that the Women's Battalion had been
assaulted. Therefore when men come to you here from Petrograd
and say that some one said this or that, some one reported to him
such and such facts, he is repeating those same rumors, those same
old tales which we were fed on over and over again, and which in
nine cases out of ten we found were untrue. Senators, if I believed
one-half of the things that have been said by those who are against
this workers' and peasants' government in Russia, if I credited one-
half of the brutalities, I would heartily agree that the whole bunch
of the Bolsheviks should be hanged. Of course, I know that there
were cruelties, brutalities, and horrors, so that I want to use any
influence I have against any brutal class war. But, as Eansome
has said, if " these men in the soviet fail, they will fail with clean
hearts, trying to do the best they could under the terrible circum-
stances under which they were placed." That November revolution
occurred in Petrograd without practically the killing of a single
being. At Moscow the taking over of the government by the Soviet
was accomplished by the killing of probably in the neighborhood, I
should say, of 1,000 people. Some people put it at 2,000. I know that
600 Bolsheviks were killed. In Irkutsk, in Siberia, there was con-
siderable fighting and killing. The city is badly shot up, as were
other places throughout the country. But on the whole the assump-
tion of authority over this vast country from the Atlantic to the
Pacific, from the Wliite Sea to the Ukraine, I think, was accom-
plished without the killing of more than 1 in 5,000, I should say, of
the population. And may I add this, that up until June, 1918, when
the soviet power had absolute control from the Atlantic to the Pacific,
from the White Sea to the Ukraine, when there was no rival authority
that could challenge the soviet, if you take all of the most exaggerated
estimates as to killings, the people lost in the street fighting of Irkutsk
and in Kiev, the peasant outbreaks in the villages and the provinces,
the number who were killed, if you add that all up and divide it, not
into the 3,000,000 of the American Revolution or the 23,000,000 of
the French Revolution but the 180,000,000 of the Russian Revolution,
you will behold a revolution which was big and tremendous; you
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 617
might not agree with it, you probably do not, but it was a revolution
that was on fundamentally great principles, and it was accomplished
without the killing of more than 1, I think, out of 1,000 population,
even by the most exaggerated estimates that are given by the op-
ponents of the soviet government. And remember in June, 1918
Senator Overman. How many do you think the total number
killed?
Mr. WiLLiAsis. You know it is said that there are three kinds of
lies — lies, damned lies, and statistics — and I do not dare proffer any
exact statistics upon the number that have been killed.
Senator Overmax. You can give your own judgment about it.
Mr. Williams. My own judgment is — I made a A-ery careful
analysis at different times up to June, 1918, Avhicli was until the
allied intervention — that at the outside there were killed in March
in Eussia, from March, 1917, to June, 1918, between 40,000 and 50,000
of the population in the revolution, and that occurred in all the
open fighting as well as some of the cruel stuff that went on behind
doors. In other words, I would be willing to argue with anjf op-
ponent on the other side that up until June, 1918, after 14 months of
the revolution and the establishment of the firm order of the soviet
republic, there was not killed more than 1 in 1,000 of the population
of Russia.
You Imow that Mr. Francis boasted that in Vologda, a city of 60,000
population, the whole transfer was made without the killing of a
single man.
Senator Wolcott. Did you ever meet the woman ^ho was the
commander of the women's Battalion of Death ?
Mr. Williams. No ; I did not.
Senator Wolcott. Did you know anything about her ?
Mr. Williams. Only ^ery vaguely. I have read very little about
her. I know one reporter who has been mentioned in this room,
Bessie Beatty, who lived with the women's battalion for a short time
and knew them very intimately.
Senator Wolcott. I have a book, the title of which is " Yashka,"
written by Maria Botchkareva.
Mr. Williams. I have read some extracts from the book.
Senator Wolcott. I have not read all the book, but my eye was
arrested by this statement, which she makes as throAving some light
on the conditions in Petrograd with respect to the slaying of people.
She arrived in Petrograd January 18, 1918. She said this of condi-
tions when she arrived [reading] :
Red terror was rampant in the city. Tlie river was full of corpses of slain
and lynched officers. Those who were alive were in an awful condition, in fear
of showing themselves in public because of the mob spirit, and therefore on
the verge of death from starvation. Even more harrowing was the situation
in the coimtry. It was falling into the hands of the enemy so rapidly that some
kind of immediate action was imperative.
Now,, that statement of hers does not seem to harmonize with what
you saw there.
Mr. Williams. Absolutely it does not, Senator; and may I only
add in reference to that this statement here; which I can make very
categorically. I think that book was written by some press agent
and not by herself, and was played up to catch the average American.
Senator Wolcott. Why do you say you think that ?
618 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. AYiLLiAJis. She can not write English. I think she is an
illiterate woman.
Senator Wolcott. She could write Russian ?
Mr. WiLLiAiis. I am not sure. Of course, she could make those
statements. In opposition to those statements about the horrors in
Petrograd and Moscow in January, February, March, and April
1918, thex'e are at least 10 ayailable witnesses who would come here.
First of all there were the three women correspondents who were
there at this time. Every one of them will tell you that it was as
safe to walk the streets of Moscow or Petrograd as it was to walk the
streets of Chicago or New York, if, in the wisdom of the committee,
you decide to ask men like Maj. Thacher, or Col. Eobins, or Yarros,
or Humphries of the Y. INI. C. A., or any of the men connected with
the Friends' Mission, they will make the statement that I am now
making — that they saw nothing of these things that this woman
says in this book that she saw.
Furthermore, while the subject of \'iolence is up, may I make this
statement in reference to the attitude of the workers and peasants?
It is said that Buckley said of Edmund Burke, that Burke had so
much sympathy for the sufferings — ^lie was referring to the French
Revolution when Burke took a stand against the French Revolu-
tion— he said that Burke had so much sympathy for the sufferings
of the present that he had forgotten the sufferings by which they had
been evoked. So I would like to have you get into the background
of your minds a pictm-e of what the peasants of Russia had to en-
dure. I would like to take you into Ukraine. As I went there in a
zemstvo wagon we came to a little village in the valley, and there
about the zemstvo wagon 300 women, 40 old men and boys crowded
around, and I asked them how many had heard of George Washing-
ton. There was 1. I asked how many had heard of Abraham Lin-
coln, and there were 5. Two, perhaps, had heard of Kerensky, about
300 of Tolstoi. And then I made a blunder and asked them how
many had lost anyone in the great war, and nearly every hand went
up before my face, and like a winter wind blowing through the
trees there went a moan over that crowd, and I realized the horror
that was in their lives. A little boy ran out of the crowd crying,
" My brother. They killed my brother." Two old peasants fell upon
the wheel of the wagon, and in the passion of their grief shook the
wagon. The women wept as I had never seen women weep in my
life. Why was there so much grief? Because the village had been
stripped bare of the men that had marched away to the front by the
millions and now were coming back crippled, eyeless, and armless.
Mr. Humes. When was this?
JNIr. Williams. In the summer of 1917.
Mr. Humes. Were you talking to them in Russian or in English?
Mr. Williams. I had an interpreter and tried to talk some Russian,
too. I want you to bear in mind where these men were. They were
in the greatest grave of the world, that ran from Riga to the'Black
Sea. The peasants marched out with clubs in their hands and were
mowed down by the German machine guns. The munitions had been
sent and dumped in the snow in Archangel, because cars were scarce,
because of the bribery of the old officers, but these same cars were
unloaded and reloaded with champagne, Parisian dresses, and sent
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGASTDA. 619
back to Moscow. In Moscow life was good. In the trenches it was
dark and bloody, and in these homes it Avas bitter. The hearts and
arms of the women were aching for the men who never Avould return.
Hold this picture there of this suifering and cruelty as the back-
ground of the peasants' and workers' life. You know very well of the
thousands of these peasants and worl^ers that came before the Czar
and pleaded with him for fair play, and he shot them down in the
Winter Palace Square. You know of the thousands who rotted in
prison, and the thousands that left their bloodstain in the snows of
Siberia. And I have seen, Senator, an old peasant stand up in one
of the new soviet schools, and he said, " I can not read what our
soviet is trying to tell us in the papers. The old Czar did not want
us to read, but to plow, pay our taxes, to go to church, and now our
new government is trying ito tell us something, but we can not read.
The Czar put out our eyes."
You know now that these oppressed people in November, 1917,
seized the government, and when they seizecl their government they
seized these tyrants and these murderers, their former oppressors.
I wondered how they were going to act toward those who had dealt
with them harshly and brutally, and I thought thej^ were going to
turn witli revenge on them. That is what we would have done in this
country. I think we have such passions that if we had been treated
that way we would have turned on our oppressors with evil in our
hearts. But this is the thing that lifts the soviet idea to a high
ethical plane. When they took over the government in 1917 they
had these men who had lashed them and jailed them, but the first
decree that tliey issued was the abolition of all capital punishment.
Mr. Humes. In the March revolution?
Mr. Williams. No ; in the November revolution. It was not a de-
cree about land or peace ; it was a decree saying to these old murderers
and assassins, these people who had brutalized them all their lives,
it was a decree saying that their lives were safe.
Mr. Humes. Was not capital punishment first abolished by Keren-
sky?
Mr. Williams. It was first abolished by Kerensky and then it was
reintroduced again.
Mr. Humes. Toward the end of the Kerensky regime?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Did the Bolsheviki abolish it — the soviet government
abolish it?
Mr. Williams. They abolished it; then it was reintroduced.
Senator Wolcott. I want to read what this commander of the
Death Battalion has in her book regarding the restoration of capital
punishment. She says [reading] :
At the same time the picture of those mangled hodies occupied my vision,
and the thought rankled In my mind of the treacherous Bolsheviki, who had
opposed capital punishment In the war against Germany, but introduced it In a
most beastly fashion in the war against their own brothers.
You say they did restore it.
Mr. Williams. Yes ; they did.
May I add this word about the red terror of Moscow and Petro-
grad ? May I say that I have not the slightest desire to whitewash
the violences of the Eussian revolution. I would like people to un-
620 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
derstand it in all its black and bloody terrors, so that we would use
our brains in the modification of our social system in evolution so that
we should avoid a repetition of this sort of thing ; that we should do
it with our brains and with our reason instead of our passions. And
so, when talking this way about violences, it is not with the intention
of mitigating or minimizing the fact. My only intention is to state
as a reporter what I saw there. I Imow this, that there was no system
of red terror in Eussia until allied intervention came, until there was
unloosed upon the peasants and workers the old Russian monarchists,
the old Black Hundred ; until the ugly co^nter-^e^•(llution raised its
head in the midst of Moscow and Petrograd. With the advent of the
white terror, then, and only then, did the workers and peasants
strike back with red terror. ,
Senator Wolcott. May I interrupt you and ask you what you
mean by the Black Hundred ? Others have explained it, but I have
forgotten just what they told us.
Senator Overman. That was under the Czar.
jNIr. Williams. That was under the Czar. They refer to the Black
Hundred as the secret police or the gendarmerie. Those men perhaps
use it in a narrow sense.
Let me say now that you have been systematically told the horrors
of the Red Terror. But there was a gentleman here who said that
he had seen both the Red Terror and the White Terror. The White
Terror is that which exists in those places where they have over-
thrown the soviet government. Take the statement of Mr. Acker-
man, of the New York Times. In one of his messages he stated this
fact, that a train left the Ural Mountains loaded with 2,100 Bolshe-
viki prisoners, and that they arrived at Nikolsk with 1,300. He
asked what had become of the rest, and he stated that the train was
without sanitation or provisions, and these men were either starved
to death or committed suicide or were shot when they attempted to
escape. He said that scores of the victims died in the arms of the
American Red Cross workers when they were taken from the train.
He said that that was the tragedy of one of several such trains. That
crime must be charged against the enemies of the soviet government.
This same correspondent, Ackerman, also states that Kalmikoff
was allowed to precede the allies on the trans-Siberian Railway;
that he acted in such a ruthless way that the people wei'e too terror-
ized to gather the corpses of those he had shot down. They were
left out on the streets to be torn by the dogs. In Habarovsk 16
soviet teachers who htid been teaching the children the new Montes-
sori methods were mowed down by machine guns and the blood of
the teachers dyed the flower beds they had made with their pupils.
I have no brief for violence on either side, but I know this, for
example, that the minds and the imaginations of the American
people have been filled with the stories about five grand dukes who
were thrown into a well. It is assumed that the Bolsheviks must
have thrown them into the well. Here, on the other hand, are 800
Bolsheviks — and no matter what ideas you may have, Bolsheviki are
the working men and women who have paved the streets, who have
sowed the corn, and built the houses, and who have mined the coal,
and who have engineered the railways. Those are the men who have
done that ; and, on the other hand, five grand dukes are the men who
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 621
have all the time fattened upon the blood and the tears of the Rus-
sian people. My sympathy is large enough to include every human
being in it, but I think that if I have to choose where my sympathies
shall go — to those grand dukes on the one side, who have lived all the
time upon the blood and the sweat of the Russian people, or, on the
other side, to the 800 workmen and peasants — then my sympathies
will go out to the workmen and peasants of Russia.
Senator Overman. What we want to get at is the facts. Our time
is limited.
Mr. WiLLiAJis. I will go on. I will leave this violence alone. May
I make just this statement. I know that we are living in a very
passionate time and that it would be difficult for any committee to
sit at the time of the French Revolution and pass upon the facts
before it when it gets such discrepant facts from different sources;
and I realize the difficulties under which you labor. But when you
bring before the bar of history the Bolsheviks, charged with red
terror, and on the other side the Wliite Guards and Black Hundreds,
charged with the white terror, I know that when they raise their
hands, the gnarled and toil-stained hands of the peasants and work-
men will be very white compared with the hands of these ladies and
gentlemen of privilege.
Senator Overman. I would like to know, after the revolution was
established, what was the condition as to the reign of terror after
the Bolsheviks got control in Petrograd and Moscow.
Mr. Williams. Senator, I was trying to explain that.
Senator Overman. I see your viewpoint. I have let you go on, and
I see your viewpoint" exactly, and I believe some of the things you say,
but I want to know the facts.
Mr. Williams. Senator, the only thing that I have stated in re-
gard to the revolution, as far as concrete figures are concerned, in
Petrograd, was that the revolution was accomplished in Petrograd
with less than 20 people losing their lives ; in Kiev, 2,000 ; in Moscow,
1,000. Taking the total all through that period of time, from No-
vember, 1917 (or even going back to March, 1917), until June, 1918,
the total killed in the course of the civil war that was then raging in
Russia will not exceed, I think, by the largest estimate, more than
45,000 people, and I think that is a generous estimate.
Senator Overman. That was after the last revolution?
Mr. Williams. If you exclude the first revolution, probably 35,000.
Senator Wolcott. That is, in civil war?
Mr. Williams. Killings of all sorts. It is a civil war that rages,
and the most brutal civil war.
Senator Wolcott. You would include in those figures the numbers
who were killed after being adjudged guilty of certain crimes?
Mr. Williams. Yes : I would include them, certainly ; by all means.
Senator Overman. Men who have been thrown in prison and taken
out and shot? .
Mr. Williams". Yes; I would include them.
Senator Overman. What have you to say to this? It has been
alleged that people were starved to death.
Mr. WiLLiABis. People being starved to death in Russia ?
Senator Overman. In Petrograd and Moscow, especially?
622 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Jlr. Williams. Senator, when I went there under the Kerensky
regime, conditions were very bad. Conditions as far as food was
concerned did not iinpro\'e under the soviet regime. It was quite
difficult to get food. Of course, people who had money could ahvavs
get what they wanted. I am sorry to say that was true even under
the soviet regime. Before the soviet system was fully organized
people who had mone}' were able to live pretty well. But the ra-
tions were cut down quite generally. Xow, I think
Senator Wolcott. Are you going to another subject?
]Mr. Williams. I am just talking on this. I think that part of that
was due to the natural disorganization that came from the Bolshe-
A"iki taking over Russia. But remember that March, 191T. was a
hunger revolution, and there was hunger all through the Kerensky
regime, and there was hunger when the soviet came on. But the
stiiking fact is that at the present time the soviet does not have to
bear the stigma of forcing hunger on the people. The workei-s and
peasants excuse the soviet, because the soviet is able now to " pass
the buck." It passes it over to the allies. They placed the blame
on the allies for their starvation. I am not saying that they are
right in holding the allies guilty for present condition. It may be
due to the disorganization and the inefficiency of the Soviets, but
the Eussian masses do not think so, and if the soviet officers are
asked now, " Why do we not have rations in Moscow or Petrograd? "
they say it is because the allies have cut off the great trans-Siberian
crops.
Senator Overman. Eight there let me ask you, if you please, is
there any such thing as looting, going through the houses and taking
food from the people, and valuables?
Mr. Williams. They are taking food and valuables. I think it
would be one of the miracles of history if in a revolutionary time
there was not a great deal of it.
Senator Overman. I ask you if that is true?
Mr. Williams. I think it is true ; only, of course, I know the tales
of loot have been tremendously exaggerated. I never saw a specific
instance. The only instance I had was when I was looted myself.
I left Petrograd in August, 1917, with a suitcase containing, among
other things, $80 in gold. Some soldiers stepped on the train and
took our suitcases and threw them out of the window. They then got
off and rifled them of their contents. They sent our passports back
with their respects, saying they had no use for such things.
The consul general in Moscow, Mr. Summers, went into the matter
in great detail. I think it is generally stated that the height of the
looting and the height of the robbing in Eussia was in the last of
August and in September, 1917.
Now, as to the lootings that have been rehearsed in this committee.
If they are honorable gentlemen and able gentlemen, and they said
they really saw what they said, and it is not what some one told
them, and it is not pure hearsay, I would believe their stories. On
the other hand, we can bring to this committee 15 or 18 Americans
who will say that they traveled up and down through Eussia during
all this time and never saw any instance of looting. And one of the
remarkable things is that, of the hundreds and thousands of Amer-
icans there, not one was struck bv a bullet, verv few of them missed
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 623
a single meal, and most of them, when they " escaped" from Russia,
did so on an international sleeper.
Senator Wolcott. Were there hundreds of thousands of Ameri-
cans living in and around Moscow after the embassy left?
Mr. Williams. I am speaking now of the time after the Novem-
ber resolution. I should say hundreds — and there may be thou-
sands— possibly hundreds would be nearer it. From all the news we
have about Americans over there, there has not been the killing of a
single American, which is rather striking. It would be interesting
to get those statistics exactly.
Senator Wolcott. There were some, of course, thrown into jail?
Mr. Williams. Yes. There were a number thrown in jail.
May I return to that question of starvation in Petrograd and in
Moscow ? You must remember — I do not want anyone to feel that I
am picturing the millennium or any happy times. I know they are
terrible times, but I know exactly the conditions under which the
people are living, and as you are showang a willingness to hear an-
other side of the case, the case for masses of workers and peasants,
I wish you would try to recall the handicaps under which the present
soviet government is operating. Eoubinsky, the great representative
of capital said, " Let the bony hand of hunger clutch the people by
the throat and bring them to their senses." The capitalists have tried
to sabotage all industries, have crippled factories, and have by all sorts
of devices broken down the economic organization of the country.
There is a man in this country who I know boasted of the sabotag-
ing of a factory organization so that it could not be reorganized for
four months.
Senator Overman. Who is that American ?
Mr. Williams. I do not like to mention him here. I might mention
it to you privately. He is a prominent and highly regarded man.
Senator Wolcott. But he boasted of it to you in private conversa-
tion?
Mr. Williams. No; it was in a letter. I will tell you privatelj'^
who he is.
Then another thing that was engineered against the soviet govern-
ment was this: Its enemies wanted to work for disintegration, and
remember the enemies of the soviet government are not hurt as they
pretend to be hurt by the disorder in Russia; they are hurt by the
order there. They are not hurt by the anarchy, because that is what
they desire, but they are hurt by the possibility of the soviet deliver-
ing Russia from anarchy. They are not hurt by the failure, but they
are hurt by the success of the undertaking. In order to bring disorder
and chaos in Russia, one of the things they did in the early days of
the revolution was to go down in the wine cellars and open up the
liquors to all. When these wine cellars were thrown open they invited
in certain soldiers, sailors, the riff-raff and hooligan element.
Senator Overman. Mr. Williams, would you mind moving your
chair over just a little? I like to see the witness when he is testi-
fying-
Mr. Williams. Thank you. Senator ; that is very flattering. I had
the idea from all the things that have been said about me here in
Washington, that the committee would want to hang me, not to see
me.
624 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator 0^'ERMA^•. Do you not think that remark is veiy gratui-
tous, that the committee wanted to hang you ?
Mr. Williams. I will withdraw the remark, but I thought that
after some of the things that certain people have said about nie.
that would probably be j^our attitude of mind. It is just due to the
troubled spirit of the time.
Senator 0\'eeman. Do you not think that we have treated you
fairly ? I think that remark of yours is very uncalled for. I do not
know what people outside wanted to do. *
Senator Wolcott. You Avere not making that remark to cast any
reflection on the committee, at all?
Mr. Williams. No, Senators; not at all.
In these attempted wine pogroms the cellars were opened up, as I
said, and the riffraff, rabble, and scum, which probably comes more
to the front in a revolution than at any other time, were invited into
those wine cellars, and they all got drunk. The idea was to get them
to go out and loot, murder, and riot. The soviet government showed
its firm hand. It went down into these places with machine guns
and with armored cars, and to put a stop to this they turned the cars
upon the mob. Of course, it was a very drastic measure, but they
finally put a stop to this attempt to make people drunken looters and
riotors. They went down into scores of cellars and they smashed all
of the wine bottles containing the vintages of hundreds of years.
This is a true record of the revolution.
Then you must also remember this, Senators, that when the work-
men and the peasants took over the government in Russia the intel-
lectual and educated classes of Russia had the same attitude that so
often obtains toward the masses of the poor and disinherited. For
example, the intelligensia said, "Wliat can these dark masses do?
Nothing. We ^nill bring them to bankruptcy the quicker by refusing
to work for them." So a great many of the intelligensia had abso-
lutely nothing to do, in the beginning, with the soviet government,
so these poor fellows had to run the telephone exchanges, the banks,
etc. They did exactly what you would expect them to do; they
bungled things up. They made all sorts of mistakes, but they had
tremendous perseverance.
Some very highly educated intelligentsia, as we call them in Russia,
did go over to the workers and peasants, and said to the workers and
peasants, " During the days of our education you clothed us and fed
us and gave us a chance to live. Through you we obtained our edu-
cation, our skill, and our technique, and now, although we do not
altogether agree with you in what you want to do. still we only think
it is fair that we should put our brains and our skill at your disposal.'
I know that in Russia there were thousands of men representing the
finest brains and spirit of young Russia who went over to the work-
ers and peasants and in an humble way said, "Well, if this is the
thing you want to do we are going to join with you in doing it.
For example, in Vladivostok the son of the governor general became
a Bolsheviki, and later became the president of the soviet — a very
remarkable incident it was. He, with four other students, labored
night and day incessantly with the workmen and peasants in that
place, until that man became the very idol of all the Russian people
in a revolution which is not given to hero worship. He was one of
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 625
the intelligentsia trying to overcome the handicaps under which the
soviet government was woi-king.
Senator Overman. Naturally the intelligentsia, as you call them,
would do that, or they would arouse the passions of the soviet against
them, would they not?
Mr. Williams. Against that viewpoint that has often been ex-
pressed in this room, I can only state the words of Maxim Gorky —
and whatever may be your judgment of his ethical ideas, the Eus-
sian people regard him as a great spiritual leader, and as a man
whom they reverence to a great degree. I would like to read for you,
if I had the time, but perhaps I better not take it, his last statement
in reference to the workmen and peasants of Russia, in wliich he said
unequivocally that he had been the enemy of the soviet government
up until very recently. Now he says, " I am still in disagreement
with many of its methods of procedure, but I can only state this,
that when the historians of the future look back upon this year of the
soviet government they will stand amazed and dumbfounded before
the creations of the workmen and peasants in the realms of culture
and in the realm of art." Were there time, I would like to read you
the .whole statement. I found in no soviet any discrimination against
the intelligentsia, but rather all the time a begging, a feeling and de-
sire that they should come into the soviet and join in the common
tasks, together with the peasants and workers.
In November, 1918, there was held in Petrograd a meeting of the
intelligensia, the professional classes of Russia. Maxim Gorky ad-
dressed it with a plea that instead of further boycotting the work-
men's and peasant's soviet government that the intelligentsia should,
on the other hand, offer their brains and skill to the soviet govern-
ment. But some one in the crowd said, " But, Mr. Gorky, did not
this soviet government suppress your paper? " And he very jocu-
larly answered, " Yes, but it ought to have been suppressed." After
this appeal of Maxim Gorky to the intelligentsia to go over to the
Soviets, the Soviets have been further equipped and strengthened
by great numbers coming from the professional, business, and cul-
tured classes.
Senator Overman. Have they suppressed the newspapers ?
Mr. Williams. They have suppressed. Senator, a great many of
the newspapers, but I will take that up a little bit later and tell you
something more about it. I am just trying to get into your mind an
idea of the handicaps under which the government has worked. I
said, in the first place, that the wine pogroms were directed against
them. In the second place, the soviet was sabotaged by all sorts of
attempts to bring on hunger, by the flooding of mines, and the break-
ing down of industry.
These Soviets were excommunicated also by the church, and it was
excommunicated by the church for the simple reason that the soviet
government separated the church and the state, and confiscated some
of the great lands and estates that belonged to the monasteries, and
put all religions — the Catholic, Jewish, and Protestant — upon the
same basis in Russia that they are in America. All religions have
equal rights now. The Roman Catholic Church recognizes that atti-
tude of the soviet government in Russia, in that it has for the first
time a chance and a certain standing that it never had before. Prom-
85723—19 40
626 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANUA.
inent religious men in America realize tluit as the bo\ iet govei-niin'nt
takes that attitude toward all religious or-ianizations, Aincriciiu
religious organizations will for the first time have a fair field.
In the old daj's religion was a monopoly of the state, a Greek
Church monopoly. At the present time there is no discrimination
made against any religious organization. They were excommuni-
cated by the church primarily because the Soviets cut off some of the
rich sources of its income.
And, then, everyone knows the stoiy of how it was early guillo-
tined by the (xermans: and, tlien, in addition to that, it has been
systematically boycotted and blockaded by the allies, with the French
and the British leading in stri^ ing to strangle Soviet Russia. The
British emissaries and Frencli emissaries all took precisely the same
attitude toward Soviet Eussia. Then, under the guise of allied diplo-
matic privilege, in the embassies conspiracies of all kinds were made,
particularly by the French and the British, against the so\iet gov-
erimient and soviet officials. Yet these people went on, handicapped
on eveiy side, and I say that the fact that the soviet government,
beset and bedeviled on all sides, exists at all shows its basic strength.
At the present time there are two statements that stand out, the one
the statement of Maxim Crorky just 10 days ago, when he spoke of
the great growing cultuial work in Eussia, aud the other the state-
ment of Lloyd (Teoige. Lloyd Cieorge says something to this effect,
that any man advocating intervention in Eussia would be n fool, con-
sidering the figures that are in\oh'ed, because the Bolsheviki have a
strong aud growing military power. I submit that a strong and
growing military power and a strong and growing cultural work cnn
not be based mereij' upon a state of disorder, of chaos, and of an-
archy such as has been depicted by most of the Avitnesses before the
Senate hearing up to this time.
Senator Ovekman. Did you see any German officers around there
acting with the Bolsheviki^
Mr. Williams. In Irkutsk, in central Siberia, I will relate the
actual contact that I had with the German officers working with the
Bolshevik army. The soviet army there had, I think, something
like 9,000 troops that were recruited from the Magyars and from the
Germans. I remember this, that I stopped off at Irkutsk on May
clay in 1918, which was a big international holiday. They were hold-
ing a large meeting there, and I was asked to address them. I ad-
dressed them, saying, " Comrades, how great it is that you are mem-
bers of this soviet army which some day will be called to fight against
the German imperialists.'' I remember a German officer there tak-
ing me to task. He said to me, " I am a loyal internationalist. This
army is the army of the soviet government, and we say it is to fight
against anyone who is enemy of the soviet government, the English,
the French, the Americans, or Germans. Now, the other German
officers are all the time saying that this army is only being organized
to fight against the Germans and the Austrians, and you have come
here and confirmed them in that impression. Now, while it is true
that this soviet army will undoubtedly fight against the Germans,
because they are the imminent enemies of the soviet government,
still it may fight against all the others, and that is what we want to
keep in the minds of the German prisoners, that this is a Russian
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 627
soviet aniiy— an international army — and it is not directed against
any one particular nation."
Xow, the only thing that one can vouch for is his own personal
experience. I loiow the soviet fairly Avell at Petrograd, I know the
central soviet at Moscow, I know personally, I should say, something
like 30 of the 50 or 60 men that are mentioned in the so-called
Sisson documents. In my contacts with these people, and in my con-
tacts with the Vladivostok Soviets, which I knew intimately, I
never saw the signs of German influence directive, yet I think there is
undoubtedly some German influence.
Senator Overman. Yo\i stated here you were in the employ of the
Bolshevik government. Is that true?
Mr. WiixiAMS. Yes; and if the Senators would care to hear, I
have written this out very plainly, and in the most concrete fashion,
showing my I'elations to the soviet government.
Senator Overman. You have no relation with them now ?
Mr. Williams. No ; not now.
Senator Wolcott. Before you go into that, Mr. Williams, I want
to recur to the subject you mentioned during the early part of your
lestimony, as to the plan of organization of the soviet government.
You said it was based on the principle that trades should be repre-
sented, rather than geographical divisions.
Mr. Wiuliams. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. That is only true, is it not, in the local Soviets?
Mr. Williams. You mean in a city soviet?
Senator Wolcott. Or a village soviet, the first soviet.
Mr. Williams. The first soviet?
Senator Wolcott. The first unit. That is true onlj' in the first
units, is it not?
Mr. Williams. Yes; primarily in the first unit.
Senator Wolcott. When you get up to the top of the system, j'ou
are then in the geographical representation, are you not?
Mr. Williams. Yes ; I think that is a fair statement.
Senator Wolcott. If I understand it, the local or first soviet is an
organization where the trades are represented?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. And they select a delegate to the all-Eussian
congress of Soviets, is that correct ?
Mr. Williams. That is correct.
Senator Wolcott. One delegate sits from each soviet?
Mr. Williams. Well, the point. is, you understand, Senator, that
Kussia is still in revolutionary days. They have only had two years
to work on the revolution. There is no final, set, fixed, arbitrary form
to the government. You will remember that our Constitution was
not adopted until we had been thrashing it out for about 10 or 15
years. The same condition exists over there. They have a constitu-
tion, but it is subject to a great many changes; but the last word I
have about the situation in Eussia just about agrees with your state-
ment of the fact.
Senator Wolcott. Well, we will say one or more delegates, de-
pending on the size of the local Soviets. Now, of course, that one
or two or three delegates, as the case may be, who go up to the all-
Eussian congress of Soviets represent only so many trades. If the
OZ» BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. '^
delegate happens to be a machinist, of course he is not speaking for
the peasants or for the railroad men, or what not. He goes up into
the all-Eussian congress of Soviets and then they select the executive
council, and therefore when you get up to the top there is not a gov-
ernment which is representative of the trades, but at the top is a
government representative of geographical divisions. It must neces-
sarily be so, must it not, because to have all the trades represented in
the government at the top you would have to have as many officials
there performing various functions as there are trades in the coun-
try ? It must be, of course, a geographical representation.
Mr. Williams. I think that is a very fair statement of the thing.
Of course, with every attempt at government to give the people real
direct control and representation of their interests it always hap-
pens that the men who have great intelligence and who have ability
and who have energy are the ones who come to the front.
Senator Wolcott. That always happens, if you have got a good
government, anywhere ; but, after all, in its last analysis it is not a
government administered by the -various trades. It has got to be, in its
last analysis, and must necessarily be, a representation of districts.
Mr. Williams. It is very difficult to answer that question finally.
For example, in the great central executive committee they have
technical experts upon trades and occupations. The whole idea is
not to make up a political organization, but a great clearing house
for the transaction of business, the transporting of food, etc.
Gradually changes will be made in the soviet constitution. It may
be that every great organization, like the miners, in Eussia will select
a delegate or delegates from the general organization of miners and
send them directly to the central soviet. There will probably be
new adaptations like that. It will be the same with the teachers' and
engineers' associations. Instead of passing their delegates all the
way up through this long route, it may be he shall be elected direct
to the central executive committee. I only suggest there may be such
modifications.
Senator Wolcott. That is not in sight now, however.
Mr. Williams. No ; only I have heard that being broached.
Senator Overman. Did you know Trotzky personally?
Mr. Williams. I knew Trotzky personally ; yes.
Senator Overman. What do you think of him as a patriot, a man,
and a leader of a great revolution for a better government?
Mr. Williams. Well, I had a very interesting experience with
Trotzky. I believe absolutely in his moral integrity. One tinie it
was suggested by Eaymond Eobins that if 100,000 rubles were given
to Trotzky^ at that particular time they might enable him to get a
little piece of literature over into the German camps that we wanted
to get over. He asked me to approach Trotzky. I did so. Trotzky
did not speak English ; he speaks German, and so I approached
him in my rather fragmentary German, and in talking to him I
finally came to the subject of this 100,000 rubles which could be
obtained for putting this propaganda over into Germany. As soon
as he understood what I was driving at he threw up his hands and
led me out into the other room with the intention, of arresting me.
He said that Eaymond Eobins and Col. Thompson may have given
money to Breshkovskaya to back her organization, but he was not
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 629
going to allow him to think that every man could be bought in
Kussia.
Mr. Htjmes. Mr. Williams, you referred to the use of fragmentary
German. Were yon not educated in a German university ?
Mr. Williams. I graduated from a theological school.
Mr. Httmes. What theological school?
Mr. Williams. Hartford. I Avas given a fellowship to study
abroad. I studied in Cambridge University for six months, and
then I studied in Marburg University and Heidelberg for about six
months. I learned enough German to get along.
Mr. Humes. Did you graduate from that university?
Mr. Williams. No.
Mr. Htjmes. You never got a degree from a German university?
Mr. WiLLiAjis. Xo.
Mr. Humes. But attended a German university for about six
months (
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. You say you attended a theological school in
Hartford, Conn.?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. What was it ; Trinity ?
Mr. Williams. Xo; the Congregational School.
Senator Overman. You say Trotzky did not speak English. He
was in this country, was he not?
Mr. Williams. I understand he can write a little of it, but he
speaks French, German, and Russian. Lenine is very adept in the
English language and likes to talk it.
I finally convinced Trotzky that I was not trying to bribe him.
Later on he was confident that we were not tr\'ing to play any double
game. He has not the same kind of intellect and same range of mind
that Lenine has. Lenine, of course, is undoubtedly the biggest man
in Europe to-day. I know Trotzky, and I believe in his absolute
moral integrity. He is a great orator with great flexibility and
adaptability. There are 8 or 10 men that you can call here who will
only confirm Avhat I have stated in these rather simple terms.
Senator Overman. Who employed you, Trotzky or Lenine, or how
were you employed?
Mr.' Williams. I will read you this paper, which will cover the
whole case exactly.
Senator Overman. Is it; long?
Mr. Williams. No ; it is only three pages, and it will tell you a
great deal. It is a very simple statement. [Reading :]
After the signing of the armistice in November, 1918, the commissar of foreign
affairs of the Soviet government, Leon Trotsky, addressed an appeal to the
toiling masses of Germany to rise In revolution.
The president of the American Red Cross mission in Russia, Raymond
Robins, stated that he would give 100,000 rubles for printing that and getting
It into 'German hands. He suggested that I should approach Trotsky. This I
did, bringing down upon my head the wrath of Trotsky, who threatened to
arrest me^as an agent of American capitalism who was trying to bribe him.
Immediately after this incident, however, there was opened up the bureau
of international revolutionary propaganda, with an appropriation of 200,000,000
rubles spent upon newspapers, flyers, and pamplets in the languages of the
German and Austro-Hungarian Empires.
The whole theory of Soviet propaganda has been " a relentless war of propa-
ganda against those who wage a relentless war against us." That is the reason
630 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
tliiit such ii ferocious propaganda offensive was waged against Germany. Tliat
is wliy in a milder form it was <arri('(l against England and Prance, igut be-
cause America did not lead tlie assault against the Soviet government it in
turn, has left America out of the attack. ' '
As a matter of fact, 99.9 per cent of all money wa.s concentrated in an uswiult
upon Germany.
I held no official position in this hureau but cooperated in the production of
the illustrated paper which exijlained to the Germans how to make a revolu-
tion, intimately all this had its effect. Douglas Young, the British consul
at Archangel, says : " Bolshevik propaganda had as much to do with the sudden
collapse of Germany as our military operations."
For the time being, however, it did not avail to prevent the drive cif tlie
(German Army upon I'etrograd. When this occurred in March, 1918, I joined
the army that was being hurriedly recruited to stop this advance. I was then
requested to organize a foreign-speaking detachment. A call for all foreigners
to join an international legion was sent throughout Russia. This resultins
contingent was not strong in numbei's. it was strong in moral effect, in making
Russians feel that there were some outsiders who were willing to tight with
them. Thereafter, most of these peojile who had been so stridently crying out
to the Russians " Kill the Huns," valiantly fled when these Huns came within
killing distance. For my many months' service I received .SdO rubies — the pay
of a regular soldier.
The whole motive of my course of action in Russia was to keep the (Jerman
Imperialists from destroying the Soviet Republic and strangling the Russian
people. I consistently used my energies In fighting them by propaganda, by
military means, and by an espionage work against them whicli I organized in
connection with a prominent American official, who can be called before this
committee.
Some gentleman has st.ited here that I had been apijointed a representative
of the Soviet government. That he Iiad it on the highest authority, authority
from a Russian whose name he would not disclose lest he should be killed for it.
This is shrouded with terrible mystery — something which has been every-
where proclaimed openly as a fact. In May. 1918, there sprang up the idea of a
Russian Bureau of Public Information in America, on the pattern of the
American Bureau of Public Information operating in Russia. I was given cre-
dentials for the formation of such a bureau. I presented tliis matter to llr.
Arthur Bullard, head of the American Bureau in Russia, who said that it would
be for the mutual interests of the two countries and he would use his influeuec
for it. These credentials wei'e likewise presented to Mr. Robins. They were
shown all along the Trans-Siberian T>ine from Moscow to Vladivostok. This fact
was printed in hundreds of Russian papers. The credentials were presented to
the eon.sul at Yhidiovstok and have passed through the hands of the Naval Intelli-
gence Bureau, the Department of State, and the Department <if .Tnstiee. The
fact of this commission has been printed in scores of papers in America, par-
ticularly in the Nation and heralded fi-om a hundred platforms. And .vet, now,
it is whispered in these chambers as a " dark secret."
When these credejitials were given me, by the Soviet government, I was
definitely instructed in concurrence with the United States Government, to
make it stand clear of any propaganda taint, and that particularly it should
not present the claims of any one political party in Russia but shoidd show the
Soviets at their work.
Washington was informed that there could be no Russian Soviet informa-
tion bureau, because that government was not recognized.
Thereupon. I regarded that Incident as closed and held my status to lie that
of an American citizen telling the truth as I saw it. la Russia as I spent my
energies In fighting in every way against the German Imperialists, in their
efforts to throttle the Russian people and their revolution, so here I have fought
every imperialistic design amongst the allies that would throttle the Russian
peasants and workers and would turn their natural love for America into
hate. To that end I have presented reports to certain members of the State
Department, to Justice Brandeis. to Col. House, and through him to the Presi-
dent. I have presented my view of the facts through journals, organizations,
and meetings of the middle business and educated class, neglecting the labor
and Socialist groups the natural field for the " agitator."
" To the last syllable of recorded time," said Mr. Russell of the Root Mission,
" mankind will have cause to regret that the people of America did not under-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 631
stand, the people of Russia during the revolution. It does not proujole that
understanding to repeat those stories of loot and anarchy and murder, as
though that were the chief occupation of the peasant's and worker's government."
My one idea has been to present the positive achievements of that government
with the aim of promoting a closer cooperation between America and Russia
and an understanding of what has happened in Russia in order that we may
avoid the violences and cruelties of a brutal class war here. The Americaii
people want to hear this truth and are willing to pay for it. We. who have
been fighting for fair play, for the Soviets, have been absolutely without any
funds except those supplied by the good will and graces of the American people.
The other side seems to have had unlimited funds.
As to the motives and the facts involved in this statement I ask you to call
the following witnesses who know of my activities in Russia aiKl America :
Col. Raymond Robins: Gregory Yari-es. of the .Associated Press: Jerome Davis,
head of the T. M. C. A. in Russia for two years ; Miss Bessie Beatty, editor of
JlcCall's Magazine; Dr. Charles F. Kuntz, Iselin, N. J.: Mr. W. G. Humphries;
Maj. Thomas D. Thacher.
All these people have been in Russia and take the same view of the Soviet
government.
Mr. HujEES. Did you add Mr. Thompson to the list ''.
Mr. Williams. I only Imew Col. Thompson because he in\ited me
for dinner one time. Outside of that, I knew him very little. These
people knew intimately my activities there and my activities here.
Mr. Humes. You say that the pay you received was the month's
Ijay of a soldier — 300 rubles?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Mr. Humes. That is the pay of a soldier of the Red Guard, do you
mean ?
Mr. Williams. That is the pay of the soldiers of the Red Army —
300 rubles. It may have been raised. There may have been in certain
districts, as there are here, changes and modifications in certain
districts, but the average pay is 300 rubles.
Mr. Humes. In what form was that paid to you ?
Mr. Williams. That was paid in cash — in rubles.
Mr. Humes. Did you get it in specie, or in paper ?
Mr. Williams. In paper money.
Mr. Humes. What was the value of that? What was it worth?
Mr. Williams. I think at that time it was worth $30 or $35.
Mr. Humes. It was worth $30 or $35 ?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Then, as as matter of fact, the pay of the Russian
soldier, while it was 300 rubles in paper monev. was in actual value
only $30 to $35 ?
Mr. Williams. Something like that ; yes.
Mr. HuJFES. Did you follow the testimony of Mr. Simmons before
this committee in which he related his experiences in prison and out ?
Mr. Williams. Only very incidentally. The only thing I picked
up Avas this, that he said he had it " on the highest authority " — of
course I was very particular about my own relations to the thing —
that I had been appointed the representative of the Soviet govern-
ment and that he could disclose the name of the man who informed
him • but he could only do it in secret, because this man would be prob-
ably killed if it was disclosed ; and I am just trying to show you
Mr. Humes. As a matter of fact, you were a representative of the
Bolshevik government or the soviet government, were you not ?
Mr. Williams. Of the soviet government.
632 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. So that his statement to that effect was correct and his
information was correct?
Mr. Williams. His statement to that effect, so far as anything
Mr. Humes. So that the question as to where he got his informa-
tion is not at all material ; the fact remains that you were an officer or
employee of the soviet government?
Mr. Williams. Precisely ; but what I am trying to do is to bring
up the question as to what credence is to be given his other statements
about Russia, when he put forward as a great secret a fact which tens
of millions of Russians already knew and which was published in
the official papers in Moscow and heralded all along the Trans-Siber-
ian Railway. Moreover, this fact was published in the Nation and
scores of other American papers. It was proclaimed in advertise-
ments of my meetings and from the platforms where I spoke.
Mr. Humes. There is no jury system under the soviet government,
is there?
Mr. Williams. The first organization of the soviet court system
was in the form of a revolutionary tribunal.
Mr. Humes. A revolutionary tribunal that is more in the nature of
a court-martial, as we know it in this country, than of a civil court?
Mr. Williams. The court, as I knew it, was composed of seven men.
Mr. Humes. Is it or is it not a fact that men are tried before those
revolutionary tribunals Avithout their being present themselves?
Mr. Williams. I do not know that as a fact.
Mr. Humes. You are not in a position to say that it is not a fact?
Mr. Williams. I am not in a position to say it is not a fact.
Mr. Humes. Therefore, if gentlemen who have testified here say
that they have seen that occur under the soviet government, you have
no reason to question their statement ?
Mr. WiLLiA]\rs. I have no reason to question their statement.
Mr. HuaiES. What does that court consist of ? Does it frequently
consist of not more than one man ?
Mr. Williams. All that one can state is what he saw himself. I
saw, primarih% the Petrograd revolutionary tribunal, which con-
sisted of seven men. The audience generally participated more or
less in that revolutionary tribunal. As far as I have ever heard, up to
June, 1918, there was very little criticism of any kind of that revolu-
tionary tribunal.
Allied intervention brought it to the front and made the revolution-
ary tribunal something very harsh and something dictatorial; some-
thing that had many of these e\i]s that no doubt many of these men
i(iave attributed to it.
'Jj Senator Overman. Did you Imow Mr. Peters?
]\Ir. Williams. I knew Mr. Peters; yes.
Senator Overjiax. What was his nationality?
Mr. WiixiAMs. He was a Lett that had lived in London for a
large number of years.
Mr. Humes. It is also a fact, is it not, that the press that is opposed
to the Bolshevik regime has been suppressed in Russia ?
]\rr. Williams. All that one can state is up to his own time of his
departure.
Mr. Humes. Had it been suppressed up to the time you left?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 633>
Mr. Williams. Up to the time I left there was a fair circulation'
of all papers. There were generally, say, three anti-Bolshevik papers^
to one Bolshevik paper.
I would like to present to the committee, for example, a complete-
file of a certain paper which was most vitrolic, most venomous,-
against the Bolsheviks, cartooning and lampooning them in a way
that would never be allowed here at different times. I have a coni-
plete file of that paper from November 7 to the time I left. This papei-
never made any revelation of military plans and never called for the-
violent overturn of the soviet government, and never called for any
conspiracies or assassinations of government officials. Because it
was making no attacks upon the Bolshevik government, it was not
suppressed. I think up to the time I left Russia only those papers
were suppressed that were calling for the overthrow of the soviet
government or because they were revealing certain military plots
and plans.
In Vladivostok, just before I left, before the soviet was over-
turned, there were six papers there, four of them violently anti-
soviet and two of them pro-soviet. I understand also that during'
the time that the counter-revolution raised its head, with the allies
boring in from Archangel and the Germans threatening from the
south, and the Cossacks were coming up from the Don and the
Czecho-Slovaks coming out of Siberia, there was a much more drastic
suppression of the press than I have indicated at the present time.
Mr. Humes. Yes. The soviet government reserved the right to that
option up to the time you left, to suppress any paper that advocated
the violent overthrow of the government ?
Mr. Williams. I think so.
Mr. HxjMES. And you recognized that as a proper position for the
soviet government to take, did you?
" Mr. Williams. I recognize that as a proper position for any g■o^•-
ernment to take.
Mr. Humes. And you feel that any government has a right to re-
strict and suppress the press that undertakes to secure the violent
overthrow of the government itself, do you not ?
Mr. Williams. Yes ; of course, I do.
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Williams. Only I hope that even the soviet government, as
our government over here, will ultimately be so sure of itself and so'
certain that it is functioning for the benefit of all humanity that it
will have so few enemies that it will give absolutely free speech and
free play for everybody.
Mr. Humes. But you mean free play in the political sense, as dis-
tinguished from what we might call direct action or force or violence?
Mr. Williams. Yes. Only what I have seen. Mr. Humes, is this..
I would like to have a government so strongly entrenched in the
affections of the people and a system of life making it so happy for
the vast majority of the people that anyone who asked for a violent
overthrow of the government would be simply laughed aside as a
fool.
Mr. Humes. But that situation has not been attained under the
soviet government in Russia up to this time?
Mr. Williams. Up to this time it has not been ; no.
^34 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overman. Would you be in favor of an act of Congress to
stop the publication and sending through the mails of propaganda
advocating the overthrow of this Government?
jNIr. WiLLiAJis. I would like to think, Senator Overman, of our
own country as being free from violent eruption. It is the richest
country in the world, with such vast opportunities, with a groat edu-
cated class to work upon our industrial problems ; I would like to have
things so arranged that we should feel so sure of oursehes thai in tlii-;
country if anyone talked like that he would seem to the niajoritv of
the people to be talking sheer nonsense. In other words, the people
■of the country would feel that there was so much justice, so much fair
play, that they themselves would take care of anyone who talked that
way by laughing him down. Moreover, Senator Overman and mem-
Iters of this committee, I am as anxious, and I know that most of the
people who call themselves agitators are as anxious, that we should
avoid violence and bloodshed and that we should have an orderly
transformation into a more decent order of society, as you gentlemen
here are. We believe that one should heed the symptoms of a bad
industrial disease. The red flag is a symptom, or a violent speech
from this or that source is a symptom, or a sudden outbreak here oi'
there is a symptom. Instead of suppressing the symptoms we ought
to get down to the root of the disease and try to eradicate it by secur-
ing the economic values which are at the base of all these things. If
you believe that men have common sanity and common sense and
decency I think you would trust to the good will and good nature
and to the ultimate solution of the problem in those ways.
Senator Overman. What effect would carrying the red flag have
upon the masses of the people?
Mr. Williams. What effect does the red flag have upon the masses
•of the people ?
Senator Overman. Yes.
Mr. Williams. At the present time, with the connotation the red
flag carries in the minds of the people, that has been stirred up on
account of the agitation, it has a very exciting effect upon them. The
average credulous citizen who walks along the street wants to tear
down the flag because it is a symbol to him of everything that is
violent and evil and vicious.
Senator Overman. You think that in thife country it is a symbol
■of everything that is evil ?
Mr. Williams. On the contrary. Now, the black flag is supposed
to be the flag of anarchy. The red flag is the international flag of all
the socialists of all the world. I saw it carried in parades in Norway.
It is carried in parades all over England : and in France even before
the armistice was signed. I understand that a number of soldiers
walked out and met President Wilson carrying the red flag. It is
the flag of everything
Senator Overman. You have not answered my question. I under-
stood you to say that in this country it is a symbol of anarchy.
Mr. Williams. Yes ; in the minds of certain people who have cer-
tain views on it, it does symbolize anarchy and violence, and there-
fore they are against it. But it is not an emblem of anarchy. The
emblem of anarchy is always a black flag. The emblem of the
socialists is a red flag.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 635
Senator Over.max. Is it not the emblem of the I. W. W.?
Mr. Williams. No, sir ; it is not the emblem of the I. W. W. as I
understand it, though I am not certain here. I understand that it is
primarily the emblem of the socialists, as it is the emblem of the
international.
Senator Overman. Is it not the emblem of the socialist, and is it
not an emblem of protest ?
Mr. Williams. No; because the Irish protest with a green flag
against their oppression, and the anarchists protest with a black
flag; and still further, the Harvard boys sometimes protest with a
red flag.
Senator Wolcoit. The fact of the matter is that the red flag is
made use of by people with diiferent kinds of views, and to one who
knows its significance does not have any definite significance at all
times, but it gathers its significance from the nature of the views of
the man or of the crowd carrying it ; is not that the fact ?
Mr. Williams. Yes, of course.
Senator Wolcott. You can conceive of one man carrying a red
flag who would be, say, a socialist, and who believed in accomplish-
ing his end by means of a change in constitutional law. Another
man might be carrying a red flag who believed in bringing about his
ideal order by revolution ; and another man might be carrying a red
flag who had them both in mind ?
Mr. Williams. Yes, and another man might be just a labor
unionist or a Harvard man.
Senator Wolcott. Yes. It does not have a fixed meaning. It de-
pends on who carries it and what fixed idea the man has in mind who
is carrying it.
Mr. Williams. Yes; but one thing we ought to bear in mind in
considering any legislation at the present time, and I do not think
it makes any diiference whether the red flag is suppressed in this
country by legislation or not, so far as the forward move of the
great labor socialist movement is concerned. It has been tried before.
For instance, Germany suppressed the red flag, as you know, for a
time, and it found out that instead of suppressing the feelings that
the red flag symbolized, the feeling of antagonism toward the pres-
ent order of society, it just made those people more hot in their feel-
ing against society. They found other symbols. They used for a
while a red flower ; and then the ladies wore red petticoats, and they
would lift the petticoat xery slightl}^ as they crossed the street before
the Prussian gendarmes standing on the street cornei-s. I do not
think there is any significance in suppressing those symbols, and
particularly when all of Russia and Europe has the right to carry
the red flag, and they regard it as an important right.
Senator AVolcott. 1 think you are right, and I ex[)ressed that view
the other day in a committee meeting. The suppression of a symbol
amounts to nothing.
Mr. HtjMES. Take those measures by which changes in the form
of o-o\'ernment can be accomplished ; for instance, they might be ac-
complished in the lawful, or, what we might call the political way, pro-
vided for by the terms of the fundamental law, which makes it pos-
sible for the people — the majority of the people — to have just that
form of crovernment which they desire.
636 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The other method might be by the use of force and violence and
the forcible overthrow of the government. As I understand it 'your
position is that all changes in the form of the government should,
vs^here it is possible under existing laws, be effected in a peaceable
way and in the political way provided for by the fundamental law.
Is that correct ?
Mr. Williams. That is a correct statement; yes, Major.
Mr. Humes. Do you approve of organizations which seek to ac-
complish the changes in form that they advocate, by force, as distin-
guished from politics?
Mr. Williams. Of course not; and may I just make this state-
ment
Mr. Humes. I would like to have you answer the question, and then
make, any explanation you please.
Mr. Williams. All right. State your question again.
Mr. Humes. Do you approve of organizations whose purpose it is
to secure the changes in the form of government which they seek, liy
force, and at the same time which refuse to participate in political
affairs in an effort to secure the changes which they want, in the
peaceful method provided by the fundamental laAv ?
Mr. Williams. I will state, categoricallj^, I do not approve; and
then I will make this statement.
Mr. Humes. All right.
Mr. Williams. One organization of society in Russia, the soviet-
organization, grew up inside of the other, old state organization, natu-
rally and automatically. You remember one time Carlyle was told
about Margaret Fuller, the American transcendentalist, who was^
very much worried about the way the uniAei'.se was running in generaltt-
Feeling rather good one day, in a large, generous attitude, she said,
'■ I accept the universe." Carlyle said, " Gad ! she'd better ! " Now, I
accept the universe the way it functions. I would have liked to have
seen the revolution come in Russia in an orderly fashion. I know
now that it could not have happened in any other way. There were
certain great, inherent economic forces
Mr. Humes. Just Avait a minute. I think you are beside the ques-
tion.
Under the fundamental law, if there was such a thing under the
old regime in Russia, it was not possible for the people to change their
form of government in a legal way, was it?
Mr. Williams. No, sir.
Mr. Humes. Therefore the situation as it existed in Russia was
entirely different from the situation as it existed in the United States ;
is not that true ?
Mr. Williams. Quite right.
Mr. Humes. In this country a majority of the people, through
legal action, can secure just the form of government that they want,
can they not ?
Mr. Williams. Yes ; but I have got to modify that, again, before
you go ahead.
Mr. Humes. Well, then, an organization in this country which
seeks a change in the form of government, but at the same tune
refuses to participate in elections, refused to participate in political
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 637
affairs in an effort to secure those changes in form of government, is
seeking forcible overthrow of the government, is it not ?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Mr. Humes. And must be disapproved of under your theory of
proper procedure in matters of that kind ?
Mr. Williams. Yes. The only thing I would say in addition to
that, Major, is this, that if there are large numbers of people who
refrain from voting and build up on the inside a great industrial
organization — I do not see any signs of it at all here in this country
as yet — anything that is similai' to the soviet organizations, federa-
tions, or groupings of workers, the time may come when, just as a
snake sheds its skin and leaves it behind and goes on with a new skin,
so we may peacefully pass into a new social order. It is perfectly
possible — I do not think it is imminent
Mr. Humes. If those Soviets grew up until they controlled the
majority of the people in this country, one election would accomplish
the changes that they were seeking, would it not ?
Mr. Williams. Precisely.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that the organization known as the
I. W. W. is an organization that refuses to participate in political
affairs, declines to vote in elections, and advocates change in the form
of government which they contend for, by forcible means ?
Mr. Williams. I am not familiar enough with the I. W. W. to
know.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that you, in appealing for support in
this country, have appealed for support for the I. W. W. as well as
for other organizations ?
Mr. Williams. I do not thinlc that has been true; no. As a mat-
ter of fact, I have not.
Mr. Humes. Have you ever, in your public utterances, opposed the
methods described by the I. W. W. ?
Mr. Williams. I think, as far as I understand the I. W. W., that
it is for a passive resistance rather than a forcible overthrow of the
government; I have not spent much time upon it, and, therefore,
I have made ho attempt at all — —
Mr. Humes. Do you approve, or have you advocated in your public
writings or speeches, the use of sabotage in this country ?
Mr. Williams. Of course. Major, you probably have copies of all
those writings and speeches, and you can tell me as well as I can
tell you.
Mr. Humes. You know what your sentiments are on the subject?
Mr. Wllliams. Well, I have not, then. I have not.
Mr. Humes. Do you approve of sabotage?
Mr. Williams. No. You have to define all those terms — what is
sabotage, and all like that. What is commonly known as sabotage
I do not approve.
Mr. Humes. The sense I am using it in is the sense in which it is.
used by the I. W. W., and you are familiar with their use of the term,
I presume.
Mr. Williams. Well, enlarge on it a little.
Mr. Humes. The destruction of property; the interference with
production; the interfering with the successful operation of ma-
chinery.
638 BOLSHE^^K propaganda.
INIr. WiLLiA-Ms. Many things in reference to that perhaps von ,lis.
appro\e — things I do not approve or disapprove. I do not disiip-
prove of a hurricane or a volcano, or of the Soviets in Russia. I
know that tho.se are inevitable tilings. They are elemental things-
tremendous thiniis. If you accept the universe, you have got to
accept those things with it.
In the same way I wish for orderly political development in Amer-
ica. I only know that if those things happen, it is not for me to
a]iproA-e or disapprove of them, and if anything like that should ever
happen in any way. the thing to do would be to try to guide it into
constructive ways. ^lay I simply answer this, ^lajor ^
Mr. HvJtES. In your public utterances, do yon take the position
that the end justifies the means?
Mr. AViLLiAjis. No; I have ncAei' taken that position.
Mr. HujrKs. Is not that the policy of the soviet government in
Kussia '.
Mr. WiLLiAJis. No : of course not. Thex- have tried to use the most
decent and the most humane and the most kindly means. These emi-
nent gentlemen of the Eed Cross, I have heard, have stated with the
greatest anger their feelings of bitterness against the so\iet officials
for their laxness. because tliey did not take an iron grip and did not
clean out in a more merciless fashion the enemies of the soviet gov-
ernment.
Mr. Humes. Have not the leaders of the soviet government taken
the position that the end justifies the means ?
Mr. Williajms. Of course, every person has something of that sort
in the back of his consciousness, but it is not the basis of soviet
action. For example, no soviet official, if any other government
should come into power, would believe in the assassination of the
officials of the new government. They do not believe that the end,
destruction of the old order, would justify assassination as a means.
Mr. Humes. Do not certain groups in the United States, possibly
before wliom you have been speaking, take the position that the end
justifies the means?
Mr. "\A'iLLiA3is. Yes. indeed, they do. I spoke to a group — the
Philadelphia City Club — and spoke to another club, and there were
some gentlemen there that I heard afterwards say," The only way
you can solve that problem is by taking those fellows out and string-
ing them up to a lamp-post." And we have in this country a great
many people who believe that. The only solution of social problems
is to deport them or blot them out bj' machine guns and by ruthless
attitude violating all their constitutional rights. Those are the real
anarchists in high places.
Mr. Humes. Do not tlie I. AV. W.'s as an organization take the posi-
tion that force is justified and preferable to peaceful and political
methods of settling social questions?
Mr. WiLLiAjrs. As I told you, Mr. Humes, I am answering you
very honestly. I am not aware of a great deal of the I. W. W. propa-
ganda. I understood that they believe more in large passive re-
sistance, strikes, rather than in any forcible action against property.
Mr. Hu:NrES. Is it not true that the more radical socialistic element
in this country advocates the same thing?
Jlr. WiLLiAjis. No man can be a member of the Socialist party
who advocates violence and force against organized peaceful methods.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 639
Senator OvEiiMAN. I agree witli what you said about the red flags
m many States, but if thei'e is an organization organized -for the pur-
pose of overthrowing this Government by force, and their emblem is
the red flag, ought that organization, organized for that purpose and
ciUTying that flag to swerve people to that end, ought they to be
allowed to carry it ?
Mr. Williams. No; I should think not. I think you should
specify in some way.
Senator Over]\ia:n\ Then you think that no organization organ-
ized for the purpose of overthrowing the Government by force and
violence should be allowed to carry it?
Mr. Williams. I think that is all right, only I think that the Sena-
tors have got bigger and vastly more important tasks than legislating
against these small and very uninfiuential organizations of this kind.
They can be handled by other means.
Senator Overmax. Is there not a possibility — I am not saying a
probabilit}- — of an organization being formed being very strong, that
might organize for that purpose and carry this flag for the purpose
instead of the Stars and Stripes ?
Mr. WiLLiAJis. I think the danger would not be in the flag, or
whatever they carried, but the danger would be what they are carry-
ing in their hearts.
May I say in answer to Mr. Humes : He says that in this country
we have effective political machinery so that the voters can register at
the polls their choice, and when you h&\e 51 per cent of the people
representing an idea they ha\'e a right to come into office and the right
t(i dictate the form of government that we shall have. In other
words, he says that we have a democracy. That is good in theory,
but how does it work out in practice? As a matter of practice, it
works out this waj^ : The people who have large sums of money have
absolute control of the press, they have in a certain degree control of
the pulpit, they have in a larger degree the control of legal utterances.
In other words, public opinion is made not by a fair exchange of ideas
upon the subject, but is made by a small group wlio wish to superim-
pose upon the people certain facts and certain ideas and certain atti-
tudes, and so it pours at times a perfect propaganda through all its
organized channels and the result is that the people of the country do
not have a fair chance to make up their minds.
Now, I am quite in disagreement with the Senators here in this
matter. I believe that if the people of America had a fair chance to
understand what were the fundamental principles of socialism, the
American people, even though they are reared under individualistic
liaditions, and even though they have a very vigorous feeling of non-
interference by the State (although they seem to ha\e easily accepted
most of the State centralization these last years), nevertheless. I
think the American people as a whole rather than continue the present
orffiuiization of capitalistic society. I think if they had a fair view of
the whole socialistic situation ancl imderstood that there was a possi-
bility of organizing industry along cooperative lines, so that there
would be no'excesses of wealth and poverty, and so that there vs^ould
bo a fair return for everybody, so that we could preserve our cultural
and our art and religious life in a fairer and freer form, I believe the
vast maiority of the people of the country Avould call themselves
■^40 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Socialists. But because it is to the interest of a certain small group
of people in this country, who have vested interests in large proper-
ties and the preservation of the present order of society, those men
use all their influence, all their organization, and all their inforitiii-
tion so as to stir up the minds of the people so that when thev come
to the polls they vote against socialism simply because they have not
had a fair chance to understand what it is. So to that extent, to the
extent that the Xew York Call has a certain repression put upon it by
the Postmaster General, to that extent the socialists in New York
feel that repression is put upon the expression of public opinion,
while exi^ression in regard to public matters of the other great jom-
nals is allowed absolute freedom. The tendency of the socialis-ts is
this, if they say they will not allow us to have certain halls and a
fair circulation of our papers, and will not allow us to express our
ideas in public, they then see that there is no chance of doing things
by regular orderly political methods, then they will have to use under-
ground channels as that is the only way they can do anything, and
then that goes over to wild and violent methods. That is the way
you create violence in a country. It is because you repress a fair
statement of public opinion on all these subjects.
Senator Wolcott. Has the New York Call been restrained at all
"because of any socialistic ideas it might have ? Has there ever been in
this country an attempt on the part of the Government officials to
suppress the promulgation of the socialist argument?
Mr. WiLLiAJis. I think that the very fact that the New York Call
at the present time is suppressed
Senator Wolcott. It is not by reason of its advocacy of socialism?
Mr. "Williams. I can not understand what other reason there is for
its repression, because it happens to be a fairly mild paper. I can not
understand why the Postmaster General continues to repress that
paper.
Senator Wolcott. I am not familiar with the New York Call nor
the reasons for any restraint put upon it. In fact, I did not know
there was any. I can not think that there is any restraint put upon
any newspaper because it chooses to advocate the socialist principles.
I can not think that.
Mr. Williams. I think, Senator, that if you will examine into this
case you will find that that is the truth.
Senator Wolcott. I know the socialists can circulate pamphlets
through the mails. They have been doing it for years and years.
I think I received copies of the New York Call before I was elected
to the Senate. For quite a time it was advocating socialism, and
there was no question of it then.
Mr. Williams. Oh, yes ; but there is not a real free expression of
ideas now, though things are loosening up.
Senator Wolcott. It can not be because of its advocacy of social-
ism. It must be something else.
Mr. Williams. I do not laiow of anything else that it could be. I
do not think that any member of the organization would allow to
appear in the paper any advocacy of violence. Whatever reason for
the repression of the paper, to that extent you are creating a grudge.
Senator Wolcott. You think that the people do not get to express
their real views because their opinion is molded for them by a press
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 641
which you say is controlled by the capitalists? Now, what does that
come to? It comes down to this, does it not, that nevertheless the
people are expressing whatever views they entertain, so that they
are getting what they want. From your point of view, they are
laboring under false impressions, they are wrong in their view, but
the fact is, however, that, though they are suffering under what you
call wrongs, they do get an expression of their views.
Mr. Williams. That is the reason that it is commonly heard said in
the radical socialists' circles that we have in this country a govern-
ment by a plutocracy and not by a democracy. I agree with your
statement, and of course yovi can agree with this statement as being
the attitude of the masses of the radical socialists and labor people.
Senator Wolcott. Are you through, Mr. Humes?
^Ir. Humes. Yes, sir.
Senatoi- Wolcott. I want to ask just a question or two. Your work
since your return from Russia here has been only for the purpose, as
I understand you, of explaining what the soviet government in Russia
really is, as you undei'stand it, in the light of your information about
it. You have not been writing and speaking for the purpose of advo-
cating the adoption of the soviet governmBnt in this country, have
you?
Mr. WiLLiAiMS. No ; I have not.
Senator Wolcott. There was an impression in my mind that you
had been ; that your mission, if I may call it such for want of, perhaps,
a more accurate word — you understand what I mean by applying the
word, however — was to conduct a propaganda here which would be in
advocacy of the adoption of this form of government that they have in
Russia, the soviet government, and thereby carrying out the interna-
tional propaganda of that government. Has my understanding been
erroneous ?
Mr. WiLLLA,Ms. It has been erroneous. My attitude toward the
whole Russian soviet has been this. I do not know, nor do you know,
whether it is a successful form of government. It has not had a fair
chance, a fair trial. As I pointed out, it has had frightful handicaps
under which it has been laboring, and I think the only thing that I
have been asking in America is that we understand that it is not merely
an orgy of chaos and destruction, but that it is an honest attempt to
form a govei'nment upon a basis which the people over there seem to
be loyal toward, and I ha\e been pleading in America simply that we
give tiie chance to that government to work out its own destiny in its
own way. It happens, as a matter of fact, that the soviet government,
so far as it has originated in the minds of men, originated in the mind
of a certain Daniel De Leon. That is what Lenine says. So far as it
has been worked out in advance it has been worked out by an Ameri-
can. The attitude we ought to take is a waiting attitude, and to see
Avhether under it a better form, of life and culture and art and of dis-
tribution of goods can be worked out than could be worked out over
here. I have not the slightest doubt but that, as the Americans want
all the best things in the world, if in the course of time the soviet
government should prove to have certain advantages over our form
of o-overnment, we would adopt that form of government, and
that'we would incorporate those ideas over here, just as I am sure that
in the experiment of the soviet government over there, to the extent
S.572.S— 19 -11
&
642 BOLSHEAaK PROPAGANDA.
that it has those weaknesses that you have pointed out in it, it will
have to adopt whatever advantages we have under our particular
system here.
Senator Wolcott. You, however, do not advocate it for America at
this time?
Mr. Williams. Of course, absolutely not.
Senator Wolcott. Because your view is that it is still in the ^tate uf
experimentation ?
Senator Oveejiax. Do you know of an association in this country,
an organization, called " The Truth About Russia Committee"?
Mr. Williams. I knew the organization, the Truth About Kussia
Committee. It existed about three days.
Senator Overman. It has gone?
Mr. Wii>LiAMS. It has gone as a committee. It was simply a group
of the liberal people of America who believed that one side of the
truth only was being presented in America in reference to the
soviet government, and they wanted to give an expression of the
truth, of the neglected facts that had not been stated, the construc-
tive facts of the soviet government. For example, even in this place
here this morning there has been no time to tell you of what I saw
of some of the constructive and creative work which the soviet
government has done.
Senator Overman. I thought we had gone into that in Senator
Wolcotfs examination. You were a member of that committee?
Mr. WilIjIAms. No: I was not a member.
Senator Over jr an. What was the purpose of that committee?
Mr. Williams. As I have stated, Senator Overman, it consisted
of Frank Walsh, Jane Addams, and people of that caliber, who'
thought that America was getting a one-sided presentation of the
facts about Russia, and who wanted to make public the facts of
Russia as they were seen by certain groups of people. Fifteen Amer-
icans who could appear before you would give an entirely different
version of what is happening in Russia from the version that has
been given by the 10 or 15 men who have already appeared here.
Senator Overman. So it was not organized for the purpose of get-
ting this Government to adopt that sort of government here?
Mr. Williams. Xo; not at all.
Senator Overman. And you are not figuring on that sort of thing?
Mr. Williajis. I am sure of it. None of my actions during th&
last six months can be interpreted in that way.
Senator Overman. I will just ask you if it is not true — I do not
want to get it from the Department of Justice — I want to ask you:
^'s•hether you engaged in trying to get this sort of government started
here ?
Mr. Williams. Not at all.
Senator Wolcott. Mr. Williams, what I am going to ask you is
somewhat irrelevant to the inquiry. You can answer it or not, as
you see fit. I am asking it out of curiosity more than anything else.
If the soviet government worked out very satisfactorily in Russia,
so that you were convinced that it is the best form of government yet
invented by man, and thereupon you advocated it for the United
States, you would be favorable to the idea that we should adopt it
here after the fashion — in the manner — that the Russians adopted it;
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 643
that is to say, without pursuing our constitutional methods to get
it — by confiscation, in other words ?
Mr. Williams. Senator, that is such a hypothetical question. I
know that by the time the soviet government demonstrates itself it
will be a number of years, and by that time I shall have grown old
and conservative and hardened in my attitude toward life, and prob-
ably then I will jump at the idea of a new idea and beat it on the
head, just like most people do when they reach a certain stage of
life, and I might be such a conservative that I would take that atti-
tude toward this new phenomenon then coming in our country. But
I know this, every country will develop out of its economic conditions
its own economic solution. This is the attitude of Lenine. Trotzky
has a little more the idea of crusading; but Lenine says that every
country must work out its problems as dictated by its own life and
conditions. Here in this country we may not take a soviet form but
a new form. We are changing even the form of our present Gov-
ernment.
Senator Wolcott. Let me suppose that the soviet government in
Enssia is now demonstrated to be a most excellent thing, that we know
it right to-day. I am going to take it that we know, right to-day.
Would you, with your present views, favor simply taking away from
everybody what we have, nationalizing everything, depriving eVerj'-
one of individualistic ownership, without any manner of compen-
sation at all, as the Russians did over there? Would you advocate
that?
Mr. Williams, No; my whole natural attitude is against such an
idea as that. For example, I know that in the Civil War there were
certain people who advocated redemption of the slaves by purchase.
Instead of that there was confiscation of property. It was decided
at that time that we must cut out the cancer of slavery from our life.
We did not talk about confiscation in a grand manner; we confis-
cated the slaves of the South ; and we were so dead sure
Senator Wolcott. We did not confiscate ; we turned them loose.
Mr. Williams. They have turned the landlords of Russia loose.
Senator Wolcott. Slaves were not confiscated. Ownership was not
kept by some one in the slaves. They were liberated.
Mr. Williams. I mean the ownership or possession of property in
those slaves was abolished. We were willing to go on fighting be-
cause we deemed that our national destiny demanded it. The Rus-
sian people — 19 out of 20 of the Russian people — agree that for the
fulfillment of their national destiny the landlords' estates should not
remain in the old hands and that they should be confiscated without
compensation. All the political parties except the cadets hold that.
Senator Wolcott. They also hold that view in respect to every-
thing.
Mr. Williams. No ; most political parties do not. It was the Bol-
sheviki and the left social revolutionists that held that. Of course,
90 per cent of all property in Russia is landed property, and it is
largely a land revolution, and so they felt that the fulfillment of their
national destiny required confiscation of land. People felt — even
some people who were members of the upper classes — that they must
cut the cancer of landlordism out of their national life, and they went
and did it. They did not stop until they had killed one in every
644 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
thousand of their popidation, but that ■\vas a less bloody revolution
than the one we had here for the abolition of slavery.
Senator Wolcott. Xow, I understand you to say that you do not
faroi' that method.
Mr. Williams. I am absolutely against such a method; and I know
if things come to an iasue in this country the violence of the Russians
will look lilce a tea party compared with the ^'iolence that we would
have here. Therefore I liave been trying to put this thing over to
the bourgeois classes and to get them to understand that one can not
all the time sit on a volcano and pretend that everything is the best in
life. I have been hoping against hope to crush some realities into
the minds of the cultured educated classes, realities of the thing that
is boiling and seething around them; hoping to crush it into their
minds so that they will avoid an explosion and eruption, and work
themselves to bring on a new order of society.
I think that instead of the repression of free speech in this country,
instead of the repression of newspapers that point to the dangers of
this eruption, of this explosion, of this earthquake, we should in
the most open fashion call for forums and free expression and free
speech in every way. I have such absolute faith in the integrity, the
common sense, and the honesty of the mass of the American people,
in the fundamental idealism that survives even among the upper
classes (which historically have never voluntarily resigned any of
their privileges, but have always fought for them) still I have enough
faith as an American in the American people so that all the crudities,
barbarities, and insanities of the Russian people, not to mention their
positive accomplishments, need not be necessary ; and if the facts in
the case are put up to them, I have no shadow of doubt in my mind
but that the American people can avoid all this destruction, all these
insanities and brutaliticis, and work into a new social order. In fact,
I believe that we could work for the new social order not by confisca-
tion methods in a wholesale way, but we could do it by the installation
of things little by little, bit by bit, or only as a matter of protest,
which will reach the consciences of the privileged classes, the edu-
cated classes, the ruling classes, in support of what is going on below,
and if you can bring it about that this terrorism is not stirred up by
a lot of demagogues and agitators — an agitator is a man who is agi-
tated because something has come into his life that has made him
mad, because he has had low wages, or been thumped on the head,
or something of that sort.
Senator Overman. To that end what do you think ought to be
done ? What sort of a government ought we to have ?
Mr. Williams. Senator, we have our present Government, and it
is all right. I do not see anything to do except to follow our
constitutional dictates as we have to ttie present time and wipe away
some of the unconstitutional laws which violate the fundamental
rights — the suppression of public opinion and of freedom of the
press.
Senator Overman. I would like to hear what we ought to do tn
carry out your idea to stop this trouble which you say might come.
Mr. Williams. Well, that would be formulating "a large program
of reconstruction and putting it up to me. I should want to have a
little time to think it over. You disarm me entirely.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 645
Senator Overman. You have been studying this question for years
and are a very intelligent and educated man, and I would like to
hear you.
Senator Wolcott. Do you not think that when a man ad\ ocates
taking away something, he ought to have something to jnit in its
place?
Mr. Williams. Absolutely. Otherwise he is a criminal and a
danger to society.
Senator Overman. I thought you had thought it over and knew
how to stop this catacylsm from coming.
Senator Wolcott. Do you think there is any cataclysm coming?
Mr. Williams. I believe there is, and inevitably. It is like this.
Senator. I believe as you study history you will see that slavery was
once the condition of life under Avhich men lived, got their food and
their clothes and their culture. It played its role in history, and then
it gave way to feudalism. Feudalism born of the economic and social
exigencies of the Middle Ages had its day, played its part in his-
tory ; then by the so-called " industrial revolution " gave way to
capitalism. Now, capitalism is the present order. Capitalism has
built up these wonderful organizations of society. It has created and
fertilized the whole world with its vast machinery of production. It
has made its contribution to the constructive and creative Avork of'
mankind, but now it has created so many problems for its own self, it
has piled them up. It has now almost played out its mission in the
progress of human society. I know that in some waj^ or other, in-
evitably. Senators, there must be a transfer to a cooperative order of
society. Now, that came by cataclysm in Russia. There was a con-
vergence of conditions that made it inevitable. America may hope
that this inevitable transfer to a more cooperative society will be
made in such a way as to avoid such a cataclysm. The only way to
avoid that is to give people every chance to express their attitude
toward these problems. We ought to understand how in America now
we have already begun to take on cooperative forms. You have heard
the old slogan of government ownership, " let the Nation own the
trusts." Then there are industrial oi'ganizations. No one can say
how it is going to be done in America. The only thing I can state is
that I believe in my heart of hearts that it will come freely and con-
structively if we give each man a free Opportunity to discuss what he
is doing, what is his grievance, and how he wants to remedy it.
Senator Overman. Have you ever thought in your own mind as to
Avhat the end will be ?
Mr. Williams. A system of property -Avhere everything produced
will not be for private profit but for the public goocl.
Senator Overman. Do you think that if the State would take over
personal and real property and own it, rather than individuals, that
would be the better way ?
Mr. WiLLiAnrs. No; under the organization of society which the
socialists generally project for the future, it is a fundamental doc-
trine that every man will have much more personal property than
under the present situation. He wants production and distribution
socialized. He does not want to socialize your hat or your c'oat.
" Socialism," they say, " means dividing up." But you do not go to a
school and divide it up, giving to one a brick and another a pencil
646 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
and another a book, but you cooperate in the use of the school. So
in the socialist order of society we will cooperate in the use of the
public parks, public schools, public transportation, and so on, and ex-
tend those things into larger and larger realms. But we believe that
just as soon as you stop this tendency to cooperation and direct all
the industrial energies of the nation to the production of more and
lucre goods for private profit, the ve'ry purpose of progress is de-
feated. In the eternal conflicts between the workers demanding more
wages and lower hours :ind the employers fighting them back, most
of our national energy is spent between those two conflicting grollp^
not in producing goods but in fighting over the division of the
products.
Senator Oveemax. How about the farms in this country?
^Ir. "WiLLiAJis. Of course, I kno\v that in our own country — and
Leninc, I iinderstand, has Avritten a treatise upon agricultural condi-
tions in the Middle West, where there is an increasing tendency
toward tenant holdings — we are raising up a class of people who
are living off of the land without working on the land.
Senator Wolcott. The tendency is just the other way in my State.
The tenants have become owner's much more than they were 15 years
^go-
Mr. WiLLiABrs. If that is true, the stability of the present form of
government is guaranteed.
Senator Wolcott. I know of a man in my country who started out
as a hired hand on the farm b.y the year at $12 a month and board,
who has been a working man all of his days and is a real horny-
handed son of toil. By the sweat of his brow he worked and saved
and finally got to own a farm, and now he is 55 years of age and he
lives in comfortable circumstances. Now, any social order that would
take awiiy those fruits of his labor I say would be abominable and
fundamentally unjust.
Mr. AA'iLLiAirs. Precisely so, and he would fight it, and all the other
men of his kind would fight it, to the last tooth and the last ditch.
Of course, the only real, sensible attitude upon the part of wise capi-
talists is to preserve the present sjstcm. I do not want to preserve
the present system. I ^^ant to transfer it into a socialist order, be-
cause I think it is a better order. The men, however, who want to
preserve the present system ought to give as large a number of people
as possible some interest in preserving the present system by giving
them larger property interests.
Senator Overman. We have passed what is known as the farm
loan act, which allows these tenants — and they have taken advantage
of it in my State — to borrow money at a very low rate of interest to
purchase this land; and, owning that land and having worked and
paid for it, you would not want to take that land away from them
and give it to the State or anybody else ?
Mr. Williams. No ; but the only point, Senator, is that we some-
times lull ourselves into security because we live among people who
are secure and who have a great deal of the privileges of life. We
do not realize what is happening below. I think in this country at
the present time the number of people who are merely wage earners
and have no interest in their job except to get their wages at the end
of the week is increasing steadily. I lived for seven years in Boston,
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 647
•very intimately sharing my life with the working people, and I can
saj this, that I wondered why half of the people continued living on
under the conditions in which they were living. It was such unremit-
ting drudgery, such relentless toil, always with the dread fear of
want hanging over them, that I wondered why half of them did not
go down to the docks and jump off.
Senator Wolcott. I used to have such wonder when I lived in a
small city, but my wonder did not carry me to the conclusion you
reach. I wondered why they did not go out into the country, where
they could live in decency and get good, wholesome fresh air and
good food and wholesome surroundings instead of huddling in these
alleys and such places in the cities.
Mr. Williams. Now, the Senate should be interested in a great
social question like that, a great agrarian problem like that, and talk
it over, and try to find some way to make our country a more agri-
cultural country and more productive in many ways. That would
be one great contribution toward our own social welfare. But the
point that I make is this, that the great social problems of life, the
problem of bread and food, the problem of land, the problem of
unemployment, all those vital problems we botch and try to patch up
in some temporary fashion. We do not try to get at the roots of the
matter. The reason why we do not get at the roots of the matter is
that there are certain great interests in the country that are blind
even to their own welfare, and they do not grasp the situation. They
prevent it.
Senator Overman. Have you got a statement that you could put in
the record ?
Mr. Williams. I could prepare a statement and let you have it.
Senator Wolcxjtt. Which do you prefer, Mr. Williams — to resume
your oral statement or to complete your statement in writing? Which
is your preference ?
Mr. Williams. Are you going to continue the hearing to-day ?
Senator Wolcott. It is Saturday, Mr. Chairman, and I want to
leave the city this afternoon to stay over Sunday, but I suggest that
Mr. Williams pick his own course. If he wants to continue his oral'
statement, he can come back at such a time as you indicate ; or if he
wants to complete it by a written statement, he may do that.
Mr. Williams. Well, perhaps at the request of the Senator, who
asked me some pointed ■ questions about reconstruction, etc., it may
be that he would be kind enough to let me come on some time
next week. I would be glad to come back and make an oral statement,
after having time to think these things OA^er, if it is agreeable to you.
Senator Oat5eman. I want to accommodate you as far as I can.
I think you have given a very interesting statement here, and I
thought probably you could make a short statement. I do not want it
too long, because it would encumber the record, but if you could make
a statement and carry out that idea, it would have the same effect.
Mr. Williams. Will you allow me to make an oral explanation with
it at the same time ?
Senator Overman. I want to close these hearings as soon as possible.
The Senate is going to adjourn, as you know, on the 4th of March,
but I do not see any possibility of getting in our report by that timt.,.
Senator Wolcott. How long do you calculate it would take you ?
648 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. "Williams. To mak'.> my oral statement, yoii mean(
Senator Wolcott. Yes; to make your statement.
Mr. Williams. About a couple of hours. I would like to do it
some time next week, but I will arrange my time according to the
convenience of the committee.
Senator Wolcott. "\A'ill ilonday be time enough I
Mr. Williams. I would prefer Tuesday or Wednesday.
Senator Wolcott. The 4th of March is drawing near and things luv
piling up on us immensely. I just said to Senator Overman that if he
were tied up in the Senate on Monday I would try to arrange, if
possible, to get here at :^.30 Monday afternoon, and liear you, if no
other member of the committee can be here,, but if yon go until
"Wednesday every day additional will find this conunittee piled up
with an additional amount of work. So, can you not be here at 2.30
on Monday, and be prepared to go ahead?
Mr. Williams. I will.
Senator Overman. Why Avoiild you jjrefer to make an oral state-
ment instead of putting a written statement in the record?
Mr. Williams. Sometimes you elicit some things that do not come
out in a written statement.
Senator O'S'ermax. That is where it gi'ows in length, by asking
questions.
Mr. Williams. I will limit it to two hours. May I ask. Senator
Overman, if you ai-e going to ask any of these other gentlemen to come
here. ]Mr. Eobins, Mr. Thacher; or Miss Beatty?
Senator OvERaiAX. We ha^e not determined whom we are going to
have next. That is for the committee to decide ; it is not for me. We
will adjourn now until Monday at 2.30.
(Whereupon, at 1.40 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee adjourned
until Mondav, February 24, 1919, at 2.30 o'clock p. m.)
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
MONDAY, FEBRUABY 24, 1919.
United States Senate,
Subcommittee op the Committee on the JuDiciARr,
Washington, D. C.
The subcommittee met at 2.30 o'clock p. m., pursuant to adjourn-
ment, in room 226, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman
presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman) and Wolcott.
Senator Overman. The subcommittee will come to order. Mr. Wil-
liams, will you please come forward ?
TESTIMONY OF MR. ALBERT RHYS WILLIAMS— Resumed.
Senator Overman. You stated yoi^had something you wanted to
say to the committee. You may proceed. I think it was in regard to
reconstruction, you said.
Mr. Williams. Senator Overman, you suggested some ideas about
reconstruction that might come out of the committee, but before the
little that I have to offer in connection with Russia, I Avondered if I
could make a few more statements, and then I would explain why I
believe these things are of some value.
Senator Overman. Of course you would not repeat any of your
former statements?
Mr. WiLLiAJis. Not to repeat anything that I have said ?
Senator Overman. No.
Mr. Williams. All right.
Mr. Humes. I think you misunderstood. He said not to rexDeat.
Senator Overman. I said I hope you will not repeat anything
that you have already said.
Mr. Williams. Certainl}'. It is not worth anything at all unless
you believe what I believe myself, and that is, first of all, that the
soviet government of Russia has a real basis in the affections and
loyalties of the peoijle. May I state, in a preliminary fashion, that
I do not pretend to know all the truth about Russia, but only state
the truth about Russia as it has come to me — the viewpoint that I
ha^e from my personal experiences.
Senator Overman . When did you leave Russia ? I have forgotten
when ydu said.
Mr. Williams. I left Vladivostok in July.
Senator Overman. When did you leave Petrograd?
Mr. Williams. I left central Russia in May.
Senator Overman. May?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
649
ffiSO BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Wolcott. You were in central Eussia around Petrograd
and Moscow, then, only from November to May, when the soviet
government had been established?
Mr. WiLLiAits. Well, about a year, altogether. From Xo\eraber
to May during the soviet government ; yes, that is the period.
Briefly, I want to tell why I believe that the soviet government—
I see how difficult the committee's viewpoint is, where there is so
much conflicting testimony here from people who are apparently
honest. For example, there are four distinct groups of men who
may come before this committee, who would tell you that the soviet
government has been and is trying to preserve law and order; that it
is based upon the affections of the vast masses of the Eussian people;
that it is distinctlj' anti-German, and that it tried to be favorable
to the allies. Yet here are other people who come here and say a
great many contrary things. They picture Eussia as one grand con-
flagration of loot, murder, and anarchy.
I think the trouble, if I may say it, in regard to these latter wit-
nesses is this, that, first of all, the trouble with them is the trouble
that Burke had when he turned so ferociously against the French
revolution. As I said the other day, Buckle said of Burke: "His
sympathy with the present suiferings were so intense that they blotted
out all memory of the suffering by which they had been evoked."
The second reason I think these witnesses pliij'^ up all this terrible
chaos, disorder, and massacre ki Eussia is because I believe that just
as with war, so with re^olutiOTi, some people suffer from fear and
from lack of food, and scientists aver that in these circumstances a
. certain toxin enters into the blood, and that toxin registers itself in
the mind. These witnesses consequently saw things in a distorted
fashion, and they now tell them in a distorted way.
In the third place, I think the trouble with these witnesses is that
they take particulars and then generalize in the largest manner from
them. For example, when it is said that the soviet of Vladimir has
nationalized women, one must listen to that and read it and for the
time being regard it as the edict of that soviet, if a man presents it
here as such. But I ask you to remember that there are tens of
thousands of Soviets in Eussia. Now, would it be a fair example to
take the fact that there are polygamists in Utah and say that all
Americans are polygamists ? Is it fair to take one soviet out of tens
of thousands, or even two or three Soviets, who during this
period of revolutionary change, or at a certain time when a certain
faction was in control, issued a certain decree, and then generalize
from that and say that that is the general standpoint of the govern-
ment of Soviets in Eussia at the present time ?
Mr. Htjmes. In that connection, then, we understand you to say
that each one of these Soviets is a law unto itself, and each can make
its own laws and its own regulations, and the soviet in one district
could nationalize women and in another district could repudiate the
nationalization of women ; is that correct ?
Mr. Williams. Well, I do not believe for a moment, Mr. Humes,
that any soviet would be able to maintain its connectioii with the
central soviet, which tried to put into opertion any such decree as
that.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 651
Mr. Humes. I only used the nationalization of women as an illus-
tration. Is the conclusion that we draw from your statement cor-
rect, that each one of these Soviets, within its own territory or
within its own sphere, is a law unto itself ?
Mr. Williams. Well, the point is that no one can make an exact,
final statement as to the exact situation in Eussia, because it is
changing during the revolutionary days. As Lenine has very often
said, men will make further advances and go through a larger cycle
of progress and change in one week than they do ordinarily in a
year or 10 years. At certain times certain district Soviets have been
very strong and have asserted their power in a way which is in vio-
lation of the general central soviet.
I know, for example, of a soviet in Siberia which would not allow'
certain things to pass throough its jurisdiction from any other soviet,
which was in absolute violation of the general laws of the country.
Such instances do occur.
At the present time the attack that is being made upon the Moscow
central government is that it is becoming too centralized, too dis-
ciplined, too drastic, in its authority. That is the reason we see a
fellow like Eobert Minor coming out of Eussia disgusted with the
whole scheme and saying it is a country run by a strong centralized
government.
Mr. Humes. Then the soviet government, according to the infor-
mation you have, has become a rather highly centralized government
at the present time, has it ?
Mr. Williams. Well, from the last reports that we read — those re-
markable reports from the New York World — it would seem that it
has swung over in that direction very strongly.
Mr. Humes. That would be compatible with the view that it is a
dictatorship, would it not ?
Mr. Williams. Yes; certainly-^a centralized government.
Mr. Humes. It is no more highly centralized government than a
dictatorship, is it?
Mr. Williams. Quite so; that is a perfectly legitimate question,
?o far as Eussia is concerned. No one can answer it categorically
yes or no. There is strife between the local governments, the rights
of the individual states, and the rights of the central government.
The attacks which seem to be leveled at the Moscow government now
on the part of certain anarchists and others is that the present soviet
government, as I said, is becoming altogether too centralized, too
strong.
I return to the idea that we should not generalize from certain par-
ticulars. You know very well. Senators, that one could go and read
the newspaper accounts for a month in America, and if he compiled
the number of lynchings, the" number of robberies, the number of
murders the number of railroad wrecks, and played all of that sort
of thino- up in the people's imagination, they would have a terrible
picture of the conditions. That would not be a true picture of
America. So it is not a true picture of Eussia simply to play up all
those evils that are being played up all the time.
Senator Overman. Now, in regard to the Soviets, do you think
any great portion of the people of Eussia are in favor of Bolshevism ?
652 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Williams. Yes: I believe that the soviet in the de&iie of the
Eussian people's hearts. It has lasted 15 months, when the prophets
originally said it Avoiild last three days, and then three weeks, and then
three months. The fact is that it is stronger than ever to-day. Llovd-
George said it is ruthless, bnt you have to admit that it is efficient.
Senator Oveejeax. And that is true; but the question I asked voii
was whether you thought the majority of the Eussian people, reo-ard-
less of the Soviets, believed in Bolshevism.
Mr. Williams. In answer to that I can point to the elections. Un-
der the soviet rule about 90 per cent of the people over 18 years of
age — ^men and women — can vote. In those elections under the soviet
system they seem to vote for the soviet form of government. The
answer is made to that. " Yes ; but these elections are not fair elec-
tions: they are held by certain forces; they are held under intimida-
tion." I do not believe it is true to any extent. The only effective
answer I can make is this. In Vladivostok the soviet government was
destroyed by the Czecho-Slo^'aks, with the Japanese and English
cooperating. A month later they proclaimed an election in that city,
and they said, " Xow that all of these tyrants are in jail, and now that
all of these dictators are put away. Ave will have a fair election."
There were 17 political parties on the ballots. Some one has said
where there are three Eussians in a room there are four iDolitical
parties. They have a genius for politics and kindred problems.
Vladivostok was not a soviet city. Bolshevism did not have any
strong hold on the city. i;ec;uise it "was an upper-clas^; city. Bnt
when the}^ counted these tickets they found that ticket No. 17. which
was the Bolshevik number, had more votes than all the other 16 put
together. I do not think. Senator, it was because the people of ^"]adi-
vostok were altogether Bolsheviks; I do not think they were. I
think they voted to register their feeling against allied intervention
that had happened. In the second place, martyrs had been made out
of the Bolsheviks. The Eussian heart always goes out toward a mar-
tyr. Xow, this is a concrete instance of an election held not under
soviet auspieces.
Mr. Humes. Eight there, Mr. Williams, let me ask you, is it not a
fact that in that election a comparativeh' small percentage of the
electorate actually particip.ated in the election?
Mr. Williajis. I am not sure as to the exact number. Vladivostok
is not a large city, but I could give you in round figures the statistics
in thousands.
Mr. Humes. There Mere about 12,000 votes?
Mr. Williams. Twelve thousand Bolshevik votes — about 5,000 for
the moderate socialist ticket and about 4,000 for the cadets. It is a
city of about 75,000.
Mr. Humes. In a city of 75,000 the're would be more than 50,000
^•oters, would there not?
Mr. Williams. I am not sure, under these circumstances, because it
was a city
Mr. Humes. If all persons over 18 years of age are voters, then
the rule is the same as it is in this country, where the vote is one in
five: but there everyone over 18 years of age is entitled to the ballots
Senator Wolcott. And, furthermore, the women voted there, too,
did they not?
Mr. Williajis. I suppose they did ; yes.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 653
Senator Wolcoit. There certainly would be at least 50.000 quali-
fied voters.
Mr. WiixiAMs. Well, we do not Imow why there were not more
voters. We simply know this, that there was an election while the
allied troops were in occupation. The Bolshevik leaders were all in
jail and their papers were suppressed. We know that the fight which
was waged with ferocious combat was regarded as a conflict between
the socialist bloc and the cadets. They never regarded the Bolshe-
vik! as having a ghost of a chance ; yet the people rose up, and when
the votes were counted the Bolshe^iki received more than all the
rest together.
Let me add this much more. Senator Overman, that a Canadian
officer who returned from Omsk something like six weeks ago has
recently said that in the city of Omsk, with a population of 200,000.
he believes that 7.j per cent of the people now are Bolsheviki. Mr.
Ackerman stated that all through Siberia the people are talking all
the time about Bolshevism.
Senator Wolcott. On the other hand, we have had witnesses here
who have recently come out of Russia, some of them as late as pos-
sibly last November, that onh^ put the number of Bolsheviki at 3
per cent, was it not?
Mr. Humes. Five per cent.
Senator Wolcott. Five per cent. So there you are.
Mr. Williams. It is easy to make an estimate. All you can do is
to make certain statements about certain things which happened.
Here is one very positive thing. There were something like 12,-
000,000 soldiers that returned from the front. Half of them — more
'than half of them — brought their guns back with them. That gives
you six or eight million guns in Russia. Now, if there were any
wide or deep antagonism to the soviet government — and of course
there is some, but if there were any wide and deep antagonism to
the soviet — I believe that these guns would have rallied around those
forces that were going to strike down the soviet. But they never
did. Every time the soviet has been threatened these millions of
guns and bayonets rose up for the protection of the soviet. The an-
swer that is made to that by the opponents is that all the machine
guns are in the hands of the Bolsheviki.
Senator Wolcott. And all the ammunition ?
Mr. Williams, x^mmunition, etc.
Senator AYolcott. Because a gun is no use without ammunition.
Mr. WiLLiAsis. But it is perfectly evident that we have in Russia
four or five good nuclei for the anti- soviet forces to organize out of.
For example, we have the nucleus in Ai'changel, where we threw in
about 20,000 troops, about 5,000 Americans and a certain amount of
French and Italians and Serbians. The report that comes from
there — and it is a very definite report, too, Senators — is that only
1.200 Russians have rallied to the thousands and tens of thousands
of allied troops. The British sent over there something like 700
or 800 officers to train them, but they only had about one man apiece
to train; and the Detroit Free Press publishes an article from a
soldier in that allied contingent-
Senator Wolcott. I do not want to seem to suggest that you re-
strain that and bring your testimony within the limits, but do you not
654 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
think it is going a little far to haul an article out of the Free Press?
If you want to do it, you may do it, however.
Mr. Williams. This will show how willing the people are to fight
against the soviet organization. This is from the Chicago Tribune
correspondent. This is the last thing [reading] :
First. The North Russia allied expedition has developed Into a pitiful failure
It has failed to inspire confidence and loyalty and give real assistance to Russia.
It has become a cesspool of jealousy, hatred, mistalves, and shattered illusions!
The different allies distrust one another and the Russians distrust the entire
system.
Second. The American troops were put under an absolute imperialistic com-
mand, being handled In a way that was against every tradition of the Army
and country. They were put to doing a King's business and to do whatever
task was assigned to them by the British. American men and their ideals of
right and fairness were entirely submerged through the un-American leader-
ship.
Third. The entij-e expedition sufliered from a complete lack of spiritual
leadership. Instead of being an ordinary soldier's job, this expedition re-
quired sympathetic understanding. It always has been more political than
military. The original leaders tbouiiht themselves to he ^reaf soldiers and
great diplomats, but they proved to be neither.
Fourth. The expedition has lacked spiritual significance. Europe's war-
tired men, sent here from the French battlefields, failed to appreciate the great
revolution or sympathize with the unrest and the new birth that Russia is
going through. Most of the allied soldiers, especially since the signing of the
armistice, hated the .job, despite the Russians, and have no concern with the
future of the country. The expedition, lacking this spiritual significance in
men's minds, has become a mere fighting job to collect Russia's debt to Europe.
Fifth. There is no enthusiasm even among the intelligent Russians in the
north to assist the allies and fi.nht the Bolsheviki. Everywhere there is a grow-
ing disgust apainst the expedition, especially .against the British.
Sixth. The beautiful faith of the Russians for America is breaking under the.
manhandling by our forces under the foreigTi command. The American forces
have been led by an American colonel when they should have had a major
.general. AMthin our nwn forces we lacked the right leadership, permitting
the Americans to be placed under the limited control Of foreigners.
I have come out of Russia to \A'rite this. The censorship that has crawled
back into its hole in most of the world still wears the iron heel of war days
in the north. The American public has been fed pretty stories of the gentle
glories of this " help-Russia " expedition, but the facts are that a mess has
been stewed and has been kept for the cooks themselves.
America, whose ideals of honor are at stake and whose sons are being sac-
rificed, has the right to know the facts. In North Russia the expedition has
become a dismal comic opera. Here in the north, in a district that never was
violently Bolshevist, where the allies had many friends at the start, and where,
since the first days there have been unlimited opportunities to advance confi-
dences and gain respect, here with everything their own way. the allies have
failed utterly.
Senator 0^■ERMAN. "Who is that from?
Mr. WiLLi-\Ms. I think this was incorporated in the Congressional
Eecord the other day. It is from the Chicago Tribune corre.spondent.
I have a complete co^sy of it here.
Senator Overman. Is he in Eussia — this correspondent?
Mr. WiLLiAiMS. This is the last thing out, about seven days ago.
He got it through the censor for some reason or other.
I will have to go a little further, and then I will drop this subject.
We have gone into Siberia; we have given the anti-soviet forces
there something like 75,000 Czecho-Slavs; we have given them 60,000
Japanese troops. It is true that 40,000 of those were reserves and
Avere not actuallj^ used, but they are there. We have given contin-
gents of English, French, Italian, and American troops. What is
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 655'
the net result to Siberia? Siberia is a country of 16,000,000 toilers.
The net result is that after the enemies of the Soviets had been given
every opportunity — moral, economical, social, and otherwise — ^the
fact is that none of the governments that have been organized could
last a day after the allied troops were a^ ithdrawn. Immediately new
Soviets would come into power.
Senator Wolcott. This is a prediction of yours ?
Mr. Williams. Yes. The soviet enemies are crying for more allied
troops, and not to withdraw the ones we have at present.
Senator Wolcott. But your assertion is that if these allied troops
were withdrawn the government could not continue; that is your
opinion ?
Mr. Williams. That is my opinion, based on statements of cor-
respondents that have come out of Russia, and it is based on the fact
that there is a letter going through this country now from an English
attache in which he says, " For heaven's sake recognize the soviet
government, because there is no other government in Eussia pos-
sible."
Mr. Humes. You have given us a whole lot of figures about the
numbers of the military forces. How manj' troops did you say th&
English have there ? Was it 20,000 English «
Mr. Williams. I think I said 20,000.
Mr. Httmes. How many have the French?
Mr. Williams. T do not know. I said about 7,000 Americans.
Mr. Hu:\rES. About 7,000 Americans. How many troops in all?
That would make 27,000 troops.
Mr. Williams. I think there were about twenty-five to thirty
thousand allied troops.
Mr. Humes. Twenty-five to thiirty thousand. Would that include
the English and the Americans?
Mr. Williams. Those are the only official figures I have ever seen>
Mr. Humes. ISow, you say there are 70,000 Czecho-Slovaks?
Mr. Williams. It is estimated, from 50,000 to 100,000.
Mr. Humes. As a matter of fact, there are not to exceed 50,000, are
there?
Mr. Williams. Well, some have put it as high as 200,000.
Mr. Humes. The Czecho-Slovaks have occupied a position of abso-
lute neutrality in Siberia, in an effort to get out of Siberia, in an
effort to get ovey to the French front, have they not ?
Mr. Williams. It is a debatable question. The point is that 50,000'
troops have been working against the soAdet government.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that they have preserved absolute
neutrality and have conformed in every way that they could to the
soviet decrees, wherever there was a soviet and wherever the Bol-
shevik government was in control ? Is not that a fact ?
Mr. Williams. No, it is not a fact. It is a fact at the present
moment that they are not fighting. But when the friction arose be-
tween themselves and the soviet, they turned into an army that de-
stroyed the Soviets throughout Siberia. As a matter of fact, the
Czecho-Slovaks have lost thousands and thousands of their finest
soldiers.
Mr. Humes. However, they made an effort to maintain absolute
neutrality, and as evidence of good faith they permitted themselves
656 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
to be disarmed when trineling over the Siherian Railroad— turned
over their arms to the Bolshevik government. Did they not do that '
Mr. Williams. I do not see any point in discussing the Czecho-
slovaks.
Mr. Humes. Did they not do that?
Mr. Williams. No ; I regard the Czecho-Slovaks as having fallen
into the hands of the French military authorities, who strung them
out along the Siberian Eailroad and then engineered friction between
them and the soviet government. They got the Magyar troops to
fire on the Czecho-Slovaks, who naturally became incensed and went
through Siberia destroying all the Soviets.
Mr. Hujmes. You have stated that as a conclusion. Do you mean to
state it as an absolute fact that it was not the purpose of the Czecho-
slovak troops to preserve absolute neutrality when they were going
through Siberia ?
Mr. Williams. I believe that the intention of the Czecho-Slovak
troops when they started through Siberia was to preserve neutrality
and to take the correct attitude toward the Soviets.
Mr. Humes. Did they do anything except to defend themselves, if
they took any action whatever?
Mr. Williams. I only know what I saw and what the leaders of the
Czecho-Slovaks have told me.
Mr. Humes. Do you know, or is it simply speculation?
Mr. Williams. Not speculation at all, but the proof of it would
take too long a time.
Mr. Humes. Are you passing that on as fact or as your own opinion?
Mr. Williams. I saw in Vladivostok 15,000 Czecho-Slavs go into
action, and I knew all about the telegraphic communications from the
central part of Siberia assuring egress from Siberia for the Czecho-
slovaks.
Mr. Humes. That was while they were protecting their military
stores, was it not ?
Mr. Williams. They were supposed to be going out to the French
front.
Mr. Humes. So much for that. We started to arrive at the numer-
ical strength. How many American troops did you say there were
in Siberia ?
Mr. Williams. About 5,000.
Senator Wolcott. I thought you said 7,000.
Mr. Williams. Possibly 7,000.
Mr. Humes. How many Japanese troops ?
Mr. Williams. The reports that we had were that there were 65,000
troops and 45,000 used as reserves.
Mr. Humes. At what time did you have these reports?
Mr. Williams. Those were the' last reports as to the number of the
.Japanese.
Mr. Humes. When was that ?
Mr. Williams. Up until about two months ago we had a notice that
there were 45,000 reserve troops.
Senator Wolcott. How did you leaf n that ?
Mr. Williams. It was published in the Times.
Senator Wolcott. Through the press, you mean ?
Mr. Williams. The Times correspondent.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 657
Mr. HCMES. What other troops were in the interior ?
Mr. Williams. Besides the Japanese, the Americans, and Czecho-
slovaks, among the foreign troops were some Italians^a very few—
and a small contingent of French. What others, I do not Imow.
Mr. Humes. Do you know, as a matter of fact, that there was only
one regiment of Americans in Siberia ?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Mr. Humes. What is the numerical strength of the regiment ?
Mr. WiLUAMS. Now, I do not know whether it was a whole regi-
ment or two or three. I know it is asserted that there were between
5,000 and 7,000 Americans.
Mr. Humes. Where is that assertion made, now, Mr. Williams ?
Mr. Williams. New York Times.
Mr. Humes. New York Times ?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Mr. Humes. When was that assertion made?
Mr. Williams. I will be glad
Mr. Humes. It is not the periodical, but who is the authority for
the statement?
Mr. Williams. The correspondent of the Times.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know that it has been repeatedly stated by
the Government that all the troops that went to Siberia were a regi-
ment that went from Manila ?
Mr. Williams. Yes ; I have heard it stated that there were as many
as 16,000, but from the figures I have seen it was about 7,000 or 6,000.
Mr. Humes. Are you no more sure of the other statements that
you have made as to the Russian situation and the conditions in Rus-
sia than you are as to the number of troops you have referred to as
being in Archangel and in Siberia ?
Mr. Williams. I am willing to let the other statements that I
made about Russia stand upon the same basis as my statements about
the troops in Archangel and in Vladivostok.
Mr. Humes. And one rests on just as substantial a foundation as
the other ?
Mr. Williams. Quite so.
Mr. Humes. All right ; proceed.
Mr. Williams. Well, now, considering the idea of the strength of
the soviet in Russia, I said that during the period of 15 months the
people were for the Soviets in the elections. Ninety per cent of the
Russian people took part in the elections, and while they change the
constituencies of the soviet officials and parties they retain the soviet
itself. In the next place, as far as the sis million or eight million
Russians who are in Russia are concerned, who have guns, we see no
uprisings against the Soviets, but we see always those guns and bay-
onets used against the enemies of the Soviets ; we see that around the
nuclei that have been formed of the soviet forces in Archangel and
Siberia according to the last statements received, Russian troops
rallied about them.
Mr. HuJiES. In that connection, with reference to firearms is it not
a fact that all the elements of the population, except those that are
in sympathy with or under the control of the present government, the
Bolshevik regime or the soviet government, have been disarmed, and
85723—19 42
658 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAJSDA.
is it not one of the policies of the government to disarm everybody
that is not in sympauiy with the perpetuation of the existing system?
ill'. AYiLLiAjiti. In the soviet government of Russi;i I have no
doubt that the people Avho are anti-soviet are not allowed to have
firearms, just as precisely the anti-soviet government in Vladivostok
have taken avray the arms from the pro-soviets.
Mr. Httjies. In other words, in the territory where the Soviets
and Bolsheviki control, the persons opposed to them have been dis-
armed, and consequently they are in no position, even if they ANcre
disposed to, to use any forcible resistance as against the regime. Is
not that true?
Mr. WiLUAMS. It is true as far as you can take a vast country
and disarm a hundred millions of people. It is true to an extent, but
one finds all through Russia these guns in the homes of the working-
men and in the hands of the peasants. They have been hidden so
that searching parties can not get them; just as the pro-soviet
party in Siberia that have been disarmed, I have no doubt, will be
able to get their hands on arms if they want to rise up against the
Kolchak government.
Mr. HuiiEs. That is. where people have been disarmed, some of
the people may ha^e arms in the same sense that a man in this coun-
try may carry concealed weapons. But there has been an organiza-
tion to disaim these people opposed to the present regime?
Mr. Williams. I suppose so.
Mr. Humes. Do you not think that would have a tendency to re-
tard action on their part against the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Williams. Perhaps so. But Alexieff started up from the Don
with his Cossacks and announced that he was going to Moscow.
There was not a force between him and Moscow to oppose him, but
the peasants and workmen rose up spontaneously and organized
such a resistance that the Cossacks were unable to proceed any far-
ther. The whole countryside was solid against Mm. I have tried
to bring hom to you the fact that the establishment of the soviet
was in a very painless and bloodless fashion. For example, the
Vladivostok soviet — I know that is a specific instance
Mr. Humes. You can not base a revolution on a paper program of
that kind. You could organize 14 different kinds of government
on paper and have no bloodshed, but when you put that paper
organization into practical and active operation the blood commences
to flow.
Mr. Williams. Precisely.
Mr. Humes. Therefore we are not concerned with the paper pro-
gram when we are discussing the Bolsheviki. The fact remains that
when that program is put into operation then blood commences to
flow, does it not?
Mr. WiLLiAJis. The point I made the other day was that in Petro-
grad the soviet was established with the killing of onlv 18 people,
in Moscow something like 1,000, in Kiev 2,000, and in Irkutsk
with some victims. In all Russia, from the time of the November
revolution to June, 1918, when the soviet had established its power
from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from the White Sea to the
Ukraine. I stated that the killing was not more than 1, at the very
utmost, out of 1,000 of the population. By June, 1918, all revolts
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 659
liacl been practically suppressed and the soviet government had been
recognized from one end of the country to the other. There were
anti-soviet governments organized in Harbin and other outside
cities, but, Senators, not one of the ministers of those paper govern-
ments dared to step his foot on the soil of Siberia or Russia. He
would have been looked at as a common criminal. In June, 1918,
before allied intervention came in, the soviet had control over the
vast territory of Russia and Siberia. The American Red Cross — •
Maj. Thacher particularly dwells upon this — when they came out
over their trans-Siberian line in May, said that as they came out
they found order was just as good at Irkutsk and all along the line
to Vladivostok as at Moscow — order just as good 6,000 miles away as
it was in the center itself or 10 miles from the center. I think it is
an indisputable fact that the Soviets had established themselves very
effectively and very basically as the government of Russia by June,
1918, without the killing of one in a thousand of the population.
I started to tell you, Major, that the Vladivostok soviet was estab-
lished without the killing of even a single human being. Yet when
the allies overthrew the Soviets they filled evei'v hospital and even
the warehouses with the slain. Thousands and thousands of others
were killed, because the people along that line rose up en masse for
the protection of the Soviets.
Senator Wolcott. You say " thousands and thousands of others."
How many others ?
Mr. Williams. Yes ; thousands and thousands. I think the Czecho-
slovak commandant here and I are going to have a conversation
after this matter, because it is a very involved subject. I have great
respect for the Czecho-Slovaks. I think he will agree with the state-
ment that thousands and thousands of their troops were wiped out
because the people rose up against them.
I ought to insert this here. People say, " Well, you paint a picture
of the millennium in Russia under the soviet." I do no such thing.
I know that conditions are bad even in Vladovostok. I heard one
man get up and curse the soviet because they had promised the
people everything. He said, "AVhere is the stuff they ]:)romised?
Where is the bread? They have not given the people bread; tlioy
have just cut the rations down." While what he said was true, the
audience showed their strong disapproval of his speech, and it was
for this reason: The people wanted bread and better economic con-
ditions, but there are certain other things they desired also. Man
does not live by bread alone, nor do the Soviets live simply by the
bread they give the people. I want to explain to you why it is
that people are so tenacious. We could not exist if our Government
could not give us bread and fairly good conditions of life; and if it
could not give us clothes and shelter and everything else, we would
rise and overturn the Government. It was the same way when I
came out of Siberia and Russia and enjoyed all the wonderful com-
forts we have here. We are in a different land, entirely. There every-
thing was bad. Food was bad. Conditions are very much mixed up.
Whv is it, then, that the Russians cling so tenaciously to the Soviets
when they have not given the people as much bread and housing and
clothes; when things are very bad? It is for this reason that the
Soviets are o-i ring the people something else that they need as much
660 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
as bread. One of the things that for the first times in their lives they
have been getting is an organization they could understand, where
the least man could talk out. They enjoy that, and they are very
tenacious of that because the mass have a sense of power. The
workingman likes it. He has power, a certain ruthless power, a brutal
power. I do not deny it, but I am trying to tell you why he likes
the Soviets. For the first time he is regarded not as an animal but
as a human being. I think every man likes a sense of adventure, a
sen.-e of creating things. That is the reason the manufacturer likes
to do big things. And now through the soviet these men who have
been dead and stupid and oppressed in many ways are given a
chance to do something, creating a new world and a new order.
You say they are fanatics. But e^'ery man has a spiritual pas-
sion in him. It needs only to be aroused. The Soviets have aroused
it. The}' are conscripts of a mighty dream. Rightly or wrongly,
this dull peo^jle believe that they have a mission to the world, and
in face of the fact that the rest of the world has an organized so-
ciety, they feel that somehow oi' other they are establishing an or-
ganized societj' in such a way that all the rest of the world will
come over and copy it.
I will admit the contention that there is disorder, and lack of bread
and clothes and the essentials of life in Russia. At the same time, I
do not think that these anti-soviet witnesses have seen into the heart
and soul of the Russian people or realize the satisfactions that the
soviet has given them. We all crave fellowship, power, adventure,
and we crave something to satisfy other needs. The soviet has done
that with its slogans. In spite of its fanatical course, its bloodshed,
and all else, the fact remains that it has given these other things.
Therefore the people are loyal to it, for that reason.
Mr. Humes. Now, let me ask you. You discussed the freedom of
speech and the freedom of action and the new liberties of the Rus-
sian people. Were not they accomplished in the March revolution,
and has there been any greater degree of freedom under the Bol-
shevik regime than that which was established under the so-called
Kerensky or provisional government regime?
^Ir. WiLiiAars. It is pretty hard to answer that, because I could
say '-yes" and another man could say "no." I think perhaps
the soviet has been more iron-fisted and strong, and sometimes has
exercised more repression, than the Kerenslcy regime, because the
Kerensky regime was a weak regime.
ilr. HxJMES. In other words, from the purely personal standpoint
there were more personal liberties on the part of the individual
imder the Kerensky regime than under the Bolshevik regime, were
there not?
^Ir. AV11.LIAMS. It is like this. It depends upon the class. For ex-
ample, before the Bolsheviki came into power there was much sup-
pression of their papers, closing up of their offices, and there was a
great deal of hounding of their men, jailing and even killing of their
leaders. A great many of them were thrown into jail. So that the
masses suffered a great deal under the Kerensky regime. But at
the present time the other end of society is suffering under their
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 661
Mr. Humes. In other words, the Bolsheviki are now doing to the
elements that favored the provisional government just what the
provisional government was proposing to do in a weaker way to the
Bolsheviks and their regime; is that true? It is a case of dog eat
dog.
Mr. Williams. If you are going to fi^re it up numerically, you
must see that the masses of the population and their organizations
were bein^ suppressed under the Kerensky regime, while the class
that is being suppressed now represents a very small proportion of
the population.
Mr. Ht7mes. Is it not a fact that a portion theoretically in favor
of the Bolsheviki in a very large percentage are supporting the Bol-
sheviki either because they find it convenient to obtain for themselves
food and the necessaries of life, or else to prevent violence and to
save difficulty and the coercion that they might meet from the Bol-
sheviki if they were openly antagonizing them or opposing them ?
Mr. Williams. There is a certain measure of truth in that ; but the
best answer I can give to that is to state that where these supposedly
dissatisfied elements have been giA^en a chance to rally to the organi-
zations and forces opposed to the soviet government, they have
not done so. Do you understand what I am driving at? I do not
think that great numbers of them have been coerced to support the
government, because the Russian people are flaming, defiant rebels
against repressions, and they do not seem to have rebelled against the
Soviets.
Mr. Humes. Once more we are getting an expression of your
opinion as it differs from the opinion of others ?
Mr. Williams. Precisely. But may I interject that you have the
opinion of 15 witnesses on the other side and at least 12 or 15 wit-
nesses on this side who are contending for the very same view that
I am.
Mr. Humes. You say that you are here as a champion of the Bol-
sheviki; that you are defending them; that you were and are at
present.
Mr. Williams. Precisely.
Senator Wolcott. May I be permitted to make an observation?
All the other witnesses that have come here have impressed me as
being impartial, while you certainly admitted, as I recall, at the be-
ginning of your testimony, that you were confessedly, in a sense, a
partisan of the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Williams. Precisely. I was trying to say that in this country
we have largely a reflection of the attitude of 5 per cent of the Rus-
sian people toward the revolution; or perhaps 10 per cent of the
people. I am perfectly willing to admit that those people have suf-
fered a great deal in the loss of the necessaries of life. But I came
to reflect the feeling of 90 per cent of the masses of the soviet gov-
ernment.
Senator Wolcott. By the way, these many witnesses that have
appeared here would take strong issue with you that 90 per cent of
the people are in favor of the Bolsheviki. They reverse it.
Mr. Williams. I am aware of that ; and I am one of the first three
witnesses to try to press home another viewpoint, but your minds are
full of the things that have been told you by men that have been
662 BOLSHEVIIC PROPAGANDA.
liei-e. Their ideas will have a stronger influence than mine. But at
the same time, if you had heard me after Mr. Eobins and Mr. Thomp-
son and Mr. Wardwell, of the Red Cross, and Mr. Louis Edgar
Browne, and Dr. Kuntz, and Miss Beatty of McCall's Magazine, and
after Dr. Reichman, and Mr. Keddie of the Quaker mission, after
Jerome Da^'is and Mr. Humphries of the Y. M. C. A. — after all
those men have been sitting here and I make my statement — you
would think, perhaps, that I was stating the case for the soviet gov-
ernment in mild form.
Senator Wolcott. All the other witnesses were unbiased, but you
admit that you are not.
Mr. Williams. I do not know of any witness who does not look
at the matter from a particular biased standpoint. I do not try to
persuade myself that I am unbiased, because I am biased by what
I have seen. I have just read in the newspapers of three young fel-
lows that were working there with me, for whom I had the greatest
respect and honor, and three men who have got just as nuich of the
spirit as — I say it reverently — almost as much as Jesus Himself,
three fellows between 19 and 26 years of age. They have just been
shot in Siberia. It is hard for me to be cold and unmoved by it,
because it is the same as if my brothers had been shot. Therefore I
am biased by that feeling that comes all the time, when I speak about
Russia. I know that these anti-soviet witnesses could not help but
reflect the class they lived with. We all persuade ourselves that we
look at a question from a very unprejudiced viewpoint, but we are
all biased. I am all the time being biased by the fact that these
men that I have been living with and have had so much respect for
are being killed. Sometimes it makes me mad, and sometimes I
wonder that I keep as restrained as I do.
That is my attitude while I am speaking on this subject; and, of
course, you are listening not only to facts but to opinions, the reflec-
tion of what I have got from my experiences there.
Arthur Ransome, writing in the New Republic, says :
Xo one contends that the Bolsheviks are angels. I ask only that men shall
look through the fog of libel that surrounds them and see that the ideal for
which they are strugglinK, in the (july way in which they can struggle, is among
those lights M-hich every man of young and honest heart sees before him some-
where on the road, and not among those other lights from which he resolutely
turns away. These men who have made the Soviet government in Russia, if
they must fail, will fail with clean shields and clean hearts, having striven for
an ideal which will live beyond them. Even if they fail, they will none the less
have written a page of history more daring than any other which I can remem-
ber in the story of the human race. They are writing it amid showers of mud
from all the meaner spirits in their country, in yours, and in my own. But,
when the thing is over, and their enemies have triumphed, the mud will vanish
like black magic at noon, and that page will be as white as the snows of Russia,
and the writing on it as bright as the gold domes that I used to see glittering
in the sun when I looked from my windows in Petrograd.
And when in after years men read that page they will judge your country and
mine, your race and mine, liv the help or hindrance thev gave to the writing
of it.
And so I do not know how to bring home to you — and I do not
think it will get home to you by my particular statement here— my
belief in the soviet government as "a vital basic power in harmony
with the needs of the Russian people. I believe it with all my soul,
because the other governments have shown by the manner of their
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 663
dying that they had no right to live. For example, we know how the
Czar's government fell. It was only necessary to disintegrate the
army. That is what it rested on, entirely. Disintegrate the army and
the Czar fell. As to the Kerensky government, it was only necessary
to surround the ministers in the Winter Palace, and it fell. But the
soviet government — to wipe it out you have to wipe out these local
self-governing bodies. That is where its great basic strength is. I
admit that the present soviet government does not allow the largest
demccratic representation, as I think it ultimately will. It is an out-
standing fact that the industrial laborers of Eussia only represent
about 15 per cent of the population. The rest of the population is
peasant. The peasants have just the same number of delegates in the
■central congress in Moscow as the industrial workers. It is a mis-
representative government to that extent. I do not see why this fact
has not been brought out plainly by the anti-soviet side. It is true
that during revolutionary days the worlanen who compose the 15 per
cent of the population have just as much voice in the government as
all the rest of the population of Eussia put together. I think it is
unfair, and ultimately that will be wiped out of the soviet constitu-
tion. The only thing that can be said in favor of it is that the cities
dominate the country, and the cities happen to be very enthusiastic
for the soviet.
There is just one other thing. Senators, that I want to speak of at
this point, and that is that you are not inclined, so far as I under-
stand, to make a distinction between the soviet and the Bolsheviki.
Senator Wolcott. I think we had that pointed out; that the Bol-
sheviki is a political party and the soviet is the method of govern-
ment.
Mr. Williams. It is true, also, that the Bolsheviki are the dominant
party, and they control the Soviets.
Senator Wolcott. Some witnesses have said here that the Bolshe-
viki are the dominant party in this sense, that they are in control ;
but they have said that it is by no means a majority that have control
of the Soviets.
Mr. Williams. They can not be in control unless they are in the
majority.
Senator Wolcott. You have given testimony here that as you see
the situation they are actually in the majority. Let me ask you when
this soviet form of government originated ?
Mr. Williams. The soviet form of government, so far as it origi-
nated in the mind of a single human being, originated in the mind of
an American called Daniel de Leon.
Senator Wolcott. As far as Eussia is concerned there were Eus-
sion Soviets at the time of the revolution.
Mr. Williams. Every village was organized on soviet lines. They
were organized from one end of the country to the other.
Senator Wolcott. Did they organize the all-Eussian congress of
Soviets ?
Mr. Williams. When I arrived in Petrograd in June, 1917, the
first all-Eussian congress of Soviets met, and it may be interesting
to you to know that that congress, which was addressed by Mr. Dun-
can and Mr. Eussell, of the Eoot mission, had, out of the 1,200 dele-
gates— I am not exactly sure of the statistics, but I think out of the
664 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1,000 or 1,200 delegates there were only 100 or 125 Bolsheviks. All
the rest belonged to the other parties. As the masses grew more rad-
ical they went over to the Bolsheviks.
Senator WoLcorr. So that the soviet government was not estab-
lished by the Bolsheviks?
Mr. WiLLiAsrs. It was foreign to their minds at the beginning of
the revolution.
Senator Wolcott. It was in existence, and the Bolsheviks got con-
trol of it?
Mr. Williams. It was like this, as I tried to explain the other day.
It grew up spontaneously and elementally out of the life of the Rus-
sian people, and they worked it out. The separate Soviets were
linked up together more and more. The part the Bolsheviks had to-
do with the establishment of the soviet- government was this, ^¥[\m
the Kerensky government Avas showing its weakness and would not
give the people land or peace, or anything they wanted, the Bolshe-
viks said, ''All power to the soviet. You want the land, and there is;
your government, the soviet, which will give it to you." I think that
it is the mark of genius of the Bolshevik leaders not to impose things
on the people, but to recognize the things which exist and to utilize it.
The Bolshe\iks had nothing to do with originating the soviet. Lenine
simply pointed to the soviet as the de facto organ of power.
Senator Wolcott. A moment ago you were saying something to
this effect — that the old Czar's government fell because of its cor-
ruption and inefficiency, and as soon as the army, upon which it was-
bottomed, disintegrated, it fell; and the Kerensky government, fol-
loAving it. fell because it could not satisfy the longing of the Russian
people for what they wanted; and that, thereupon, the soviet gov-
ernment came to the fore as the thing that met the hopes and aspira-
tions of the Russian people. Now, that system of government yott
have to-day existed under Kerensky. It must not, therefore, have
been the form of government, or what they gave as the form of gov-
ernment, that appealed to people and induced them to overthrow the
Kerensky government ; and thus it seems to me your logic does not
prove good. There must have been something else that intervened
there which appealed to the Russian people that occasioned the
overthrow of the Kerensky government ; and was not that something
else the desire to take property directly by the people and not await
the long process of the meeting of the constituent assembly and the
working out of a scheme?
Mr. Williams. I think that is quite right.
Senator Wolcott. Then, if that be true, is not this true, that the
Bolshevik program that they stood for was bottomed not on high
ideals of liberty as expressed in the soviet form of government, but
upon the selfish desires of human nature to take unto itself and seize;
that is to say, bottomed on something like the unholy passion of
greed? . ,
Mr. WiLJLiAMS. I think you are absolutely right. In all great social
movements, while they have certain idealistic objects and tendenciei?,
I think that the fundamental motives are economic, fundamentally
selfish motives, if you please. I do not quarrel with that. I wish it
was otherwise ; but we have to accept it as a fact. It is true that, as
you say, during the summer of 1917 the Russian people had gotten
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 665'
tired, they had ceased to think that the constituent assembly was ever-
going to come, or that the end of the war was going to come. The peas-
ant, saying that the land was God's and the people's, was going out
and taking over the land and burning the manor houses and the hay
ricks, and doing many brutal and cruel things. We saw the working-
men, in the same way, taking over factories and botching and destroy-
ing material. We saw the soldiers, disgusted with the conduct of the
war, throwing down their guns and leaving the front by tens of thou-
sands. The masses, warworn and weary and disillusioned, seemed tO'
be pushing Kussia over the edge of the abyss and into chaos, anarchy,,
and night. I stated that it was my solemn conviction that if there had
not arisen a party that could see that for this ultraradical, deep-run-
ning movement of the people there must be an ultraradical program,
of government, Russia would really have gone on into anarchy, chaos,
and night ; but the Bolsheviks had the ability to take these elemental
energies that were loose in the world and guide them to a constructive
purpose; they had the confidence of the people, so that the people
trusted them. As I said before, we must try to think in the Russian
terms. The American thinks that land is private property, primar-
ily; but it is not so with the Russian. Nineteen out of twenty Rus-
sians believe — and I do not think anyone will deny that — that the-
land should belong to the people who used the land. They never be-
lieved that the large landowners had any right to the land. The
peasants who, of their own accord, were taking over the land without
any sanction in law were given a legal basis and legal right for doing-
what they did. The same way with the taking over of the factories.
They were given some legal authority for their action. There was
one thing I brought up the other day — I think you had some answer
to it, but I did not quite get it — that whenever any country thinks
that its national destiny demands that it do a certain thing, it does it.
We thought as a people that we must cut out the cancer — slavery —
and put an end to it, and we did so. Just in the same way the Rus-
sian people believed that to fulfill their national destiny, rightly or
wrongly, the land must belong to the people.
Senator Wolcott. As a matter of fact, I take issue with you on
your historical analogy. The Civil War Avas not fought to cut out
the cancer of slavery. It ended in that, but it is clear as daylight that
Lincoln's purpose was to save the Union, and he said that if he could
save the Union with slavery he would save it; i'f he could save the
Union half slave and half free, he would save it ; if he could save the
Union with the slaves free, he would save the Union; he would do
anything to save the Union. That was his idea. He freed the slaves
in order to cripple the South, as a war measure.
Mr. Williams. Well, good: that was Lincoln's purpose, that is
right, to save the Union. But I do not think you do reach over with
your minds into Russia and understand with what a passion those
people cling to the idea that they must save the revolution. That is
their purpose, to save the revolution, and it seemed that the revo-
lution could be saved only by taking these drastic measures. It is
almost impossible to project yourselves into the feeling that those
men had and appreciate the loyalty that they felt toward their
revolution.
■666 BOLSHE
Mr. Humes. Coming back to your historical analogy, if the Bol-
sheviki had been in control of this country at the time of the Civil
War, instead of freeing the slaves they would have nationalized them.
They would have preserved the propertv element ; they would have
perpetuated the property in the slaves ; but they would have national-
ized the slaves and made them the property of the State rather than
the property of the individuals, would they not?
Mr. Williams. Mr. Humes, I am a good partisan of the Bolsheviks
in some ways, but I am not able to read their minds and I'cad l);ick
into those conditions back there and say what they would have done.
Mr. Humes. You have undertaken to analyze two historical oc-
currences.
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Mr. Humes. The property in the land is preserved and nationalized
and taken over by the government in Russia. The slaves in the
United States were not taken over by the Government, but they were
ireed.
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Therefore the two cases are not analogous, are they (
Mr. Williams. They are analogous as to the matter of property
Tights. I was trying to prove to you that whene\er any nation sees
that there are certain obstacles in the way of the fulfillment of what
it regards as its national destiny and national ends, it makes some
very short cut toward that, and the national destiny of keeping our
Union intact demanded the abolition of property rights in slaves, etc.
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Williams. Therefore we did that. We put it through, just
as in this war we have cut into established property rights.
Mr. Humes. But property rights are not abolished in Russia ; they
.are nationalized.
Mr. Williams. All right ; I agree with you very heartily on that.
Mr. Humes. Proceed.
Senator Wolcott. Before you proceed on another line, I am curi-
ous to know why the Bolshevik party were unwilling to wait for the
■constituent assembly in which, as I understand, the Russian people
might through their representatives, meet and devise a form of gov-
ernment which, in their judgment, would preserve to them all the
iruits of the revolution.
Mr. Williams. I' think that in the popular mind everywhere the
dissolution of the constituent assembly is one of the black marks
•upon the whole soviet regime ; here was a great constituent assembly
which was talked about for such a long time, and then when it finally
met, it was dissolved by the bayonets of the Soviets.
Senator WoLc;oTT. Yes. Xow, why was that?
Mr. Williams. Why?
Senator Wolcott. Go ahead.
Mr. Williams. I will tell you. The Bolsheviki were the ones who
did the most howling for the constituent assembly; yet when the
constituent assembly came, they were the ones who di^olved it.
There you have one of the strange antitheses of life.
I will give you the technical reason for it. In the first place, the
great party in Russia is not the Menshevik or the Bolshevik. The
;great. historic party, that had the great, powerful figures in the past
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 667
history of Russia, is the social-revolution party; the party of the
peasants. We do not hear much about theui now.
In the summer of 1917 many of the tickets were made up of the
constituent assembly, and the socialist-revolutionist ticket was just
one, straight ticket. After the ticket was made up, the socialist-
revolutionist party split in two, into the right and left. The left
became more radical and went over to the Soviets, joined with the
Bolsheviki in crying "All power to the Soviets." That happened
along in September, because in reA-olutionar}^ times you will remem-
ber the changes are verj^ quick.
When the ticket was presented to the masses of the people it had
almost exclusively right socialist-revolutionist names on it; but the
peasants had not known yet about the split that had come about in the
ranks of the people. They did not know what the left was standino;
lor.
Senator Wolcott. There was a left ticket?
Mr. Williams. There was no left ticket. There was only one
ticket.
Senator Wolcott. Oh, yes.
Mr. Williams. And so they almost all voted as socialist-revolu-
tionists, which put in the constituent assembly almost one-half of
the number of it right social revolutionists — more than one-half.
Senator Wolcott. Did the Bolsheviki have a ticket in this elec-
tion?
Mr. AViLLiAMs. Yes; but just get this point clear. In January,
1918, two great congresses met in Petrograd, the third all-Eussian
congress of Soviets and the constituent assembly.
The peasants had sent to the third all-Russian congress of Soviets
practically no one but left social revolutionists, and in the constituent
assembly meeting at the same time, the peasants had practically noth-
ing but right social revolutionists. So the soviet said, '' This con-
stituent assembly is entirely misrepresentative of the people." The
third all-Russian congress of Soviets was elected 10 days before it
met, and in that all-Russian congress of Soviets you find the
peasants sending a definitely left radical group of representatives,
while in the constituent assembly, which had been elected, one, two, or
three months earlier, you find the peasants sending practically a solid
right social revolutionist representation. In other words, the change
that had gone on in the minds of the peasants when they had turned
to the left was not registered in the constituent assembly. It was
registered ■ in the all-Russian congress of Soviets. The Soviets said,
"This present constituent assembly does not represent the people."
That is the one outstanding reason why they dissolved the constituent
assembly.
I do not want to spin hair logic around the thing, but I think that
is the legitimate reason.
Senator Wolcott. You think that is a legitimate reason?
Mr. Williams. I think it was a legitimate reason. Furthermore,
I think if they had not dissolved the constituent assembly — ^I know
how strange this will sound, but knowing Russia I say it, that with-
out the dissolution of the constituent assembly — the danger of Russia
going over into chaos and night would have been greater than ever.
Senator Wolcott. There is no point in guessing at reasons. That
668 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
is SO purely speculative, beyond the power of any human mind to
forecast, that I do not think it is worth Avhile giving it.
Mr. Williams. Can I give
Senator Wolcott. You may give your ideas, if you want to. I do
not want to stop you.
Mr. WiLLiAjis. Then let me state this. At the time these two con-
gresses met in Petrograd the constituent assembly declared that it
would have a great parade in its honor — in favor of tlie constituent
assembly — and the whole city was allowed to have that parade, ex-
cept a certain section of it where the soviet said the parade must not
go on account of possible trouble. This parade was held in the city
of Petrograd at the time when it was a matter of life and death of
the constituent assembly, there were 15,000 people in it — at the out-
side 20.000 — Avho paraded for it.
Now, take the soviet. Many people in this room have seen lit-
erallj' hundreds of thousands of people in a soviet parade. If it
Avere a matter of life and death to the all-Ruasian congress of
Soviets there would have been hundreds of thousands of people ready
to parade for it, and to die for it.
Senator Wolcott. That does not prove much to me, because I have
seen, in my State, the Democrats outparade the Eepublic.ns many
and many a time and then get licked badly at the polls.
Mr. Williams. Very good. May I just state that Mr. Kobins at
that time had 50 or 60 telegrams coming in from all over tlie country
as to the attitude of the people to the constituent assembly. He said
that the dissolution of the constituent assembly provoked little or no
protest, but you observe, whenever anybody tries to disturb the
Soviets, that it produces a great uproar.
Senator Wolcott. Who disbanded them ?
Mr. WiLLLiMS. The constituent assembly was disbanded by order
of the third all-Eussian congress of Soviets.
Senator Wolcott. Who went there and forced them to disband?
Mr. Williams. There were a dozen, or probably 50, of the soldiers
or sailors of the all-Russian soviet.
Senator Wolcott. Were they the Kronstadt sailors?
Mr. Williams. The Kronstadt boys were in at the head of almost
everything, and I think they probably went on this.
Senator Wolcott. They went in there armed, I suppose?
Mr. Williams. They met there for one day, and the constituent as-
sembly continued until about 4 or 5 o'clock in the morning. Finally,
they turned to the constituent assembly and said, " You are not
doing anything here. We are tired and want to go home, and we
suggest that you go home," and so they all went home.
Senator Wolcott. They thought that discretion was the better part
of valor there and they went home. That is all there is about it?
Mr. Williams. Yes; exactly.
Senator WoLco-rr. They thought discretion was the better part of
valor there.
Mr. Williams. Some members of the constituent assembly organ-
ized in several places, but they never have been able to do anything.
May I interject here this fact ? Tchernoff was elected president of
the constituent assembly. " Humanite," in Paris, now admits that
Tchernoff has gone to Moscow and has made an agreement with
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 669
Lenine to enter into cooperation with the soviet government. I am
not able to confirm that, however.
Senator Wolcott. Suppose that to be true, what does it prove ?
Mr. Willta;ms. It only proves that, however unfortunate we may
regard certain actions in Russia in the past, we have got to regard the
soviet as rooting itself deeper and deeper in the larger bases of the
population. That is what finally I want to get to you.
Senator Wolcott. That man may be like the Vicar of Bray. You
remember about the A^icar of Bray, of course ?
Mr. Williams. No ; I do not remember.
Senator Wolcott. He had a little thing that I used to say over to
jnyself which, as I recall, went something like this :
For this I will maintain, until my d^'^ng day, sir.
That whatsoever king may reign. I will be Vicar of Bray, sir.
That does not prove anything.
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. I want to ask you this.
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. Has the soviet government ever undertaken to
provide for a new constituent assembly?
Mr. Williams. I only understand that in the negotiations that have
Been going on from Litvonoff, the representative of the soviet at
Stockholm, they are perfectly willing to call a constituent assembly.
'. Senator Wolcott. They are willing to, but they ha\ e had over a
year. What has this soviet government that is so desirous of per-
mitting the Russian people to express their views and aspirations in
the form of government and suggestion done toward calling together
the constituent assembly and getting some kind of scheme so that the
views of the people can be taken — anything?
Mr. Williams. I have just stated that 90 per cent of the people —
and I think it is 95 per cent — are voting with the soviet organiza-
tion, and they have a right in the organization to determine any ques-
tion of government.
^ Senator Wolcott. But they vote away down in the local soviet,
and these great powers of the administration of the national govern-
ment are administered away up on top, where they are removed from
the people. They are really without any constitution, and have no
charter of government and no plan of government except as they from
day to day choose to devise one ; is not that the situation ?
Mr. Williams. Xo ; I do not think that is a fair statement of the
situation. Remember that they have worked out a constitution in
their great All-Russian Congress of Soviets, and they debated a long
time on their constitution. There is outlined a certain structure of
the nation. For example, if anyone in Russia came and talked about
the idea of a constituent assembly — again this is only opinion, you
see — ^probably there would not be 10 per cent of the people in the towns
who would want such a thing as a constituent assembly. Remembe]-
that we have certain political notions of the Western Hemisphere —
western notions. There were certain great Russian characters, among
them Miliukov. who went to the Avestern nations and got an insight
into western icleas, and their idea was that Russia should have the
same kind of political constitution as exists now in the western nations,
and they came back there with that idea. But so far as the people
670 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
themselves are concerned, when you talk about a constituent assemblv.
they ars not enthusiastic about it: it means nothing: to them; it is
only a word ; while when you say '' soviet " to them, that is a thinj;
which immediately signifies something. They have taken part in it
and they understand it. In other words, you have got to get unde:
the skin of the vast masses of the Russian people. There you realize
that though you use certain political terms which are wonderful
words to us, drawing out our allegiance, they mean nothing at all to
them.
Senator AVolccitt. But it seems to me wonderful that the people in
control now, having the desire to give the Russian people what they
want, do not get up some sort of a scheme that takes into account thl'
Russian people. It will not do for any man to set himself up and say.
" I knoA\- I represent the wishes of the vast majority of the people.''
That is the way of all tyrants: they claim that they are doing the
thing that the people want. Xow, the only thing to do that I know
of is to count people on a proposition and see Avhat they want. But
have these Bolsheviks adopted any step in that direction?
Mr. Williams. But, Senator Wolcott, we worked out the soviet
scheme of government the other day. You made a very good criti-
cism of the scheme, but it certainly became apparent to you that
through these voting agencies they have a regular system of election,
and they are expressing their will : and I have shown you that the
natural, spontaneous feeling of the people is toward this new sort of
state apparatus. I mean, if the one thing that lingered in the minds
of western people with regard to Russia at this time was an election,
a grand constituent assembly like we have here, that we believe in,
that if the American people, for example, would be convinced that
in a great general election the people had a vote, whether they believed
in a .soviet or not a soviet, I am sure that the Soviets of Russia would
be willing to stand before the whole world and say, '" Let us have
an election of that kind, and decide the kind of state apparatus we arc
going to have, whether we shall have one like England or America,
or Germany, or one like we have over here." Now, if that is the thing
that rests back in your mind, that there ought to be a great general
election all over Russia. I feel sure that such a representation could
be made to the Soviets through the delegates to Prinkipo — Mr. White
and ]\Ir. Herron. They Avould present to them very positively that
the chief objection to the soviet government is the belief here that it
represents nothing but a minority, that it has simply superimposed
itself upon the people, and if the question were asked, " Are you
willing to hold, openly and freely, an election in Russia in which the
people will decide Avhich form of government they want ^ " I am quite
sure that the Soviets of Russia would be willing to go to the country
with such an election.
Senator AVolcott. It looks to me very much like a case where a
political party has gotten complete control, and they have told the
people what kind of government they are going to have, and they
have accepted it because there is nothing else to do. That does not
appeal to me as a very good situation.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that the reason that the constituent
assembly was dissolved was because it represented the whole mass ot
the Russian people, 85 per cent, or approximately 8.5 per cent, ot
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 671
Avhom were peasants, and, as you stated a moment ago. the policy of
the Bolsheviki is to give to the city control and domination equal to
the control and domination and influence of the peasants themselves?
' Mr. Williams. Well, I think the reason that they dissolved it was
as I have stated. We ought to remember how rapidly in revolu-
tionary times come these changes in the minds of the people, as I
have illustrated in the case of the peasants. To show how much
changes went on in Russia, remember that there were only lOO
Bolsheviks in the first All-Eussian Congress of Soviets. In the sec-
ond congress the Bolsheviks had become the majority. In the third
congress they were still overwhelming. In the fourth congress they
began to drop back a little. Their strength is changing constantly.
When the constituent assembly was gathering the peasants were
moving over to the left. This radical attitude was not reflected in
the constituent assembly. The constituent assembly had only
about two-fifths of its members who were for all powei' to the Soviets.
It is one of the theories of all statecraft, is it not, that after
revolutions the people in power are the ones who make out the rules
I for the convocation of the constituent assembly? The laws calling
for the constituent assembly were made out by the elements in con-
trol after the March revolution. If the people in control after the
November revolution had been making out the rules, they would, for
example, not have made the suffrage for those over 21 years of age —
I believe that was the age limit fixed for the constituent assembly —
but they would ha^e fixed the suffrage at 18 years of age, because
practically every person between 18 and 21 would have voted origi-
nally on the left tickets. By this change of rules in voting for the
constituent assembly, the soviet parties would have had a large in-
crease in delegates to any constituent assembly.
Mr. Humes. Is it not important for the Bolshevik control that
the workmen, so-called in the cities, should have representation equal
to the peasants, in spite of the fact that they only have 15 per cent
of the people represented in the organization?
Mr. Williams. You see, the soA'iet revolution, the November revo-
lution was made by the soviet workmen and soldiers. The peasant
soviet had little or nothing at all to do with it. Then the peasant
soviet, the great national soviet, wanted to join the workmen's and
soldiers' soviet. The latter said, " You can come in and help to
run the government, but you can only have 80 delegates to our 102."
The peasants replied, " No, we demand the same voice in the gov-
ernment of Eussia as the workmen and soldiers." They finally agreed
that the peasants should have just the same standing as the workmen
and soldiers. Of course, we know that ultimately the peasants are
the ones that are going to decide what the condition of Russia is
going to be, and I dq not for a moment believe that this present gov-
ernmental system
Senator Wolcott. How can they ever get to decide that when they
are not going to be in the majority, if they are denied a majority?
Mr. Williams. I believe that in the end the fair sense of the people
will change that so that the peasants will have proportionate repre-
sentation. The ultimate solution will be that they will have a
larger proportion of votes than they now have. In revolutionary
times you have got to have a revolutionary organ with flexibility and
'672 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
plasiticity like the Soviets. The sailors and soldiers, with some of the
workmen of the city, were the chief factors in making the revolution,
and during the first days they had altogether a disproportionate
representation in the soviet. Xow it has been extended so that the
peasants have entered into it. I am sure that within the next two
years they will have one vote for 100 per cent of the people over
18 years of age.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Williams, is it not a fact that even in the so-
called constitution of the soviet republic the representation of the
• cities is based upon 1 to e\'ery 25,000, while among the peasants and
in the provinces it is 1 to every 125,000?
Mr. WiiOiiAMs. Yes; that is just the point I was making.
Mr. HuJiES. In other words, in the fundamental law itself the
■cities have five times the representation that the peasants do, in
proportion to their population ?
Mr. Williams. Precisely. That is the point I brought out in try-
ing to make the situation very clear.
Mr. HuJiES. By incorporating that into the constitution for the
future government of the republic, is there anything to indicate
that there is a purpose on the part of the present government to
equalize representation and to give the peasants equal representation
with the cities, with the sailors and workmen ?
Mr. Williams. The true objective of the Russian soviet republic,
as I have just stated, is that they want within the next two years to
give one vote for every person over 18 years of age, and if Eussia
gets a stable government during this time and gets a constitution,
I am quite sure that the disproportionate representation will be
changed, otherwise Russia can not stand before the world as a true
republic. •
Mr. Humes. That is a promise of the future, however.
Mr. Williams. Yes; it is.
Mr. Humes. Now, proceed.
Mr. Williams. I do not know how much further to proceed. I
was just stating, Senator Wolcott, my contention that I want to
bring home as far as possible, without in any way trying to gloss
over any cruelties or any disorders, or trying to minimize any evils,
the fact that over there in Russia there is a certain government called
the soviet government; that it is a goA^ernment that is functioning
and manifesting a certain definite power ; that it has a strong hold
over the masses of the people, and that it is the only possible govern-
ment for them — the only one that can function as a government.
I just want to bring out one or two things. First of all, what has
this government done? Well, I think that we in America, who are
being staggered by the great job of demoblizing something like
4,000,000 soldiers, ought to have a little bit of_ sympathy with the
task that was suddenly thrown upon this soviet state apparatus — the
job of demobilizing 12,000,000 soldiers. That demobilization went
on without unnecessary disorder beyond the shooting up of perhaps
two or three railway stations which occurred here and there, making
for the dislocation of the railway industry.
Senator Wolcott. That went on, as a matter of fact, rather auto-
matically, did it not? They demobilized themselves?
Mr. WiLUAMS. That is exactly the point.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 673
Senator A'\^olcoi't. There 'was no burden throMn on tlie so^'iet
government to demobilize them. They just quit.
Mr. Williams. That is just the point. Suppose we let 4,000,000
soldiers loose over here. What do you suppose would happen, if we
just turned them loose, to the Government apparatus that we have,
as finely organized as it is?
Senator Wolcott. The problem was not to demobilize them, but
to take, care of them after they were demobilized, and the soviet had
no great problem thrown on it to demobilize those soldiers; they
demobilized themselves.
Mr. Williams. That is the proposition for a soviet organization,
to bring out certain integTating forces, organizing certain natural
latent forces which we do not utilize. I would like to present here,
as I will to you afterwards, one of the pamphlets that were given to
the soldiers who demobilized, as they were going home from the
trenches. It was written by a man who understood the soldiers.
They resolved they were not going to fight any more, so they were
provided with a certain pamphlet called the " Organization of Vil-
lages." The soldiers were largely peasants. This pamphlet says,
first of all, to the soldiers leaving the trenches, " You will go to
Moscow or Petrograd. Do not spend all your time riding around
on street cars. Street cars are too crowded already. Go to a certain
place and there you will find the peasant headquarters. Ask for
some literature. If you can not read it, ask a workingman to read
it to you. If this fellow who has been working hard all day gets
irritated, do not get, mad at him." Then it says, " Go up ito the
soviet; it is your government, and if you can not shake hands with
Lenine or Trotzky remember they are busy and are engaged with
other things. Do not get angry at them."
Then the pamphlet says : " Soldier on the train, do not spend all
your time playing cards. Try to find two or three men from your
local village and talk with them over the situation. If you can not
read the pamphlets you have, ask some one who can read."
Then, section 3, "Arriving in the village. Rest a day or two. Re-
member that the people in the village have been far away from Mos-
cow and Petrograd. You must not try to tell them everything you
laiow at once. Try to find out what they are doing about vodka. Be
sure that no vodka is being brought into the village to make the
people drunk. See what you can do to organize a local military
.detachment. See what the people are doing to their grain. Try to
make them understand that the workmen in the cities are busy fight-
ing their enemies, and they can not make plows, hoes, and rakes
for the peasants, and that the peasants ought, therefore, to give them
their bread, even though they can not get plows, hoes, and rakes until
next summer," and so on like that.
It was explained in the simplest fashion how they should de-
mobilize and how they should go home, and for that reason that
wonderful return of 12,000,000 men was accomplished with the mini-
mum amount of looting and killing. Of course, there was some.
I have ridden on trains where they had smashed the windows and
where they would ride up on top of the roof of the car, but it was
a wonderful tribute to the organization of the soviet that it could
absorb back into the land and into industry 12,000,000 people.
85723—19 43
674 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
I will bring this talk, shortly, to a close. As I say, that is one of
the burdens thrown upon the soviet state apparatus.
I saw Prof. Lomomosoff in Chicago on Thursday, and he handed
me a lot of stuff that has come over from Eussia in reference to the
constructive work that is being done by the soviet government.
Senator Wolcott. Who is he 1
Mr. Williams. Prof. Lomomosoff was one of the three men who
were sent over under the Kerensky administration. He is a man who
has written 15 volumes upon railroad administration. He is a Men-
shevik, which is an anti-Bolshevik party. He has written some
articles, showing why all Russians should cooperate with the soviet.
He himself has worked out and has presented to me a whole lot of
stuff on what the soviet is doing over there. I am just goinf^- to leave
this with you.
Senator Wolcott. Are those things that are projected?
Mr. Williams. Some are projected, and some are accomplished.
You may look them over.
Senator Wolcott. You want to leave them, do you, for the com-
mittee to examine ?
Mr. Williams. I want the committee to examine them, or anyone
else who wants to know about what is happening in Eussia at the
present time to examine them.
To pass on to the next thing, I said very definitely that there were
12,000,000 soldiers demobilized, as one of the tasks of the soviet. The
second great task was the development of the cultural life. Here is a
statement that was made by Maxim Gorky. I read it to you before,
but if you will listen to it again, I can almost quote it. It seems to me
a very strong statement. He says in effect this :
I have as much right as any mau in Russia to spealv for the Russian iieoplo.
I make the assertion that althou.sh I have lieen an opimnent of the soviet'
government, and I am now in antagonism to many of its methods of worlv, I
still state before all the world that the historians of the future will marvel at
the cultural and creative work that the Russian people have done during the
course of a year. This is no exaggeration. I know that the scope and tlie
length and the depth of real, educational development that has been mani-
fested under the soviet regime during this year will call forth the admiration
of the world.
In the second place, I would like to tell you what I saw of the cul-
tural development in Eussia. I would like to have brought before
the committee a certain Mrs. Tobinson, who comes from Habarosk.
Her husband was president of the Far East Soviets. She will tell
you in detail how they worked out the educational organizations there.
She will tell you, for example, that they requisitioned all the pianos
from the rich and they put them into a great building, and then into
this great building they invited the peasants and workers' boys and
girls. They assembled there and inside of three months they had a
group of something like 500 students in that conservatory of music.
She will tell how these teachers, who were only 18 or 20 years of age,
worked out. away back up there in the woods, a Montessori system of
education, and then put it into practice. I think you would be very
much interested to hear her. There is the statement of Maxim Gorky,
which was made 10 days ago, that Eussia, under the greatest handi-
caps and under the greatest disorganization, has made tremendous
strides in cultural and creative work, so that it will absolutely amaze
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 675
the world when they know about it. We can bring you here very
shortly some of the publications and magazines to show what has
been produced in Russia during the last year or so.
May I add to that this other statement, the statement of Lloyd
George, that any man who saw the figures that were involved in
intervention would not for a moment consider it, because the Bolshe-
viks, as he called them, are a strong military power, and they are
growing. In answer, then, to a great many of the statements that
have been made here by different men, who said tliat Russia is largely
disorganized, and that anarchy and chaos reign, I submit that a
great, growing cultural work, according to the testimony of Maxim
Gorky, and a great and growing military power, according to the
words of Lloyd George, simply can not subsist upon the sort of con-
ditions described liere before this committee.
You asked for something in a little reconstructive way. I am
going to read you something which will probably get from one side
of any people that read it the accusation that, after all, I am very
much of an opponent to the soviet government, and it will get from
the radical side and the socialists the accusation that I am a traitor
and a renegade and ought to be ousted from their midst, but I will
read you this because I think it has a little to do with reconstruc-
tion as we face it here in America.
Senator Wolcott. This is along what line?
Mr. Williams. This is along the line of reconstruction.
Senator Wolcott. In America, here?
Mr. Williams. Senator Overman asked me as I left, " Well, have
you any reconstruction ideas to offer ? " I have written out this
thing, but it does not concern America so much, but only concerns
the solution of the problem of discontent.
Senator Wolcott. I do not know what was in Senator Overman's
mind. Unfortunately he is not here, and I can not speak for him.
This committee is appointed to investigate Bolshevik propaganda
in this country, and how your views in regard to reconstruction in
America can be at all pertinent to that inquiry I can not see. If
what you are about to say is along that line you might leave what
you have written here and let Senator Overman see it, and if he
wants it to go in, of course I shall interpose no objection.
Mr. Williams. Really, it has nothing to do with reconstruction
in America. I took his request more as a spring board to jump
from.
Senator Wolcott. In other words, Mr. Williams, while I am al-
ways interested to get people's views about different things, frankly
I do not want to go outside of the limits of this investigation, be-
cause I want to get done.
Mr. Williams. This summarizes the Russian situation, and that is
the reason I would like to read it instead of meandering all around
it. I thought I could present it in a very complete form, and it
would probably answer a few of your questions. It has nothing to
do, practically, with America.
Senator Wolcott. All right, I am relying on you to keep your
testimony within the bounds of this investigation, and I have told
you what it is — Bolshevism in Russia and its propaganda in this
676 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
count^3^ I will rely on you to observe good faith with me and keep
within those limits.
Mr. Williams. All the agitators in the world can not stir up dis-
content in this country unless the soil is ready for the sowing of the
seed of discontent.
Unemployment is the chief danger threatening. People are unem-
ployed because shops close down. Shops close down because the
capitalist owners lack markets in which to sell their products.
The socialist solution of this problem is to give each man the full
product of his labor in order that he may have the means of buying
back as much goods as he produces. Then there is no great sur-
plusage which needs to go seeking foreign markets.
But since we ha^'e no general present disposition to try socialism,
let us consider the possibilities of capitalism.
Capitalism is essentially expansi^'e and under the present system
it must seek outside markets for its manufactured goods and must
gain access to raw materials.
Senator Wolcoti'. I do not want to hear that. You will have to
submit that to the committee, and if tlie committee wants it to go in,
all right. Personally I am not interested in your views as to what
should be done in this country. I do not recall that we have had
any witness who has given his \iews as to what ought to be done in
this countr}^, and I do not want to open up that field.
Mr. Williams. Well, all right.
Senatoi' "Wolcott. TTnderstand, I do not want to shut you off on
anything you have to say about Russia and Bolshevik propaganda
in this country. I would not undertake to shut you off in the slight-
est degree about that, and I think you will agree that the committee
b.as alloAved you a free hand. We want to continue to do it. But that
is not within the scope of the inquiry.
Mr. WiLLiAjis. Then I will read you this other thing about Russia.
Senator ^Volcott. How would it do for you to leave that state-
ment here with the stenographer and let Senator Overman see it?
It may be something he had in mind. Then let the committee say
whether we want to put it in the record.
Mr. Willia:ms. Prof. Lomomosoff, the railway expert of Russia,
furnishes the following figures, just compiled. Russia has 17 per
cent of the coal of the world, ?>1 per cent of the naphtha, 50 per cent
of the iron, 56 per cent of the rye. 79 per cent of the hemp, and '21
2^er cent of the Avheat.
After five years of war and revolution Russia needs every con-
ceivable manufactured article. She can take all the output of Amer-
ica for a long time to come, and she is able to pay for it in raw ma-
terial, either here or at the American industries on the spot.
True, the present soviet government is a handicap to the free, un-
limited play of capitalistic interest in Russia because of the drastic
laws for the protection of labor, but still it is the government of
Russia, and we should examine the possibilities that lie in that
situation.
In the first place, the soviet government puts a tremendous value
upon American technicians, engineers, administrators, etc. There is
nothing in it which precludes the development of industrial life in
Russia on a tremendous scale. Men of action, like Col. Thompson,
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 677
find nothing teiTifying in the soviet. On the contrary, big men -with
creative instincts iind in it an instrnment admirably fitted for the
accomplishment of big things. They see distinct advantages in the
soviet. The thing that killed Harrinian vas not the managing of a
great railroad, but its financing. Under the soviet system he does
not need to worry about that. Great economic poAver is delegated
to him precisely as we delegate great political power to outstanding
individuals. The soviet puts its estimate upon big bi'ains and genius
•by voting 50,000,000 rubles for foreign technical experts business
administrators, engineers, etc., and it will give a fi'ee hand to these.
It is apparent that the soviet system calls out the latent enthusi-
asm of the people, effecting a release of the creative constructive
energies of the masses. No one can say that of our system where
the workman is interested more in his wages than in his work.
Eussia unclei' the soviet offers, then, not only its vast wealth to
work upon, but also the labor force, enthusiastic and alive, to work
it with. With us the creative forces of big business, brains, and
labor run at cross purposes. lender the so\iet the energies of men
instead of being spent in quarreling over the division of the product
can be wholly liberated for the task of bigger production.
In the second place, admitting the impossibility of America deal-
ing- with visionaries and fanatics, is that a correct view of the soviet
government at present?
The World of February 6 says :
The main fact in tlie new situation is tliat the so-called nationalization of
Russian industry puts industry back into the hands of the business class, who
disguise their activities by giving orders under the magic title of " people's
commi.ssars." In theory the liouruvoise are di'^fraucblsed, Inn actually they fire
fast drifting back into control of Russian Industry and active participation in
the state.
Strangely enough all the revolts against the soviet are now di-
rected from the anarchists and extremists who hold that the soviet,
has become too conservative, centralized, and disciplined.
Maj. Thacher, of the Red Cross, who had business dealings with
the soviet government, even during the days of its headstrong and
irreconcilable youth, found a quite possible relationship with it, and
furthermore, can testify that large transactions were carried through
in an honest and efficient manner.
In the third place tire Russian people have been particularly kindly
disposed toward America.
Lenine himself has such a leaning toward America that he has
often to fight with his party the charge of playing into the hands of
American capitalists. Not that he loves American capitalists better
than other capitalists, but he sees plainly that the safest alliance for
Russia is one with distant America. He realizes that America has
many things to teach the new industrial democracy of Russia, and
we see him taking over the Taylor system and putting it into the new
Russian order.
While Russia was shocked to see America advancing with Japa-
nese troops against the workmen's and peasant's government, still it
realized that America had long delayed the invasion into Russia and
laid a retarding hand upon it. Russia will not forget that England
and France were the chief aggressors against her.
678 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
America has many potential agents in soviet positions. While it
is not true that 265 out of 379 members of the Petrograd soviet came
from America, there are perhaps '20 or 25 there, and in almost every
soviet there are one or two immigrants who hold positions of
influence.
America has in Eussia probably 100,000 immigrants, .") per cent of
whom, perhaps, hold positions of influence in the soviet. Their anti-
American utterances were often for the consumption of the detec-
tives and retainers who ran back to the consulates with tales of the'
blasphemous anti- Americanism of these ingrates. But, in any event,
there are probably 5,000 American agents, knowing the American
language, American machinery, and American business methods, and
bound back to America by a thousand different ties, placed at the stra-
tegic points in Eussia.
If Germany or Japan had such assets, would they not seek to use
them rather than antagonize them ?
Senator "\Yolcott. These Americans you speak of who were en-
gaged in anti- American outcries, you say did so in order to have the
tales carried back to America ?
jMr. Williams. There are various reasons for that, Senator Wolcott ;
some of them had certain grudges, some of them had suffered un-
doubtedly very much, and when they came back to Eussia they told
tales of what they had experienced.
Senator Wolcott. They did engage in anti- American talk?
Mr. Williams. Yes, they did; but they were more anticapitalistic
than anti-American. But I know that these people are bound by a
thousand ties back to America.
Senator Wolcott. They show that in a very queer way. They show
their ties to America by abusing America. That is strange to me.
"Sir. Williams. They went back home and related what they had
exj^erienced in America. Lincoln Steffens was asked this same ques-
tion. They said to him : " Is it true that Americans who have returned
to Eussia have told adverse tales about what they Avent through in
America ? " Lincoln Steffens replied — I think this was in the Chicago
City Club — " Yes ; I heard all of these tales, but I never heard
any that were not true. Maybe some of them did harbor grudges
which they ought not to have, but I know they very often said these
things in the presence of a regular Government agent, in order to
nettle or pique him. I know, on the other hand, that really most of
the immigrants, while openly holding this position toward America.
yet in their hearts took an entirely different attitude. They often
boasted what America had done and what America could do, and
said how a real alliance ought to be effected with America. No matter
how much they said against America, they always said ten times more
against Germany, or against England, or against France." The sug-
gestion I am bringing to you. Senator Wolcott, is this — if it is true
that there are, say, 5,000, 10,000 or 25,000 men who have been in
America and know America and know American business methods,
and know American machinery, I think that, from a business stand-
point at anj' rate, America's job is not to antagonize them, but to
utilize them in every possible waj-. I am sure that if Germany had
10,000 agents in soviet Eussia— ^and they had their agents there,
undoubtedlv, I am not denving it : she must have had them — if Ger-
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAls^DA. 679
iiiany had that number of trusted agents in Eussia, I am sure that
she would utilize them.
Senator Wolcott. Let me get your point. Your idea is there are
ties in Eussia connecting her with America; that these ties consist
of men who have immigrated into Eussia from America, and through
those ties America could make valuable connections with Eussia;
and yet these ties, which are of such value in building up intimate
connections between Eussia and America, are at the same time en-
gaged in abusing America. That seems to be, boiled down, your
logic.
Mr. Williams. The point is that they have abused America, but I
have heard some of them
Senator Wolcott. And yet we can hope to have them bring Eussia
and America close together ?
Mr. Williams. The point. Senator Wolcott, is that they abuse the
abuses of America ; they abuse the evil things in America ; but they
know that more evil things exist in France, in England, or in Ger-
many. Therefore they have a certain great influence in affairs. The
point is, Can America utilize these men ?
Senator Wolcott. In other words, they dislike America less than
they dislike others ?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
Senator Wolcott. That is a very frail. tie, I should say.
Mr. Williams. I am just pointing out a possible use of them.
The question is whether America is to antagonize them or whether
America is to utilize them.
In the fourth place, it is probably true that under the soviet
government industrial life will perhaps be much slower in develop-
ment than under the usual capitalistic system. But why should a
great industrial country like America desire the creation and con-
sequent competition of another great industrial rival ? Are not the
interests of America in this regard in line with the slow tempo of de-
velopment which soviet Eussia projects for herself?
Senator Wolcott. Then your argument is that it would be to the
interest of America to have Eussia repressed ?
Mr. Williams. Not repressed — —
Senator Wolcott. You say, Why should America desire Eussia to
become an industrial competitor with her ?
Mr. Williams. This is speaking from a capitalistic standpoint.
The whole interest of America is not, I think, to have another great
industrial rival, like Germany, England, France, and Italy, thrown
on the market in competition. I think another government over there
besides the soviet government would perhaps increase the tempo or
rate of development of Eussia, and we would have another rival. Of
course, this is arguing from a capitalistic standpoint.
Senator Wolcott. So you are presenting an argument here which
you think might appeal to the American people, your point being
this, that if we recognize the soviet government of Eussia as it is
constituted we will be recognizing a government that can not compete
with us in industry for a great many years?
Mr. Williams. That is a fact.
Senator Wolcott. That is an argument that under the soviet gov-
ernment Eussia is in no position, for a great many years at least, to
approach America industrially ?
G80 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Williams. Absolutely. It has no great ehaiue under any gov-
ernment. It has no chance to develop industrially for years juid years
to come. But the point is that the people of the soxiet governments
are not obsessed with the idea of a gi-eat industrial country. They
do not want to build it uj) suddenly. They are jierfectly cuntent to
let Eussia remain agricultural to a large extent in the. future. In
other words, they are content to produce certain raw materials, like
wheat and other grains, etc., but their hearts are not set upon build-
ing up a great industrial factory life. Peter Struve put it forcibly
when he said that the Russian moujik is not anxious to be cdoked in
a factory boiler. We find now in Petrograd aud Moscow at the
present time that large numbers of the AAorkmen who have li\e(l there
m the factories, and who ha\ c tasted factory life, are forming them-
selves into little unions of ten, fifteen, or a hundred people and mov-
ing back into the country again ; because, while we here for three gen-
erations have got used to industrial life, they have not. The Russians
instinctively react against it. and they are not anxious to have a rapid
growth in the industrial organization over there.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Williams, do you know Oscar Tokol '.
Air. Williams. I met him in Finland : yes.
Air. Humes. What was his connection with the soviet government
there ?
Mr. Williams. In Finland he has been a leader of the socialists
and been also a speaker in the house. I know his case very well.
Mr. HujiES. He has left the soviet form of government and de-
nounced it as iuipi'acticable and impossible.
Mr. Williams. Oscar Tokol never had the soviet form of govern-
ment in Finland. He made a trip to Russia and lived there about
three months or .so, and then at the end of that three months he issued
a statement from Archangel, which was directed to Xuorteva. of
the Finnish- American Bureau in .^nerica. to tell to the American-
Finnish Socialists that he did not regard the condition in Russia at
that time as being anything Imt very chaotic and very hopeless, and
that the best thing to do was to make some sort of arrangement with
the allies.
Mr. HuJiEs. In other words, you left Russia in May, and on the
10th of September this man wrote a letter to the representative of
the Finnish Government in this countiy, in which he made the fol-
lowing statement [reading] :
You over in Aniei'icii iO'e \w\ able to iiiiii^ine how UoiTiliU' tlie lite In Russia
at tlie present time is. Tiie peiMod after tin-- French Itevolution surely must
liave been as a life in a inirailise coniparod with this. Hunger, brigandage,
arresls, and murders are such everyday events tliat nobody pays any attention
lo flieui. Freedom of assemlilage, association, free speecli, and free i)ress is
a far-awa.\' ideal, winch is altogether destroyed at the present time. Arbitrary
rule and terror is raging everywhere, aud, what is worst of all, not only the
terror proclaimed b,\' the government, but Individual terror as well.
Now, that is a work of a man that has been in touch with the
operation of the government and with the conditions in Eussia
three months after you left Russia.
Mr. WiLiiiAMs. Quite so.
Mr. Humes. Do you question the truth of his statement as to con-
ditions over there?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 681
Mr. Williams. I question it very much, knowing something about
his mental state, yet knowing that what he saw would be an accurate
reflection of that. But, of course, that Avas in September, and, natu-
rally, things there were vei y chaotic. I think things were probably
'at their worst in September and October — very bad.
Mr. Humes. They were worse in September and October than they
were when you left in June?
Mr. Williams. I think probably they were.
ilr. Humes. Ave thev not now as bad as or worse than thev were
■?
in Septembe
Mr. Williams. The only thing that I can do
Senator Wolcott. You do not know, do you ?
Mr. Humes. But from your information?
Mr. Williams. That is a fair statement — a fair reading of the
thing. The only information I have is from the people that come
from Russia. Mr. Yarros, of the Associated Press, and Mr. Keddie,
who left on December 20, and they make statements about the situ-
ation as they saw it there in Russia at that time. I think Mr. Keddie
would be the most valuable of all witnesses, because he is a Quaker.
Most of the time he has lived with the peasants. Tokol's letter was
dated September 10, as you say, or probably a little bit later. But
here we have, February 6, the last man that has come out of Russia,
Eobert Minor, who is an anarchist. He has written some letters to
the New York World in which he says that he is perfectly disgusted
with the whole program, because there has come a change over the
soviet government. It is represented in these letters as bringing dis-
cipline and order into the life of the people; and he is disgusted
with it. I would like to read sections from those letters or leave the
letters with you.
Senator Wolcott. Suppose you leave them here.
Mr. Williams. Those give a different view of the conditions that
prevail. He said that the most marvelous thing was that inside of
the last eight weeks the whole people had submitted themselves to
hard discipline, and that the former bourgeois merchant class was
turning into managers of factories and stores, and that particularly
in the military forces the whole machine worked like clockwork.
He refutes the picture that Tokol gives. If it is a true picture, then
the statement of Maxim Gorky showing Russia with a great and
growing cultural life, and the statement of Lloyd-George showing
Russia as a great and growing military power, could hardly be true.
Tokol's letter must be taken as a reflection of the awful period they
passed through in September and October, when the reign of terror
was on. This is probably the fair way to adjust the discrepancies
between different witnesses.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Williams, just one or two more questions. Did
you go to Russia as a newspaper correspondent or as a writer — in
what capacity?
Mr. Williams. On the credentials of the New York Evening Post.
Mr. Humes. Were you financed by them ?
Mr. Williams. No; I was not.
Mr. Humes. You were in Russia for a year ?
Mr. Williams. Yes.
'682 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. How much of that time were you in the service of
the Russian Bolshe\ik government l
Mr. Williams. Just about five weeks; maybe eight weeks.
Mr. HxTMES. You testified Saturday that you had recei\'ed 300
rubles for certain work that you did '.
Mr. Willia:\is. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Did you ever receive any other compensation from the
Eussian government?
Mr. Williams. I am not exactly sure. I think 580 rubles would
■cover it. Perhaps the right to stay in the Xational Hotel at a re-
duced rate, and perhaps a reduced rate on a ticket on the Trans-
Siberian line.
Mr. Humes. That is the only compensation you received, and the
rest of your expenses you financed yourself ?
Mr. Williams. I do not want to incriminate Maj. Robins or have
him shoulder me, but I owe him 6,000 rubles, borrowed from him in
Russia, and which he has my note for. I am hoping that the price
of rubles will go down.
Mr. Humes. I was not concerned as to whom you borrowed money
from. I was interested in whom you were employed by. Were you
employed by him, or were your relations purely that of a loan?
Mr. Williams. That was a loan.
Mr. Humes. Then, while you had credentials from the New York
Evening Post, your compensation all came from the Bolshevik gov-
ernment or from Mr. Robins?
Mr. Williams. The outside compensation that I got from the
Bolsheviki would be $60. The only reason I took that was to get
inside the organization and to operate inside the propaganda de-
partment in getting literature over into Germany and to organize this
International Legion against the Germans. So that represents the
totality of my income and the totality of any expectations of the
Soviet government.
Mr. Humes. You expected further compensation from them when
you opened an information bureau ?
Mr. WiLi^TAMS. If I opened an information bureau, the money was
to be supplied through American channels, and was to come in
regular diplomatic relation. Everyone knows that the salarv of
every commissar in the Russian Government is 600 rubles, which
is about $60. In other words, you know the theory of the present
order of society over there is that no man shall have cake until
everybody has Ijread, and that if a man shall not work neither shall
Tie eat. There is one of the great holds of the Eussian soviet com-
missars on the people.
We do not understand that, but it is true that under the Kerensky
regime the workingman demanded higher and higher wages, but
under the soviet government they put a stop to that immediately.
The commissars were receiving at the outside $60 a month, and so
people turned to the workmen demanding higher wages, and said,
" Do you want a larger salary than Lunacharsky or Kollontay or
Lenine or Trotsky ? " That put a stop to this constant demand for
higher wages. In the National Hotel, where I once lived, they had
elaborate menus. But when this hotel was taken over by the soviet
government and Lenine and other commissars lived thero, the policy
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 688
was changed. We had for our meals either soup and kasha or soup
and meat. They had tea, of course. Without tea the revolution and
everything else in Eussia would go to pieces.
Mr. Humes. Has the government taken over all the hotels ?
Mr. Williams. Three "hotels in Moscow.
Mr. Humes. To rvin commercially or to be used by government
agents?
Mr. Williams. For the government conuuissars and soviet dele-
gates, although, I think, possibly some of the hotels have now been
taken over by the government to run commercially.
Mr. Humes. There has been a good deal said here with reference
to contributions that were exacted by these $60-a-month men. What
do you know about that?
Mr. Williams. You mean whether, after all, if the soviet
Mr. Humes. Graft, as we call it in this country. I notice they use
the more dignified term " contributions " in Russia.
Mr. Williams. Now, concerning all the leaders of importance, I
think most everybody that has been before this committee will say
that they are men of absolute integrity. They are absolute idealists,
whether you agree with them or not. They were not afraid of re-
sponsibility, not afraid to die, and not afraid of work — which is the
most remarkable thing in Eussia. Against these men no one can
point the finger of accusation. Now, to what extent is there a basis
for the charge of " graft " ? Speaking in general terms, when the
soviet government took over the power of the government there
rode into office those people who got jobs simply because they could
read and write. At the beginning, as has been pointed out, the
soviet government was sabotaged by the intelligentsia. They did
not help the peasants and workers in their great task. So there came
into the soviet many grafters and criminals. It is undoubtedly true
that these men, carrying soviet credentials, went around and levied
some of these contributions, so called. You can call them " contribu-
tions " or " graft." The large bulletins themselves announced that
40 per cent of the men who were shot during the red terrors were
soviet officials who had been found guilty of bribery or theft.
Senator Wolcott. Do you know of your own knowledge of any
that were shot?
Mr. Williams. I do, indeed. I went one time to a building on
Gowchovaya. My host had two or three bottles of champagne on
the table and was talking Avith great eclat to his comrades across the
way. With dramatic importance he said, " We will all go down in
history as makers of this revolution." He went next day to a mov-
ing-picture show and closed it up. About two days later the pro-
prietor came around to him and gave him two or three thousand
rubles and he opened up the moving-picture establishment again.
I know that four days after that they took him and three other
culprits off to prison. Later on some of these men were very ruth-
lessly and summarily shot. The official notices state that 40 per cent
of the people shot in the red terror were corrupt soviet officials. The
last word we have now is that any soviet official found drunk or
under the influence of liquor is going to be shot. There are many
cases of that kind.
684 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. HujiES. Do I uaderstand that capital punishment is to be in-
flicted for drinking?
Mr. WiLLiAjr.s. So far as the soviet officials are (■(mcerii^'d. No
man ^^•ho is a soviet official can be found drunk. The law is as
drastic as that.
Mr. Humes. Is not that a pictty severe law for the government
that fought its predecessor because it had in effect capital punish-
ment ?
^Ir. WiLLiAsis. Very se^'ere, undoubtedly, because very difficult
circumstances sometimes demand very severe and drastic measures.
I have heard a great many of the tales and stories that have been
told about Eussia and what happened in some of the Soviets of the
Bolsheviki, but some of the best tales have never been told. For
example, thcie is a story of a commissar that went down to the town
of Rostof. He felt highly elated over the fact that he had got a
great commission from Trotzlrv? to take care of the military affairs,
so when he got into the town of Taganrog he walked into the soviet
with a brace of pistols. He held a pistol in his hand as he read a
proclamation. At the end of evei'v sentence he shot a bullet into the
ceiling to punctuate his remarks. That is a good story that comes
with a sort of grotesque thrill out of the dead gray level of the Eus-
sian revolution. But it is absolutely untypical of what, in general,
is occurring over there.
What is happening over there is this : A great people, numbering
150,000,000. have suddenly broken their fetters and come into the light.
They were blinded by the light for a while, but with earnestness they
have gone into this grim, hard business of reorganizing human life
upon a basis of justice, and with the ideal of a new brotherhood of
man. Some one said, I believe, in the testimony, that they are aiming
at heaven, but they are going through hell to get it. Well, I think
there is" a measure of truth almost in that statement, just as we know
to deliver a child into the world there are tremendous throes of
siiffering and sacrifice. We Iniow that in our own revolution this
country was in a state of disorganization for something like eight
years, but out of those birth throes there did come a better order. So
that anyone who will focus his mind only upon the lunacy and the
horrors incident to the revolution is doing himself an injustice.
While he gazes upon these superficial things he has not discovered
the real thing — the great elemental, spontaneous movement of the
people toward justice.
It is a most remarkable fact that all the Americans that went out
really to help the Eussian people, who went, into the soviet and
worked with the soviet, who had first-hand knowledge, Avho knew the
leaders in the soviet, although they know all the stories of the anti-
soviet witnesses, yet will giAe you an interpretation of what
happened in Eussia different from those Americans who did not
know the soviet from the inside. They will come here and tell you
that the soviet government is a tremendously honest effort to reor-
ganize society. All men love the things they help and understand
them better. At the time that the workers and peasants armed them-
selves, and as the Eed Guard went out to fight the Germans, Jerome
Davis, of the Y. M. C. A., went out with a car of supplies. Another
man named Humphries actively participated. These men went to
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 685
help the people, and therefore had a good chance to understand them.
They laiew what was really going on in Russia, and therefore will
come here and give you different testimony from what you have
received. The American Red Cross distributed tens of thousands of
cans of condensed milk. They gave other things to the people, work-
ing directly through the soviet. It is a remarkable fact that in
working through the Soviets the Red Cross men not only came to
understand the Soviets, but they have attained an attitude of sym-
pathy and belief in the Soviets. Most remarkable is the work of the
(Siuaker society. The Quakers get closer to the people than anyone
else. They live out among the peasants. They try to help the people.
And all those Quakers, without exception, are strong, fine men, who
see a big human field for work in the Soviets. Every one of them has
faith in the soviet as an institution. Mr. Keddie, in his report, says
that the peasants through this institution during the last two years
have absoluely changed their attitude toward life ; he says that it is
most interesting to see how the masses of the peasants have learned
to express themselves for the first time. The mere fact is that all the
people, without exception, who helped the Russian people and co-
operated with the Soviets, and got down under the skin of the thing,
give different testimony from those who merely stood off and looked
upon it as a spectacle, but did not get into it.
Senator Wolcott. I do not recall that any witnesses have foimd
fault with the soviet form of government. I do not recall that any
witnesses have assailed that form of government, except perhaps
the crowd that is running that government.
Mr. Williams. They have.
Senator Wolcott. Your view is that those practices are not so
e.xtensive — sufficiently extensive — to be characteristic? Is that your
view?
Mr. Williams. Precisely.
Senator Wolcott. The other Avitnesses take a different view.
Mr. Humes. Now. Mr. Williams, you ha^e been quoting Jerome
Davis. I call your attention to a sentence or two from an official
report of Jerome Davis. [Reading :]
In traveling on tlie trains and in tlie villages and on the steamers, one can
almost never find any one wlio is in favor at the Bolshevik! regime. Even'
many of the Bolsheviks who are in power realize that their days are numbered,
but content themselves with the thou.slit that the longer they hold the
power, the more chance there is of a revolution in some foreign country. For
this reason many of the prominent Bolsheviks have sent their wives out of
the country.
Mr. Williams. What is the date of that. Major ^
Mr. Humes. I can not tell you the exact date. It is after he left
Kussia.
Mr. Williams. That is very interesting. May I ask you, is it pos-
sible to call him in here and let him give the whole general view of the
situation? He Aery specially states that he is not a Bolshevik. I
know that in the last article he wrote in the Survey, about working
with the commissars, he gave a different viewpoint from what you
have read. One can take out isolated sentences here and there from a
report, but they would not be characteristic.
Mr. Humes. Would there be any reason to believe that an official
report of Mr. Davis put into this record would not be as authentic
686 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
as his testimony if he appeared ? Is he not telling the truth in official
reports that he makes to the Government of' the United States'^
Mr. WiLLiAais. Yes; if you put in the Avhole report it will be fair,
but not to put in isolated parts of the report. I traveled about upon
railroads and steamships and other lines of travel, and I came out
over the Trans-Siberian line. I talked with people I met along the
line — the officials — and I found a great many with anti-Bolshevik
sentiments. When I arrived in Vladivostok T talked with an attache
at American consulate. He told me that his impression was that the
railway men were anti-soviet as a whole. I told him that I had
precisely the same view. Then I looked up the matter, and I found
that the so-called Vikzhidor, which is the central committee elected
by all the railroad workers, was composed of 42 members. In it
there were 28 Bolsheviki, 10 left social revolutionists, and 4 from the
parties of the right. Thirty-eight out of 42 were for the Soviets.
Why was it that I got that impression of anti-sovietism and he got
this impression, which was Just contrary to the truths Well, it was
simply that we talked with a certain upper-class group — the station
men. the conductors — and those men reflected their class sentiment.
But the masses of the workers that were down below, \\ horn we nevei'
got in contact with — the track hands, switchmen, and freigiit men —
those men held an entirely different viewpoint. They had a different
color of mind. It is true that if you go upon the railways and the
steamships in this country, go upon any train and pick up the fir.st
10 men that you meet with and ask them about the soviet government
of Eussia, 8 out of 10 might tell you that those men ought to be
strung up. But go down into the industrial section of the city, go to
a labor meeting, and talk about the soviet government of Eussia, and
you will find a different reaction. Workmen particularly feel that
the soviet is something that is working toward a better society. So
it is in Eussia. Talk with a travelins; man and he has a certain view-
point, a point which is expressed by those men whom he has come in
contact with on trains and in the hotels. But take the great mass of
workers, and the masses of the lower people ; they have another point
of view.
Senator Wolcott. How are your lecture tours financed in this
country ? I mean, of course, by lecture tours, to confine the phrase to
those in which you engage in talking upon Eussia, concerning the
Bolsheviki and the soviet government. I do not know whether you
talk on other subjects or not.
Mr. Williams. I felt that the one thing that I wanted to do was to
put over the Eussian situation to the American public, and in put-
ting it over to the public my attitUvTe has been this. For example, hei'e
is one man telling one part of the situation. Well, now, it is very nice
to go in and take a general all-around view of the situation. It is
like roAving a boat with two oars ; that is the normal way. But when
everybody is rowing on one side one ought to get in and row with all
his might on the side where no (me else is rowing. I have lieen rowing
on the side where nobody, or very few, have been rowing. There are
only a few of us that have been emphasizing the constructive and posi-
tive side of soviet government. That is not a very popular side to
take, because, as a rule, you can not get on the lyceum-chautauqua
bureaus, etc. On the other hand, there has been such a desire to find
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 687
out the facts that there has been a continuous demand for my services.
So I have talked particularly to the middle class, educated audiences.
The Military Intelligence, if it desires to find out all the facts in the
case, ought to look over my books and see where my checks come from.
If you do that you will see that most of my checks come from economic
leagues, forums, city clubs — not very much from the city clubs,,
though, but from different organizations of the people. The city of
Washington, for example, has done very well by me. For the Poll's
meeting they gave me a good stipend. The next day after the article
appeared in the newspaper here " Urges red America," which even.
the Attorney General said was not a true statement of the Poll meet-
ing, there were so many people that felt indignant over the misrep-
resentation of the situation at the Poll's meeting that they came to-
me on the street and gave me money. One was a captain of the Amer-
ican Army. He gave me $10, and he said : " I would like to back up-
that sort of thing, trying to tell the truth as a man sees it." So I have
received sums of $10, $25, and $30 from people who say they want me-
to go on with the work of trying to tell the truth about Russia. For
example, I have been in Chicago this last week. There was a big-
meeting there of the Workers' Institute. They charged 15 cents ad-
mission and about 6,000 people paid it. They were very much inter-
ested in the Russian situation. From that meeting I received $160..
And then in the Chicago City Club, where assemble the business
men, who could afford to pay for the meeting, I spoke the next day,
and I got a 65-cent dinner out of it.
Senator Wolcott. I do not know what you call it in the Army,
this intelligence service of the Army, and I do not know what records
they have. Have you any information along that line concerning the-
financing of Mr. Williams, so to speak?
Mr. Humes. I have made no inquiry at all.
Senator Wolcott. You see, an order was issued some time ago by
the Secretary of War directing all members of the Military Intelli-
gence not to give out any information unless the Secretary of War
approved it, and I have no information what their tiles show.
Mr. Williams. So you want me to constitute myself an intelligence
bureau and report upon myself to the committee ?
Senator Wolcott. I want to know. You have mentioned the
Economic League, of Boston ; you say you get contributions f rom-
people who are interested — like the captain of the Army whom you
spoke of — and you get a fee or stipend from such meetings as that;
which was held in Chicago. Now, is there a regular source?
Mr. Williams. No ; it is a very irregular source. The most regular
income is from a certain pamphlet called " The Bolsheviks and the
iSoviets," from which I think! get one-half a cent a copy for every
one that is sold.
Senator Wolcott. That is from the sale of your writings.
Mr. Williams. Then I have a certain income from articles I have
ivritten for the New Republic, Nation, etc.
Senator Wolcott. You get paid for the articles you write, gen-
erally speaking?
Mr. Williams. Yes.,
Senator Wolcott. Is there any other organization that supplies
you with funds ?
688 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Williams. Xone at all.
Senator Wolcott. Tlie Boston Erononiie League lias, lias it not;
Mr. Williams. Xo; that is merely a fee. We had a Russian night
up there in which Mr. Mansfield, of the Enssian- American Chaiiioer
of Commerce, and Mr. Thacher and Mr. Olgin and myself were
invited — a symposium.
Senator Wolcott. It is not a regular salary they give you '.
Mr. Williajms. No, sir.
Senator Wolcott. I am asking you these questions nol out of anv
idle curiosity. It is the duty of the committee to find out how any
propaganda, if there is any such, is supported, and the sources froiii
which any funds for its support may come.
Mr. WiLLiAjis. So far as I know, there has not been one cent e\er
arrived in America from Russia for piopaganda purposes. I under-
stand that Mr. Nuorteva received $10,000 from a Finnish source.
that probablj' came ultimately baclv from iloscow. which wns sent
here and which went into the hands of the Naval Intelligence, and
then went ^mder contiol of Secretary Polk. I do not know whether
he has or has not decided that Mr. Nuorte\a can have that $10,000;
but if there is any question of Bolshevik propaganda in America
he is the man who knows about it and can give you an account, and
he is the man I think you ought to hear before the committee, if I
may presume to make any suggestion.
On the other hand, may I ask if the scope of the hearing was not
to take in all political parties and what they are doing for propa-
ganda in America ? We know that there exists a tremendous propa-
ganda
Senator Wolcott. Have you a copy of the resolution here?
Mr. Williams. No, sir.
Senator Wolcott. I do not recollect that the resolution is that
broad.
Mr. WiLi.iAMs. I believe that it is as broad as that. What a great
section of the American public are interested in knowing is, what
are the sources of the propaganda funds that have been used so
largely toward stirring up intervention in Russia, which everybody
now believes has become such a futile thing and such a fiasco.
Senator Wolcott. That certainly is not within the scope of the reso-
lution. My idea is that the resolution covers Bolshevism and any
propaganda that might be carried on in this country in its favor.
Mr. Williams. I understood that the resolution was so worded that
it says, " anj' political group in Russia that is agitating in America."
Senator Wolcott. No; I do not think it is as broad as that.
Mr. Williams. I may be wrong on that: but while you are speak-
ing of the propaganda funds — has anyone here a copy of the resolu-
tion? May I just say again that your investigation, if it goes down
to the root, will probably find that $10,000 has been sent to America
for an information bureau to state the facts about Russia and Fin-
land ; and on the other hand, the people of the country are very much
interested in knowing about whence the so-called Russian informa-
tion bureau, which has conducted a tremendous propaganda on the
other side, derives its funds, and how it expends its funds, and who
are its agents ; and there is a demand in certain parts of the country
to know whence those funds are forthcoming and for what purpose
they are being issued.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 689
Mr. HuMKS. Do you know whether or not any of the — I think it
was — 2,000,000 rubles that was appropriated for propaganda pur-
poses was expended in this country ?
Mr. Williams. The 2,000,000 rubles were voted in 1917 and the
International Propaganda Bureau was established, of which Rein-
stein was made the head. They published, with those 2,000,000
rubles, three pamphlets in French and English. They are pamphlets
which explain the situation in Russia. I do not Iniow of but one of
those pamphlets ever coming to America. Of those 2,000,000 rubles,
99.9 per cent — ^I have worked it out to a figure — were spent upon lit-
erature in the languages of the German and Austro-Hungarian Em-
pires. The theory of the Soviets' propaganda was this : "A relentless
warfare we will wage against those who wage a warfare against
us." They waged warfare only against those attacking them. The
propaganda was concentrated against Germany and Austro-Hun-
gary. They have tried to get some into France and England, because
these countries were leading the attack upon the soviet government.
There has never been any particular attempt to get propaganda into
America because the soviet government regarded America as not
maintaining any great threat against them. They realize that Amer-
ica has taken an attitude of fairness and tolerance, on the' whole.
Therefore they have exempted her from the scope of their propa-
ganda.
Of course you know, Senator Wolcott and Mr. Humes, that it is
hard to distinguish between a propaganda bureau and an information
bureau. I was specifically told that if the Russian soviet govern-
ment should ever establish a revolutionary information bureau in
America it should not in any way voice the idea of any Russian po-
litical party, but that it should explain exactly the constructive and
creative work that is going on in Russia under these circumstances.
For that reason they prepared in Russia a great moving-picture reel,
which all the artists of the Moscow Arts Theater cooperated in
producing, and it is a very beautiful and a very interesting thing.
It shows the backgrounds of Russian life. The Military Informa-
tion Bureau has also two reels showing what is going on in Russia
now, the building of railroad stations and the drilling of the new
army, and the various undertakings of the cooperative societies.
Mr. Htjmes. I think we discussed those railroad stations on Satur-
day, did we not? T hnve forgotten whether they were under discus-
sion while you were on the stand or whether it was with one of the
other witnesses.
Mr. Williams. Probably some other witness. I do not remember.
Mr. Humes. One of those railroad stations is in Moscow, is it not?
Mr. Williams. I do not know about the details of the film.
Mr. HtTMES. You have not seen it ? You do not Imow what is on
that subject?
Mr. Williams. I know. that there are films of that sort.
Mr. Humes. If it is the Moscow railroad station on that film, it is
now in the same condition as it was in when the great war broke
out, is it not ?
Mr. Williams. Yes ; if that is the case ; probably.
Senator Wolcott. Are there any other questions? Mr. Williams,
do you want to say anything further ?
85723—19 44
690 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Williams. I think that I have said about everything that
is in my mind. The only thing is, if I can enter a plea -
Senator Wolcott. You are not on trial, you know.
Mr. Williams. Well, if I could enter a plea to the members of the
committee it would be a plea that at this time— ^I can imagine, for
example, in England during the French Revolution a committee
listening to all the reports upon the situation in France at that time,
and I can imagine the difficulties of them making any final decision,
making any final report, upon the situation, and I know what a ter-
rible judicial responsibility thej^ had. We Imow that 100 years
after that event happened, at this time, we regard it as a momentous
and tremendous event in history which has had, despite its cruelties
and brutalities, a great effect, and conferred a great blessing upon
human society. Most of the committees in London at that time would
have pronounced it as being a good deal of an orgy of violence and
bloodshed. I hope that this committee will hear enough witnesses to
get a different interpretation of the events that have gone on in
Russia, and so that our country will not have, 50 years from now, to
be shamefaced, or have to apologize, for a judgment upon the Russian
revolution which was a judgment made upon the appearance, upon
the sounds and externals, and which was not a right judgment, or
was a judgment that missed the real spirit and the real ideal of the
Russian revolution. That is all. I only hope that the Senators will
some way or other find it possible to call some of these witnesses that
we have asked for.
Senator Wolcott. Assuming that this committee should make some
kind of a finding, I am afraid that your estimate is much higher of
the historical value of it than 50 years from now it will probably
have. I rather think that 50 years from now whatever this committee
may find will have been forgotten.
Mr. WiLUAMs. I know. Senator, but it is of tremendous conse-
quence at the present time, when the American people are hearing
stories on one side and then hearing stories on the other side. They
do not hear the judgment of men who have heard all the stories from
all the sources, so that any judicial utterance which you would make
upon the situation in Russia at the present time would be of tre-
mendous value in setting their minds aright. Then we could take
some definite action to some definite purpose; because we are faced
not with a theory but with a set of facts, and the facts at the present
time are that intervention has been declared out of court.
I have heard no reference to what is being prepared for Russia in
various ways, but I think, on the whole, most people in this country
think that intervention has been declared a failure.
The second suggestion made is to draw a sort of cordon around
Russia and hold her. as it were, incommunicado, and slowly tighten
the strangle hold on her until she will have to give up.
Senator Wolcott. This committee is certainly not inquiring into
the proper thing to do with Russia.
Mr. Williams. I was only hoping that we could get the truth about
Russia so that the people who did not want either one of these poli-
cies might have the material at hand so that they could determine on
■unother doHcv.
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 691
Senator Wolcott. But if there is anything further you want to
say about conditions in Russia under the soviet rule, we will be glad
to have you go ahead and do so.
Mr. Williams. No ; I think, Senator, that I have given most of my
^iews, and I will just submit to you some of these printed papers,
which you can use or not use, as you choose.
Senator Wolcott. Pick out from your files what you want and
hand them over to Mr. Hum^. These articles from the New York
World you want, I take it.
Senator Overman does not know when he wants to call the subcom-
mittee again ?
Mr. Humes. No, sir.
Senator Wolcott. We will now stand adjourned, subject to the call
of the chairman.
(Thereupon, at 4.45 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee adjourned,
subject to the call of the chairman.)
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 5, 1919.
United States Senate,
sijecommittee of the committee on the judiciakt,
Washington, D. U.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to the call of the chairman, at
10.30 o'clock a. m., in room 226, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee
S. Overman presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman), Nelson, and Sterling.
On March 3, 1919, the Senate agreed to the following resolution
(S. Ees. 469), which had been submitted by Mr. Overman on Febru-
ary 26, 1919, and on February 27 reported, without amendment, from
the Committee to Audit and Control the Contingent Expenses of
the Senate:
Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary, conducting, by subcommittee,
under resolutions of the Senate numbered three hundred and seven and four
hundred and thirty-six, investigations of German propaganda and Bolslievilc
propaganda, be, and they are hereby, authorized and directed to continue said
investigations until the expiration of one calendar week from the commence-
ment of the first session of the Sixty -sixth Congress ; to sit in Washington or
elsewhere during the period between the end of the Sixty-fifth Congress and
the beginning of the Sixty-sixth Congress and thereafter during the sessions
or recesses of the Senate, and to report in the first session of the Sixty-sixth
Congress ; and the authority for the incurring and payment of the expenses
of said investigations, whether incurred in Washington or elsewhere, is hereby
extended for the same length of time.
Senator Overman. Miss Beatty, are you ready to go on now ?
Miss Beattt. Yes, sir.
TESTIMONY OF MISS BESSIE BEATTY.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Mr. Humes. Where do you live, Miss Beatty ?
Miss Beattt. In New York; 132 East Nineteenth Street. I am
from San Francisco originally.
Mr. Humes. How long have you resided in New York, and what is
your business ?
Miss Beatty. I am editor of McCall's Magazine. I have resided
in New York since August of last year.
Mr. Humes. It is my understanding that during the last few years
you have spent some time in Russia. During what period of time
were you in Russia ? ,
Miss Beatty. I went to Russia in the spring of 1917, leaving San
Francisco on the 2d of April, and I came back in February.
693
694 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. That is February, 1918 ?
Miss Beattt. Yes.
Mr. Humes. I assume that you mean that you arrived in this coun-
try in February?
Miss Beaity. Yes.
Mr. Humes. When did you leave Russia ?
Miss Beattt. I left on the 26th of January, immediately after the
dissolution of the constituent assembly.
Senator Overmax. You do not mean last January?
Miss Beattt. Yes; January, 1918.
Senator 0^■ERMAN. Immediately after what?
Miss Beattt. After the dissolution of the constituent assembly.
^Ir. Humes. By what route did you leave Russia ?
jMiss Beattt. By way of Finland, and then through Sweden and
Norway.
Mr. Humes. By what way did you enter Russia?
Miss Beattt. By Siberia.
Mr. HujtES. By way of Vladivostok?
Miss Beattt. No ; by Harbin, through Korea.
Mr. Humes. You were in Russia for eight months, then, prac-
tically ?
Miss Beattt. Yes.
Mr. Humes. When did you arrive, with reference to the March
revolution of 1917? It was after that?
Miss Beattt. Yes; it was after that. I arrived early in June. I
think it was the 3d or 4th of June that I reached Petrograd.
j\Ir. Hu:\[ES. Then you were there only between six and seven
months ?
Miss Beattt. Xo ; I was there eight months.
Mr. Humes. If you arrived 6arly in June and left on the 22d of
January
Miss Beattt. I arrived during the first week of June and left the
end of January. That is eight months, is it not? June, July, Au-
gust, September, October, November, December, and January; eight
months; yes.
Mr. Humes. Now, during your time in Russia what localities did
you visit?
Miss Beattt. I lived in the war hotel in Petrograd. That was
the Astoria, the military hotel. I kept my room there for eight
months. I went across Siberia first of all; and then I went to Mos-
cow and down the Volga River to Nijni Novgorod in the summer
time. I spent two weeks on the Russian front, part of the time in
the trenches with the regular Russian Army.
Senator Nelson. You say you went down the river to that place —
■wliat is it called ?
Miss Beattt. No. I went to'Dvinsk ; to what they called the west-
ern front.
Senator Nelson. On the western front?
Miss Beattt. Yes. From there I went to Maladetschna, where
the woman's regiment was stationed, and was in barracks with them
lor nearly a week.
Mr. Humes. What was the situation in Russia when you arrived
there? Economically, from the standpoint of government, and from
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. * 695
the standpoint of military rule, military control, Ithe question of
terrorism, disorder, what was the general situation ?l
Miss Beatty. The general situation was pretty bad. The country
was, of course, economically broken down. It had been broken down
by more than three years of war and the further bi'eaking down that
goes with revolution. I believe that 50 per cent of the rolling stock
of the railroads was out of commission at the time of the March
revolution, and, of course, that made things very bad. Kerensky was
the head of the ministry, the premier, and there were daily clashes
in the cabinet, with men resigning and new men coming in all the
time.
From the military standpoint, the country was in a very bad way.
The day I arrived they tried to have a patriotic demonstration for
the purpose of keeping Russia in the war, but it was a total failure.
The Eussians had made up their minds that they were not going to
fight, even as early as that.
Senator Steelikg. Was this in Petrograd?
Miss Beatty. Yes; in Petrograd.
Senator Steeling. This demonstration?
Miss Beatty. Yes; just in front of the war hotel, where I stayed.
This was the day I arrived.
Senator Sterling. This was in June, 1918?
Miss Beatty. Yes ; about June 4.
Senator Sterling. June, 1917, 1 mean.
Miss Bbatt'y. 1917 ; yes.
Senator Nelson. How long did you stay there at that hotel?
Miss Beatty. I stayed there eight months — kept my room there all
the time I was in Russia.
Senator Nelson. How did you get the chance to go to these fronts
that you speak of?
Miss Beatty. I went in and out. I went to the front and came
back to Petrograd, and I went to Moscow and came back to Petro-
grad. Petrograd was the center of everything. It was the seat of all
these changing governments, so we made it our headquarters.
Senator Nelson. You spoke about Dvinsk. Where is that?
Miss Beatty. It is on the western front — to the west.
Senator Nelson. On the border of Poland, is it not?
Miss Beatty. No; it is to the side of the border of Poland.
Vilna was the nearest point on the front in Poland. That had been
taken by the Germans; was held by the Germans at this time.
Senator Sterling. Was this Russian regiment of women you
speak of the famous so-called Battalion of Death?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Overman. There was a lady here — what was her name?
Miss Beatty. Botchkareva. She was the commander of the regi-
ment.
Senator Oveeman. Was she the same lady that came to this
country ?
Miss Beatty. Yes, Senator.
Senator Oveeman. Have you heard that she had been killed since
she was over here; that she had gone back to Russia and had been
killed?
Miss Beatty. No.
696 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator OvEikMAN. I heard that she had been. .
Miss Beatty. I do not know about that.
Senator 0\'erSiIan/^ What was the other name that she was called
by?_
Miss Beattt. They called her the natchalnik, which means com-
mander.
Senator Overmax. This is outside of the question, but let me ask
you, did these women as soldiers fight pretty well ?
Miss Beatty. Very, from all accounts. I visited the hospital
after the battle. I saw a great many of them in the hospital who
had been wounded, and everybody said they fought very well. One
of the girls I knew there was only 16. She was wounded in 16
places, and died of her wounds in the hospital.
Senator Steeling. How were they equipped ? How did that regi-
ment seem to be equipped with arms?
Miss Beatty. They were equipped just as the men were. The
equipment was very slow in coming. I was in barracks when they
expected to get away, and each day the equipment was delayed.
The whole thing was an adventure, and was based on an entirely false
premise. The women thought that by shaming the Russian men
they could make them fight. They failed to understand that the
men had a philosophy underneath their refusal to fight. They
said, " Why should we fight our brothers in Germany ? They were
whipped into the trenches by their ruler, the Kaiser, just as we were
whipped into the trenches by our ruler, the Czar. Let them make a
revolution, as we have done, and then we will all live peaceably to-
gether." That was the point of view they had. It was not a ques-
tion of cowardice; it was just a difference of philosophy.
Senator Sterling. From what kind of philosophy and what kind
of an organization did that point of view emanate,? What class of
people were thej% socialists ?
Miss Beatty. You see, in Russia practically everyone is a social-
ist. You have probably heard of the constituent assembly. In the
constituent assembly the men were as far apart as the North Pole
and the South Pole, but everybody was a socialist. Except for the
little group of people at the topj they are all socialists. The question
is simply what kind of socialist j'ou are, rather than whether or not
you are a socialist.
Senator Sterling. But all were in favor, apparently, of a con-
stituent assembly, were they not; that is, all in the Duma, anyhow,
including the strong or radical socialists in the Duma, were in favor
of a constituent assembly ?
Miss Beatty. Yes. The disagreement about the constituent as-
sembly came alwaj's with the people in power. Kerensky was afraid
to call a constituent assembly because he was afraid he would lose
power; and at that time the left wing, the group led by Trotsky
and Lenine ■
Senator Sterling. Those were the radical socialists?
Miss Beattt. Yes; they always speak of them over there as the
right and the left, you know.
Senator Sterling. Yes.
Miss Beatty. The left wing was always asking for a constituent
assembly, and it was put off from day to day. The group in power
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. ( 697
always thought they had the power, and the thing to do was to defer
the constituent assembly, because they did not know ho\l' the dele-
gates would act.
Senator Nelson. Was not the Duma in session under the Kerensky
government? Is not that the legislative body of Eussia?
Miss Beatty. The Duma was the so-called legislative body of
Eussia during the Czar's regime, and, I think, for a certain period
after the March revolution. ■
Senator Nelson. Yes. What dissolved that?
Miss Beatty. The Duma was dissolved because
Senator Nelson. By whom ?
Miss Beatty. By the soviet ; at least, virtually by the soviet.
Senator Nelson. Not by the Kerensky government?
Miss Beatty. Well, it is difficult to say what was the Kerensky
government and what was not. The soviet was the council that was
formed immediately with the March revolution, and there were in
the soviet various elements. There was a left wing and a right
wing, all struggling for power. As the left wing dominated more
and more, they demanded more and more the representation of the
radical group in the cabinet, and they said that the Duma was a
representation of the old Czar order and not of the new revolutionary
order.
Senator Nelson. That was the contention of the Trotsky and
Lenine crowd?
Miss Beatty. It was pretty much the contention of the groups that
were more to the right, too. I mean, it was not only Trotsky and
Lenine who felt that the Duma was not representative. The Duma
Avas acceptable to the Czar.
Senator Nelson. I do not understand. There was no soviet gov-
ernment organized there until Lenine and Trotsky came into power
and conducted their revolution. You speak about a soviet govern-
ment. I do not understand — I never heard — that Kerensky organ-
ized a soviet government.
Miss Beatty. Let me explain that to you. Perhaps I can make it a
little bit clearer.
Senator Nelson. I think that it requires explanation.
Miss Beatty. It seems to. Senator Nelson. You see, " soviet " is
the Russian word for council, meaning merely a meeting, and the
soviet of soldiers and workmen was formed immediately upon the
March revolution, and that organizaton acted as a body of pressure
on whatever government was in power. Now, the soviet did not
take over the government until the November revolutiori, but the
soviet was, nevertheless, in existence from the very beginning. The
left wing in the soviet advocated that the soviet should take control
of the government.
Senator Nelson. There was no soviet government until the Novem-
ber revolution ?
Miss Beatty. There was a soviet in existence all the time, but the
soviet did not take over the government.
Senator Nelson. No.
Miss Beatty. Until the November revolution.
Senator Steeling. But it was really the council until that time?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
■698 -^ , BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
I
Senator/ Nelson. And that soviet that you speak of, that was in
existence,, Vas simply a local soviet in Petrograd?
Miss Beattt. No
Senator Nelson. It was not the soviet composed, as the subsequent
revolutionary government attempted to create it, of representatives
from local Soviets throughout Russia.
Miss Beatty. No; you are just a little bit wrong about that. Sen-,
ator Nelson. It was the soviet of all of Russia. You see, there
were two Soviets, the Petrograd soviet, which was a local affair, and
this national soviet, which met from time to time. This was the
representative body of all of the Soviets of all of the country, and
had its effect on the government; just as the Republican Party here,
though it is not running the government, nevertheless affects the
government. , -"
Senator Overman. How long after Lenine and Trotsky took charge
of affairs were you there?
Miss Beatty. I was there for about three nlonths after Lenine
and Trotsky came into power; not long enough, of course, to be ■
able to pass upon the things that have happened recently, but long
enough to know something of the men, and to try to find out what
they were working toward.
Senator Overman. Then you were not there during what the wit-
nesses call the reign of terror ?
Miss Beatty. No ; the reign of terror did not begin until the revo- :
lution was nearly a year old. The reign of terror did not really
begin until after allied intervention. The first note of the reign of i
terror that I ever heard sounded was at a convention of railway
men in Petrograd, when Nikolas Tchaikowsky, at one time the
leader of the peasants, got up in the meeting and made an attack
against the Bolsheviks. He said, " We know how to fight tyrants. .■
We ha^e used the red terror against the tyrants in the past, and
we will use it again." That was the first time I ever heard "terror"
threatened. There were vague rumors about, everywhere. People
were talking of terror. One of the men among the soviet leaders
I went to one clay when there was this rumor about the terror
around — he was a man whom I knew quite well, whom I had come
to know quite well through going to tlie meetings of the soviet —
and I said. " Surely, there is going to be no red terror here. Surely,
the world has advanced too far since the French Revolution to permit
of that. You are not going to restore the death penalty, are you? "
He said, " No ; we will never restore the death penalty." And then
he added, " Unless we have to restore it for traitors in our own
ranks ; and what can you do with a man who is a traitor in your own
ranks? " Since that time those men have instituted the red terror;
and it seems to me that we ought to find out what drove them to
the red terror.
Senator Nelson. Are you a socialist ?
Miss Beatty. No. The only political
Senator Nelson. Are you affiliated with any section of the social-
ists?
Miss Beatty. No. The only political affiliation I ever have had
was in 1918, when I took the stump in California for President
Wilson.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 699
Senator Nelson. No; what are your sympathies now and your
poUtical affiliations? Are you a socialist at heart?
Miss Beatty. It depends on what you mean by a socialist. I have
been a social worker.
Senator Nelson. You ought to know, because you have described,
as you say, all these Russian socialists.
Miss Beatty. There are 40 degrees of socialists in Eussia alone —
40 different degrees.
Senator Nelson. Are you a socialist, and what is your degree?
Miss Beatty. What is your definition ot a socialist, and then I
will answer you?
Senator Nelson. No ; you define it yourself.
Miss Beaity. I will tell you what I am, and then perhaps you
can decide whether I am a socialist. As I say, I have never affiliated
with any group politically except this groui^ that helped to elect
President Wilson.
Senator Nelson. You do not mean to imply that Wilson was
elected by a group of socialists? Do you mean to imply that Presi-
dent Wilson was elected by a group of socialists?
Miss Beattf. No ; the group I affiliated with in California was
Senator Nelson. Oh, never mind what you were affiliated with.
Miss Beatty. Senator Nelson, I sliall I\ave to insist upon answer-
ing your question in my own way.
Senator Nelson. Tell us what you are.
Miss Beatty. The group with which I was affiliated in California
was a group of women in the College Equal Suffrage League of Non-
partisan Women, who went out to help elect President Wilson at the
last election. That is tlie only group with which I have ever been
politically affiliated.
Senator Nelson. That was a woman-suffrage association?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Do you belong to what we call the picket club,
liere?
Miss Beatty. No; I do not. I want to try to tell you what I am.
For 12 years I have done social-service work of different kinds ; and
if you have ever been a social-service worker you have a great pas-
sion in your heart to do away with poverty^ and you feel that every
■child born into the world should get an education, have enough milk,
and all that sort of thing.
Senator Nelson. Yes; but you know the social end of the Trotsky
and Lenine government is going to do that job.
Miss Beatty. I do not know just how it is going to be brought
about, but I am interested in any program which may help to bring
that about.
Senator Nelson. The soviet government — tell us what is the na-
ture of that government of Lenine and Trotsky?
Senator Overman. Have you finished your statement as to what
you are?
Miss Beatty. Yes ; if. Senator Nelson is satisfied, I am. I do not
Iniow, myself, what I am.
Senator Nelson. I have a suspicion that you do not, yourself,
know it. I am inclined to concur with you.
700 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overman. Pardon these interruptions. We do not meani
to be disrespectful, at all.
Miss Beattt. That is quite all right, Senator Overman.
Senator Nelsox. I am anxious merely to get your point of view.
Senator Overman. I want to explain to you that Senator Nelson
is one of the finest men in the world, and he does not mean, by his
voice or manner, to be disrespectful to you.
Miss BEATTr. I assume that Senator Nelson means no disrespect.
If the Senator Avere disrespectful it would be the first time that any
man has ever been disrespectful to me.
Senator Nelson. What I would like to hear you on is, what you
know about the government of Lenine and Trotsky; what their
propaganda and plan is.
Miss Beattt. Perhaps if I tell you a little bit about tlie course of
development of things in Russia, that will help to clarify it a little.
I went to Russia thankful that there had been a revolution, because
I had been for a long time a student of Russian literature and I knew
what the lives of the masses of the Russian people in the past had
been. I think tliat I shared the feeling of most Americans, that it
was a very wonderful thing that Russian autocracy had been over-
thrown. When I went there I was very much interested in what
Kerensky was trying to do ; my sympathies were all with him, and I
felt that American influence should back him.
Senator Sterling. Were not your sympathies with the men who
were trying to control, and form a democratic form of government^
before Kerensky came into power? You said that you sympathized
Avith the overthrow of the Czar.
Miss Beattt. Yes.
Senator Steeling. As we all did. But were you not in sympathy
with those leaders of the Duma, like the president of the Duma and
Miliukov and other able men, who were in favor of a democratic
form of government?
Miss Beattt. When I arrived these men had already been over-
thrown.
Senator Sterling. Did you not have sympathy for the others who
were trying to form a democratic form of government ?
Miss Beatty. Of course, I liad sympathy with their efforts. I had
always had sympathy with the fight that they were making. But
when I got there Rodzianko had been overtlirown. Most of them
wanted a constitutional monarchy. The people of Russia were fight-
ing for a democracy. Rodzianko and Miliukov were overthrown
when I got there. When I got there the man in power was Kerensky
himself. The people said, " We do not want a constitutional mon-
archy. We want something more than tliat."
Senator Sterling. Did you hear anything about Kerensky having
ordered a relaxation of discipline in the army while you were there?
Miss Beattt. The relaxation of discipline in the army came im-
mediately with the overthrow of the Czar.
Senator Sterling. But did not Kerensky issue some order under,
which it was understood that the enlisted man was not to show any-
particular respect to this superior?
Miss Beattt. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Or to salute hirti ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 701
Miss Beatty. What they call Prikaz No. 1 was the order which
abolished saluting and many of the regulations for the soldiers.
Senator Steeling. Were you in sympathy with that extreme view
of army discipline?
Miss Beattt. I was in sympathy with the abolition of the death
penalty, because I have always been in sympathy with that.
Senator Nelson. Did you have any sympathy with the extreme
view that the enlisted man should not be required to salute or pay
proper respect to his superior officer ?
Miss Beatty. I was in sympathy with Kerensky's attitude on that.
This was the situation. They had all said, " The Czar is gone, and
we do not have to do this." I mean that it was not Kerensky that
■created the lack of discipline. The lack of discipline already existed.
It was a question of trying to get the Russian soldiers to realize that
though this change had come, there was still need for responsibility
among them.
Senator Steeling. Did not that disrespect for authority and sem-
blance of authority create havoc in the army and tend to hasten the
dissolution of the army ?
Miss Beatty. No; that came after the dissolution had already
taken place.
Senator Steeling. You mean after the revolution had taken place ?
Miss Beatty. Yes ; and I say that the soldiers said, " We do not
want to fight any more."
Senator Steeling. Was it not intensified by Kerensky's decrees
later on ?
Miss Beatty. I do not feel so. It may have been.
Senator Steeling. You know that to be the view of a great many ?
Miss Beatty. Yes; but I do not think those people understand
the Russian situation. I do not think they realize that the masses
were rushing along so fast that no leader could hold his power who
did not make concessions to them. For instance, the army itself
made a certain effort not to break down discipline, but after it had
gone on there was a complete breakdown as soon as the revolution
came. These men said, " Why should we fight ? What is the use of
freedom to a man in his grave? " and they began gradually to have
disrespect for their officers. , It was an effort to do something, to
crystalize them, to carry things on, that, I think, made Kerensky
do that. He felt that he could not control his people unless he did
that. Then came the July revolution, and that was the first time the
Bolsheviki appeared at all. I had just come back from the front
when that took place.
Senator Steeling. You 'distinguish the Bolsheviki from the social-
ists and from the soviet council ?
Miss Beatt'y. No ; the Bolsheviki are the left wing of the Soviets.
They are at present the controlling element of the Soviets. They are
not the entire Soviets. They are in control, just as in the last Con-
gress the Democrats were the controlling element here- The Bolshe-
viki now hold the control in Russia. But at that time, in July, they
did not.
Senator Steeling. How did they come to be called the Bolshe-
viki? What is the origin of the term ?
702 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Beatty. The term means simply '' majority," and it originated
in the Swiss conference — about 1903, 1 think — when there was a split
in the socialist group. Some of them went to the philosophy of
Lenine at that time, the Bolshevik philosophy being merely the
shortest cut to socialism.
Senator Overman. While you are an American and had nothing
to do with it, yet in your feelings you are not a partisan of tlie
Bolsheviki ?
Miss Beatty. Xot at all.
Senator Overman. You are an American citizen?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Overman. You are not a partisan in your feelings or in
your sympathies?
Miss Beatty. Xo. I am merely an observer of Russian affairs.
My feeling is that we ought to understand, what produced the Bol-
sheviki ; what they are trying to do : what there is that is good about
them and what there is that is bad.
Senator Nelson. What are they trying to do? Will you tell us
that? That is what we'Avant to find out. I mean this government
that is now controlled by Lenine and Trotsky.
Miss Beatty. Lenine said, " We have entered into the transition
period which will lead to socialism." He said, " We have the begin-
nings of a socialist state ; but you can not avoid a transition period^
and we have entered into that period."
Senator Nelson. A sort of purgatory?
Miss Beatty'. a swinging of the pendulum to the opposite ex-
treme. In the days of autocracy the pendulum was awav back here,
and the people were all oppressed. When they got freedom, the
logical thing was for the pendulum to swing to the other extreme.
The course of all social progress is in an attempt to get here and
get there, and you try to go farther than you car go.
Senator Overman. You go to the other extreme in trying to get
to tlie middle?
Miss Beattf. Yes; exactly.
Senator Nelson. What is the plan of government ?
Miss Beatty-. Their plan of government is just a national council
based upon representation of all of the local councils.
Senator Nelson. I mean more particularly their economic plan
and not their political scheme.
Miss Beatty'. Their pronoiuic plan is control of influstry and
socialization of land. Those are the two chief ideas. The plan was
to give the land to tlie peasants !ind the control of industries to the
workei's.
Senator Nelson. Is not their progi-am nationalization of land?
]Miss Beati'y. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That all of the land is to belong to the state ?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And that the peojjle who are to till the land are
to be not even tenants, but simply men who occupy the land and use as
much as they occupy and cultivate, and no more ?
Miss Beattt. Yes.
Senator Nr.i.soN. And they get no kind of title?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 703-
Miss Beatty. No; all of the land goes into a common land fund,
and that common land fund is administered by a local committee
under the jurisdiction of the national committee. A man may have
'as much land as he and the members of his family can use without em-
ploying any labor.
Senator Nelson. They must not have any hired help?
Miss Beatty. No. A man can hold the land as long as he can
work it. The nearest thing to land tenure that there is in Russia is,
his right to suggest who his successor shall be on that land. If he be-
comes disabled the neighbors work his land for two years, and be-
yond that time the land goes back into the common land fund, and
"lie is put upon a pension, the idea being that there shall be no land in
Russia which is nonproductive.
Senator Nelson. And no land in private ownership; that the
peasants should not even own the land ?
Miss Beaitt. You can have all the land that you can use, but you
can not use another man on that land.
I Senator Overman. Is it the idea that a man should not accumulate,.
but just live ?
Miss Beatty. Their idea is to take the earning capacity out of"
money. They say that money is just stored labor power. They say
at present there are only two kinds of power in the world — the labor-
power and the power of capital, M'hich is stored labor power.
Senator 0\'Eeman. They are against capital?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Overman. And against accumulation?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
I Senator Overman. And if a man has a family of a dozen children,.,
let us say, and they work on the farm and accumulate money, they
will not allow them to have that money. They just want him to exist.
Is that the idea ?
Miss Beatty. No; that is not entirely it. They say that he can
not make monej' out of his money. He can do anything he likes with-
it, but he can not make his money earn money for him.
Senator- Overman. The idea is that it is to go back on the farm?'
Let us say that a man makes $1,000 in a year on the farm.
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Overman. What does he do with that ?
Miss Beatty. He can buy food, and travel, and buy clothes. He can
spend his money in any way he chooses, but he can not put it out to
earn more money.
Senator Overman. Outside of buying his clothes and subsistence-
wd living, let us say that the man and his family accumulate on the
farm $1,000. What becomes of that thousand dollars?
Miss Beatty. He can keep that money and use it in any way he
likes, at any time, but he can not make that money earn money for-
liini. He can not do as- we do, put the money out at intei'est and make
tile money earn.
Senator Sterling. Could he not buy a horse and wagon and use
'hem on the farm, and thus make money ?
Miss Beatt'y. Yes ; he can do anything of that sort ; anything that
will develop ; anything that will not interfere with the product of"
somebody else. That is the whole idea. The two fundamental things.
704 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
are that no man shall eat who does not work and that no man shall
exploit any other man.
Senator Steeling. He could not lend the money made on the farm
to another man who wanted to borrow the money to equip his farm?
Miss Beatty. I believe not.
Mr. Humes. He could not invest the money in cattle ?
Miss Beatty. Oh, yes ; I think he can.
Mr. Humes. Have not all cattle been nationalized ; and do not the
laws of the soviet republic provide for the nationalization of cattle
and stock ?
Miss Beatty. I do not know about that. That had not been done
up to the time I left. I do not know whether that has been done since
or not.
Senator Oveemax. It was testified to by a lady who was the wife
of a consn] over there — or she has given me the idea — that the cattle
were nationalized. She said that they took all of the cattle away
from her mother, who was a widow. It seems that her mother had
a fine breed of imported cattle — 118 of them, I believe — and 100
horses. They took tliem all away from her mother and. gave her
a piece of land, and left, perhaps, one cow and one horse. It would
seem their idea is to nationalize cattle and horses.
Miss Beatty. Of course, their idea is as nearly as possible to equal-
ize, pretty much, everywhere. I mean that it is their idea to bring
people pretty much to the same level.
Senator Steeling. And in order to put them on the same level, they
just reverse the order of things. They put the laborers and the
peasants at the top.
Miss Beatty. Practically that. They are lowering the 10 per cent
and raising the level of the 90 per cent.
Senator Nelson. Do you favor that kind of socialism?
I Miss Beatty. That is also a very difficult question to answer. I
favor some sort of system
Senator Nelson. No, no. Do you favor this system of nationaliz-
ing land as the Eussians do — as the Bolshevik government does?
Miss Beatty. If that is a system
Senator Nelson. Do not evade the question, now. Give us a cate-
gorical answer.
Miss Beatty. Senator Nelson, you see black and white in very
much more distinct terms than I do. I think the truth always lies
between black and white, in the gray ; and one can not say yes or no
to things of that sort. I could not answer that question truthfully by
saying either yes or no.
Senator Nelson. I have a suspicion, from the way in which you
evade my question, that you are a good deal of a Kussian socialist
at heart.
Senator Steeling. You have described this nationalization of the
land in that process and its results ?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Steeling. I should think that you could answer yes or no
to Senator Nelson's question as to whether or not you believe in it.
Miss Beatty. I am perfectly willing — I would like to see an exper-
iment of it. I do not know whether it will work or whether it will
not work.
/
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 705
Senator Sterling. You believe in it enough to want to see it tried,
do you ?
Miss Beatty. Yes; in Russia. By that I mean that that is what
the Russian people
Senator Nelson. Why do you have such evil wishes for the pooi-
Eussian people, that you would like to have this tried on them?
Would you like to have it tried on the American people ?
Miss Beatty. No.
Senator Nelson. Why would you have the poor Russian people
try something that you would not advise Americans to try ?
Miss Beatty. Because the Russians want it. As soon as the Amer-
icans want it, I shall be in favor of their trying it. I believe people
have the right to have what they want.
Senator Nelson. Even brimstone?
Miss Beatty. If they want it f yes. I think that that is the theory
upon which our democratic government is based.
Senator Overman. What becomes of the common loafer who gets
the land and will not work it? What becomes of him?
Miss Beatty. He can not live ; because he has to eat, and he can not
eat if he does not work. There is no room for the loafer at any
end of the line in Russia. You have to work to eat.
Senator Overman. He will starve unless he works the land?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Sterling. And under this Russian system they call those
who have never worked before, who have not had to work because
they have had the means, or because they occupied such stations in
life that they did not have to work — they are, according to this Rus-
sian system ; I mean the Trotsky and the Lenine system^-the loafers,
and they propose that they shall have nothing to eat unless they
work?
Miss Beatty. Yes ; that is true.
Senator Nelson. They reverse the order of nature, then. The
hoboes and the tramps are classed as capitalists over there, are they
not?
Mr. Humes. Miss Beatty, may I correct a statement that you
made ?
Miss Beatty. Certainly. I should be very glad to have you do so.
Mr. Humes. Senator Sterling asked you if it would not be possi-
ble for a man who had accumulated a thousand dollars to buy a horse
or to buy stock. I want to call your attention to one of the provisions
of the coiistitution of the soviet republic :
All foi-psts, mineral wealth, waterpnwei" iiiid waterways, as well as all live
' stock and agricultural implements, are declared national property.
Is it not a fact under this scheme that no man can own a horse, no
man calTowiTlC cow, no man can own live stock of any kind, or a
plow or a harrow or anything else, but he simply has the use of the
'land itself, and he must negotiate with the state in order to secure the
horse to work his farm and the plow to plow it, or the cattle for his
domestic uses? Is not that a fact?
Miss Beatty. Just one moment. You will recall that I said that I
did not know whether the cattle had been nationalized or not, be-
cause that had happened after I left.
85723—19 45
706 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA,
Mr. Humes. But Senator Sterling asked you about buying a
horse, and you said yes, that he could buy a horse. Now, horses are
live stock, and if they have been nationalized the farmer could not
have a horse.
Miss Beattt. It is not a question of whether you can have it or not.
You can have it without buying it, in Russia. You can have it by
needing it. I mean it is for the common good of every one. With a
man's labor he can buy or get — whether you call it buying or not,
he can get — the things that he needs.
Mr. Humes. Now we are getting down to the point that was in-
quired about. Under the application of this form of government in
Russia, how does a man secure the live stock that is necessary to work
his farm? How does he secure the cattle that are necessary in caring
for his property, or in furnishing meat and provisions for his f amily^
providing milk for his children? How is that handled under this
system ?
Miss Beattt. Knowing what I know about the rest of the system,
I should say that all those things become a part of the common fund.
Mr. Humes. I gather that you are just speculating on that. You
do not know how they are handling it.
Miss Beatty. I told you that I am speculating. I say, judging
by what I know of the rest of the things, I should say the distribu-
tion of farm implements, the vise of farm implements and cattle and
all that sort of thing, is handled in the same way that the use of
land is — co-ownership. It can not be very different. That is the
soviet ideal.
Senator Overman. If a man needed an extra horse for his farm,
how would he get it?
Miss Beattt. I should think — remember, I have not been there in
the last few months and can not tell you, but knowing what I know of
the rest of the system, I should say — that he would go to the live
stock committee and say, " I have six acres of wheat to plow to-mor-
row, and I need an extra horse," and he would get his extra horse.
Senator Overman. In other words, he would get it from the state
or the body that represents the state ?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Sterling. That is, if the state agred with him that he
needed it.
Miss Beattt. Oh, but you see he is the state.
Senator Sterling. And he determines, then, for himself ?
Miss Beattt. Yes. In every locality they work out every little
problem in their councils or committees. I am afraid that I am not
making it quite clear to you. You see, in each community they have
so much live stock and so many farm implements. For instance, I
know that in some communities they have tried to buy farm imple-
ments. They have all gotten together and decided that they need a
reaper or a harvester, and they buy that for the community ; and they
work out how that shall be utilized, they work out their need for it.
They decide that Jones needs it to-day and Smith can take it to-
morrow, and so on.
Mr. HuJiES. Is that under the soviet government?
Miss Beattt, Yes ; they have the local councils.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 707
, Mr. Htjmes. Who pays for these implements? You say the com-
munity buys them. Is it paid for by popular subscription, or does
the state buy it and pay for it ?
Miss Beatty. The soviet and the people of the community are one.
The local council and the people of the community are one. The
local soviet is a part of the national soviet, which is the whole state.
It is just the perfectly simple old system of cooperation.
Senator Overman. Let us trace it out. The community gets its
implements somewhere. Where do they get them ?
Miss Beatty. When I was in Russia they were having a difficult
time getting them anywhere. They were getting whatever they could
from the International Harvester Co.
Senator Overman. I am talking about the time when we would
have no International Harvester Co.
Miss Beatty. They put their money together. In one village I
know of — I have forgoten the name
Senator Overman. How did they get the money ?
Miss Beatty. Oh, they still have money in Russia.
Senator Overman. In the future how are they going to get it; by
taxation ?
Miss Beatty. I presume so. By some agreement or plan, and I
suppose taxation will be the plan.
Senator Overman. But suppose a man does not pay anything to it.
Miss Beatty. Then he could not have the farm.
Senator Oatirman. Suppose he can not get the farm; then he just
dies by starvation, by action of the state.
Miss Beatty. I should think so.
Senator Xelson. There is one thing that puzzles me. Let us s;iy
that there is a Russian peasant who sit down to milk a state cow.
It is not his cow ; it is a cow that is furnished to him by the state.
Wlio owns the milk ? Does that belong to the state ?
Miss Beatty. I am afraid, Senator Nelson, that you are facetious
this morning?
Senator Overman. We are going into this, and we want to find out
how this thing M-orks. I think you can see our attitude.
Miss Beatty. Indeed, I am delighted, and I wish I could do more
to infoi-m you.
Senator Sterling. The more important question, Senator Nelson,
is. Who gets the cream ?
Senator Nelson. You have gone over this land question. What
about the industries of the country ? What is their plan ? They are
nationalizing all the factories and the industries of the country.
That is, the state is to take them over. Is that the plan ?
Miss Beatty. That is their ideal. Lenine says that for the time
being they will ha'^'e to pass through a capitalistic period in which
they will have to permit outside control of some of tlieir industries.
They say that is not an ideal thing ; that it is not in accordance with
their ultimate plan.
Senator Overman. AA'Iiat is their plan?
Miss Beatty. Their plan is complete nationalization of not only
land but industry.
Senator Nelson. And that the workmen in these industries are to
run and control them ?
708 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss BEATTi". Yes; but they have a broader interpretation of the
term "' workman "' than we have. By workman they mean any man
who works, eitlier with his brain or with his brawn.
Senator Nelson. But they make a distinction in their food supply
as between men who work with their hands and those who work with
their brains. When they give them food cards, they make a dis-
tinction.
Miss Beatty. That is true. They did that in the days of the
Czar, and all through the war period.
Senator Nelson. And thej' do it now.
Miss Beatty. Thej- have always done that upon the basis that a
man who works with his hands needs more food than a brain worker
does.
Senator Nelson. And so he gets more food^
Miss Beatty. Yes. It was true all the time I was in Russia. It
was true during the war. Their food cards called for more bread for
the laborer. And also in that time it should be remembered that
bread was the chief source of food for the laborer. We, for instance,
could buy caviar and all sorts of other things, but the laborer could
not, and they figured that he was entitled to a larger amount of
bread.
Senator Nelson. I do not care to go into the details of it, but I
want to simpl}' ask you this question: Did thej' not also have a
scheme for nationalizing women, as they call it?
Miss Beatty. I think I can tell you two or three things that will
probably convince you that that is not true. One of the witnesses
here, I believe, introduced a document purporting to have been
passed by the anarchists' soviet of Saratov. At that time Mr. Jerome
Davis, who was one of the Y. M. C. A. men in Saratov, went to
the anarchist soviet and asked whether they had passed that de-
cree. They flatly denied it, and posted proclamations denying they
had passed it. The anarchist soviet and the Bolshevik soviet were
at war, and the anarchist Soviets were afterwards put down by ma-
chine guns by the Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. Now you have brought in a new distinction.
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. You speak of the Bolsheviki and the anarchists.
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. There are two elements of these socialists?
Miss Beatty. There are many elements ; about 40 in all.
/ Senator Nelson. I mean of the Bolsheviki. There is the anar-
chistic element and another element?
Miss Beatty. No. The philosophy of the anarchists and the phi-
losophy of the Bolsheviki are very different. The anarchist does not
believe in government at all. The Bolsheviki believe in a highly
socialized form of government.
But to get on, to this decree. One of the Eussian papers, an offi-
cial organ, published a statement relating to the decree or order of
the soviet government suppressing for all time, and charging a fine
of 25,000 rubles against, a newspaper which had published what they
called this false decree — this outrageous and shameful false decree,
as the Eussian translation is. Those two things, I think, ought to
hel]3 to indicate that that is not a general thing in Eussia. I person-
ally do not believe it was issued, and neither does Mr. Davis, who
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 709
was there. One other reason for not believing it is that women have
a vote in Russia, and I do not believe that women anywhere will vote
to nationalize themselves.
Mr. Humes. You say that Sartov decree was never issued by this
anarchistic soviet?
Miss Beattt. I say they deny ever having issued it.
Mr. Humes. Either Mr. Williams or Mr. Reed testified the other
(lay, stating that it had been issued, but only the first four paragraphs
were a part of the original decree and the rest was obscene matter
that had been subseqiientlj' added with the intent of adding some
humor to the situation.
Miss Beattt. I do not know as to that.
Mr. Humes. Are you correct in saying that it never was issued,
or is the former witness correct in :^aying that only the first four
paragraphs were realty a part of the decree?
Miss Beattt. I am correct in quoting Mr. Davis to the eifect that
it never wsis issued. Mr. Davis said that he went to the anarchist
sD\iet in Saratov. They were ^-erj' indignant, and they flatly denied
issuing that decree and posted that denial all over the city.
Mr. Hu>rES. What do .you know about the decree that was issued
at Vladimir ?
Miss Beattt. Personally, nothing; except that I can judge the
attitude of the soviet authorities to such decrees by the suppression
(if this newspaper.
Mr. Humes. In that same connection, what do you know about the
nationalization of children, or the taking over by the state of chil-
dren of certain ages, for the purposes of education?
Miss Beattt. I know that when I talked to Alexandra Kollontay,
who is commissar of public welfare, she told me a great deal, at
length, as to what her social program was, and there was nothing of
that sort in that program. Her idea was that an orphanage was a
bad place in which to keep children, and that it was best to get them
Hway from that soi't of control. In order to make it possible for
women to keep their own children, they formulated a plan by which
ii mother should have eight weeks of liberty from her factory posi-
tion previous to the birth of her child and immediately after.
Mr. HujiES. That is in order to encourage woman labor ; in order
to protect and encourage woman labor in the factories ?
Miss Beattt. No; these are the women who always had to work,
just as our women here work in factories, whether they have children
or not. This was to protect the woman from hurting herself before
and after the birth of her child.
Mr. HujiBS. Is it true that this Madam Kollontay married the man
whom she did marry, and with whom she went to the Scandanavian
fonntries, because of these regulations or requirements for the
nationalization of women and compulsory marriage?
Miss Beattt. I am quite sure that she never did anything under
compulsion.
Mr. Humes. I mean that she went there to avoid the compulsion
tliat was incident to the enforcement of the decree.
Miss Beattt. I should say that that was absolutely untrue. I was
present at Smolny at the soviet when the marriage decree was passed,
and I heard the discussion of it.
710 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. What is the marriage decree ? What is the ceremony ?
jMiss Beatty. It provided separation of the church and state. Up
to the time of the revolution the church marriage was essential in
Eussia. The soviet decree advocated that church marriages should
be optional. One could marry in the church or not as one chose, but
the state marriage was obligatory.
Mr. Humes. How is it performed?
Miss Beatty. By going before a marriage commissioner, or what
would be in this country a justice of the peace, and registering your
desii'e to be married — in other words, by taking out a license. At
that time there was considerable discussion upon how many divorces
should be granted.
Senator Nelson. You speak of taking out a license. Was it a
license generally or a license to marrj' some particular person?
Miss Beatty. The two people who were to be married went to the
marriage commissioner and took out a license for their own mar-
riage, just as we do here.
Senator Overman. How could they separate?
jNIiss Beatty. They could separate by going before a marriage and
divorce commission and declaring their desire to separate, saying
that they no longer wished to be married.
Mr. Humes. Can not either one of the parties to the marriage se-
cure a divorce?
Miss Beatty. Yes; either one can.
Mr. Humes. By agreement; or either one of the parties can secure
a divorce on application?
Miss Beatt'y. Yes.
Senator Xelsqn. If thev get tired of one another, they can just
quit?
Miss Beatty. Yes. They also formulated a plan as to what should
become of the children. Unless there was a common agreement as
to who should support the child, made outside of coiirt or commis-
sion, alimony was granted to the mother in such sum as the judge
believed was necessary.
Mr. Humes. For the support of the child?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Overman. Was that alimony paid by the state or by the
father?
Miss Beatty. By the father, as it was planned then.
Senator Nelson. Were you out in the country among" the peasants
while you were in Russia?
Miss Beatty. Yes; a little bit. Not as much as I would like to
have been.
Senator Nelson. What was the form of the peasants' government
before the revolution broke out?
Miss Beatty. There really was no peasant government, you know.
I mean there was none in Russia but the Czar's government, really.
The zemstvos had a certain amount of control, and there were the
cooperative societies.
Senator Nelson. Do you not know, now, that the peasants were set-
tled in villages and communities called mirs, and had their local
government, and that their lands were owned as community property,
and that those mirs assigned the cultivation of the lands to members
of the community?
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 711
Miss Beattt. That is true in some communities; not in all com-
munities.
Senator Nelson. No.
Miss Beattt. That was quite the generally adopted custom, how-
ever, among the Russians.
Senator Nelson. They live in villages and not out on their farms,
as they do here ?
Miss Beattt. No; they Hve in villages and go out to work on their
farms.
Senator Nelson. And those lands belonged to the mirs, as they
called them, the village communities?
Miss Beattt. Not altogether. In some places the lands were
privately owned.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Miss Beattt. You see, up to the time of the freeing of the serfs,
the peasants had no ownership in their own land, and they worked
the land of the estates. They were given the use of a certain amount
of land in return for the service that they gave to the landowner —
to the estate holder or to the slave owner. At the time of the decree
which freed the serfs, the peasants believed thej' were going to get
the land. They have a phrase over there, they say that the land is
God's and the people's, and they believed that the Czar gave them
the land, but the landowners kept it away from them. That made
them very bitter toward the landowners. They began, back in the
seventies, to burn barns and destroy property. When the revolution
came, the attitude of these men was merely that they were taking
something which belonged to them, something which Alexander had
given them long, long ago, but which the landlords had kept- from
them.
Senator Nelson. What they got under the Czar's government
when they were set free, the land that was assigned to the village
communities, is confiscated by this new government and taken away.
It does not belong to the community but it belongs to the state, now ;
and the whole system of the mir assigning lands to the members of
a community will be obsolete now, under this government, will it not?
Miss Beattt. No. In some places they do just as they have always
done. The present land law of the soviet was formed from a codifi-
cation of the land regulations made by the peasants themselves in
something like 240 villages. In nearly 240 villages the peasants had
already taken their land during the Kerensky regime. They had not
waited for the government to do anything about it. They had said,
" The land is ours, and we are going to have it," and they took it
without any formal national land law. These methods used in the
various communities were gone over, and a new law was passed upon
plans that the peasants themselves had worked out.
Senator Nelson. Under this new system of nationalized land, the
land will be taken from these communities, will it not, as community
property, and also from private owners, and it will all become the
property of the state? It makes no difference whether it is com-
munity or private property — individual property — it will become the
property of the state ?
Miss Beattt. Yes; but, you see, the community and the state are
one.
712 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. ,
Senator Nelson. Oh, there is a great difference between saying
that this ground here, between this building and the Union Station,
belongs to the city of Washington, and saying that it belongs to the
Government of the United States. There is a great difference in
that.
Miss Beaity. Yes; there is a difference here, but there is not a
difference in Russia.
Senator Nelson. No; I perceive. I perceive there is not much
difference in Russia.
Miss Beatty. Perhaps our telegraph system here or our mail sys-
tem will serve a little bit better to illustrate it. You see, our mail
system belongs to the Government, and yet it belongs to each of us as
individual members of the state. We all share in it.
Senator Nelson. Yes. Now, what is to become of all the people
who do not themselves work on the land, and what is to become of
people who do not work in the factories or in the industrial enter-
prises ? What is to become of them in Russia '(
Miss Beatty. Everyone in Russia has to work ; not on the land or
in the factories, necessarily, but they have to make some contribution ;
they have to produce something.
Senator Nelson. Their theory is that everybody must work?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Work at what ?
Miss Beatty. At anything which is productive for the good of the
nation.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Miss Beatty. You see, they contemplate not only organizing dis-
tribution, but also production.
Senator Nelson. The farmer has no right now to hire any help ?
Miss Beatty. No.
Senator Nelson. He can not hire any hands on his farm ?
Miss Beatty. No.
Senator Nelson. And a woman can not hire anybody to help her
milk the cows or do any of her work ?
Miss Beatt'y. No; but any number of farmers can combine and
work their land in common, which is the same thing. Any number
of men can till their land in common.
Senator Nelson. There is no room, then, in Russia for a farm
laboi'er unless he has a piece of land to till himself?
Miss Beatty. No ; none at all.
Senator Nelson. No one can have a hired man on his farm ?
Miss Beatty. No ; there are no hired men.
Senator Overman. There are no hired women, either?
Miss Beatty. No.
Senator Overman. Suppose the community will not help a man
to till his land? Suppose the community will not help a woman
milk her cow?
Mr. Humes. The state owns the cow. The woman does not have
the cow.
Senator Overiman. The cow that the state lets her use when she
wants to use it. Suppose she can not get anybody to help to milk
the cow or to make the butter, or do other work, when she is not
well, for instance? How is she going to do that?
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 713
Miss Beatty. You gentlemen make it very difficult. [Laughing.]
This is the A B C of economics, upon which dozens and dozens of;
books have been written.
Senator Nelson. As I understand, your mental state is this — see if
I misapprehend you: While you are not clear that this form of
government would be good for our people, you have an idea that it
is just the thing for the Russian people ?
Miss Beatty. That is not entirely the fact.
Senator Nelson. Can you qualify it ?
Miss Beatty. I should like to.
Senator Nelson. With limitations?
Miss Beatty. I feel that the Russian people have the right to work
out any sort of system that they choose. I think that they have
demonstrated that they want to try to work out this system. Of
course, we have the right to work out any kind of system that we
choose, and if we ever want to work out any other system than that
we have, we will do it ; and we, as democrats, have got to allow to
Eussia or any other country the right to work out its own problems
according to its own ideals. And the ideals of America and the ideals
of Eussia are different. We are entitled to our ideas, and Russia is
entitled to her ideas.
Senator Nelson. And you think that the ideal of the Bolshevik
government is what the Russian people want?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Yes ; and they ought to have it ?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That is your idea?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Overman. It has been testified here by various persons,,
and I see from the papers, that there are only about 5 or 10 per
cent of these people that favor the Bolshevik plan, and therefore,
if that is so, you would not be in favor of this system for Russia ?
Miss Beatty. No; absolutely not. You see, I do not believe that
that is so, for a number of reasons. Harold Williams, who was' cor-
respondent of the London Times and is a very conservative man as
to figures — I mean, I do not think that he could be swept off of his
feet to believe that the Bolsheviki were in control of Russia unless
they were — said, some months ago, that the Bolshevik movement
has completely swept the country. ^
Senator Overman. Right there; they all testify that they have \
control of the government, but that they have it by reason of German
soldiers and Lettish soldiers, and tramps and criminals; that they
have freed every criminal in Russia, and that all the criminals are /
members of the Bolsheviki ; and they have the reign of terror there,/
by which the peasants are overawed and terrified.
Mifs Beatty. Do you think that a million or two or three million
coidd dominate and overawe one hundred and eighty million people?
Senator Overman. I thought of that, too; but they say that they
have taken their guns and all their arms away from them, and they
shoot them down on the farms, and in the villages, in the streets,
if they resent the Bolshevik idea. Of course, by having all the guns
and ammunition, and with the army, they can do that for a t:me; and
714 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
it has been testified that that is what they are doing, and that the
people themselves are not in favor of it.
Miss Beatty. I would like to give you a little more evidence of
the fact that the people themselves are in favor. I had a long talk
with Tchaikowsky. He told me how he had tried to work with the
workmen's and soldiers' council, but left them after three weeks' time.
Then he organized the first congi-e-ss of peasants; and the peasants
finally all went to the left, leaving him and his committee alone. He
said the}' had gone past him in their ideas. And he, too, told me that
Bolshevism had completely swept the country. He said, "We can
not do anything with them. We can not keep them in control at all.
Every time we send a delegate back to the village we find that the
villagers have gone over to the Bolsheviki."
]Mr. HujiEs. It has been testified that the Bolsheviks go in and
select anybody they want to, and take them out and kill them.
Miss Beatty. Has it been testified by anybody that they ever saw
anybody Irilled?
Mr. fliiiES. Many cases have been specified and testified to — many
specific instances.
Miss Beatty. Where they saw these things?
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Senator Xelson. Did you see anybody killed over there?
Miss Beatty. No ; I never saw anybody killed. I was in the midst
of machine-gun fire many times.
Senator Xelsox. The machine guns did not go off while you were
there, then?
Miss Beatty. Oh, yes. I saw one man wounded. I was under
siege in the telephone exchange for five hours at one time, and I
saw a man there wounded.
Senator Nelson. European Russia is about as big as the United
States?
Miss Beatty. Russia is one-sixth of the whole earth's surface.
Senator Nelson. No; but European Russia is about as big as the
TTnited States?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Now, where did you go in Russia? You were
at Petrograd, at Moscow, and at Nijni Novgorod. What other
places did you go to ?
Miss Beatty. I wish I had a map so that I could show you. I
went across Siberia
Senator Nelson. Oh, yes; but Siberia is not European Russia.
Miss Beatty. You see, I also went across European Russia to get
to Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. You went from Perm, over there in Siberian
liussia ?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That is all.
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Is not most of the peasant country south of
that?
Miss Beatty. I did not go into the Ukraine at all.
Senator Nelson. Did you go into Little Russia?
Miss Beatty. That is the Ukraine, you know.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 715
Senator Nelson. Did you go into White Eussia ?
Miss Beatty. Yes ; I went into White Eussia.
Senator Nelson. What part?
Miss Beatty. It was in White Eussia where I went to the western
front.
Senator Nelson. You went out to the battle front at Dvinsk?
Miss Beatty. Yes ; and Miiladetschna.
Senator Nelson. How long did you stay there?
Miss Beatty. Two weeks.
Senator Nelson. Did you communicate with the peasants or the
soldiers ?
Miss Beatty. Both.
Senator Nelson. In that country?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Is that all you saw of Eussia — those places ?
Miss Beatty. I went down to Nijni Novgorod and up the Volga
River and stopped at Yaroslav.
Senator Nelson. Did you come across any Cossacks there?
Miss Beatty. I came across Cossacks there.
Senator Nelson. Do you not know that the land tenure of the
Cossacks is different from that of the other lands?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Do you not know that they have lands assigned
to them in fee for military service ?
Miss Beatty. Yes ; I do know that.
Senator Nelson. Look here ; suppose you were a stranger dropped
down here from the clouds, from Europe, and that you came over
here and visited New York, Hoboken, Philadelphia, and Washing-
ton. What would you know about the American people from just
seeing these towns? Wliat would you know about the American
people and the feeling of the American people, and of the American
farmers in the Mississippi Valley, by visiting just those two or
three towns ?
Miss Beatty. But, you see, you do not quite understand the
geography of Eussia, or you would see that I covered a great deal
more ground than you think. But the thing that I feel is the
dilRculty with so many people who are witnessing on the question
of Eussia is that they have never come into the slightest contact
with what is the most important thing there. I mean, most of them
have never even met a Bolshevik.
Senator Nelson. You saw a live Bolshevik, then?
Miss Beatty. Yes ; I spent, a great deal of time at the Soviets.
Mr. Humes. I thought that practically all of the 180,000,000
people of Eussia were Bolsheviki. I thought that was the statement
that you contended for, that the vast majority of the people were
Bolsheviki, so that you could not go anywhere without meeting a
Bolshevik.
Miss Beatty. You know, you can spend your time entirely in the
American colony in Eussia.
Mr. Humes. Yes; but there were quite a number of Bolsheviki
there, were there not ? How many of those that you might term of
the American colony, that came from America, were members of the
government, or were in part of the Bolshevik government, in Eussia ?
716 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Beattt. There were only two men whom I know who took
any part in the Bolshevik government in Eussia, and the only part
that they took was in German propaganda. They went in there to try
to create German propaganda to help dethrone the Kaiser.
Mr. Humes. Who was that ?
* Miss Beattt. John Reed and Albert Ehys Williams.
Mr. Humes. Did you ever meet Mr. Eeinstein over there?
Miss Beatty. Yes. I was thinking of men who had been born in
America. He was a Eussian.
^Ir. Humes. He was an American citizen, was he not?
Miss Beatty. I was thinking of American-born.
Mr. Humes. I am talking about the people who got their educa-
tion and training, such as it was. in this country.
Miss Beatty. I was thinking of men whom I had met at dinners
and dan( es.
Mr. Humes. Then, liy tlie American colony you do not mean the
Americans
Miss Beatty. Not the Eussian-Americans.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that there were more Americans who
were part of the Bolshevik government than you have testified as part
of the American colony ?
Senator Overman. Miss Beatty has kindly consented to give her
testimony. I understand from her own testimony that she was there
only eight months. There is no use in asking her about these places
where she has not gone. It is impossible for her to know about thesi>
places which she has not visited.
I want to know if there is any statement that she wants to make,
and I will allow her to make it.
It is evident to my mind, and I think the committee agrees, that she
is not sufficiently informed, having been there only eight months, a
certain time in Petrograd. a certain time on the front, and a short
time in Moscow, and it is impossible for her to know the conditions
over there now — as they exist to-day.
Miss Beatty. It is impossible, except as one knows what the forces
are that are at work.
Senator Ovek.man. That is your viewpoint, and what you ha\c
gathered from the newspapers since you have been there.
Miss Beatty. It is impossible except from what I have learned
from Eussian papers and from people who have returned, and from
what I know of the peojjle whom I met there, and the forces at work.
Xo little incident that happens from day to day is the important
thing. Senator Overman. I mean, if we are to understand the subject
of the Bolsheviki, we need to know what Inis happened all these yeai-s
in Enssia much more than the number of people killed. The impor-
tant thing in the European war was not how many people were killed
but what were the causes behind it.
Senator Overman. We want to know what is going on there — the
condition of the people. That is what we are more interested in.
Senator Xelson. You only ga^e us what you have picked up from
newspapers and from interviewing those American Bolsheviks that
you have referred to over in Eussia?
]\Iiss Beatty. Xo; you are entirely wrong.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 717
Senator Nelsojj. You do not know anything of your own knowl-
edge, and you were not there when the reign of terror broke out ?
Miss Beattt. You are entirely wrong when you say I do not know
anything of my own knowledge, because I do. I was in the soviet
night after night.
Senator Overmakt. The point I make is this, if I may interrupt
you, that you can not possibly know what the sentiment of the people
now is, except of the 5 per cent or 10 per cent of the Bolsheviki, he-
cause sentiment could he changed over night. It is impossible for you
to know what the jjublic sentiment is there now.
Miss Beattt. Yes; that is true, Senator Overman, except to judge
things of the present by the past. I was there at the time of the
Korniloff revolt. In American newspapers it was stated that the
streets ran ri\ers of blood, whereas one single officer was killed, and
he shot himself.
Senator STERLi>(i. On what occasion?
Miss Beatty. The Korniloff revolt, when Korniloff tried to become
dictator of Eussia. So, I say, if the reports then were so very much
■exaggerated, then it is not at all unlikely that they are exaggerated
now.
Senator vSterling. Miss Beatty, witnesses have testified here. I
recall one in particular, who had been in two different Kussian
prisons under the Bolshevik government. He testified that day after
day Red Guards would come in, members of the Red Guard, and
march out a man to be shot. Do you discredit that?
Miss Beatty. I do not know whether that is true or not. I think
it is not at all unlikely, for this reason
Senator Sterling. You say it is not at all unlikely?
Miss Beatty. Yes; for this reason. I was reading in one of the
liussian papers a dispatch concerning conditions in one of the vil-
lages. The dispatch was to the effect that the White Guards took the
village in the evening and sentenced something like 26 members of
the soviet to die, and e.xccuted them on the spot. They sentenced
150 more to die the next day. The next morning the Red Guards
came in and recaptured the village and executed the White Guards.
Senator Sterling. You show a disposition, I must confess, to
shield the Red Guards of the Bolsheviki. Now you are saying that
the Red Guards are no worse than the White Guards ; and you have
excused the Red Guards for some of their atrocities by telling what
the White Guards had clone.
Miss Beatty. You understand that everything is logical, that noth-
ing happens without a cause.
Senator Sterling. We are talking about the manifestations, the
evidences that we have, of atrocities. You think that the evidence
■of the atrocities amounts to little; that it is just immaterial. You
want to philosophize, and you want to go to causes always
Miss Beatty. Do you not, Senator?
Senator Sterling. Are we not justified in tracing the relation be-
tween the atrocities, these outward numifestations, these murders
and this starvation, to the spirit that is behind and that goes to tlie
oause ?
Miss Beatty. You are justified if you are going to start way back
in the past. That is the thing. I have been doing that. There are
718 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
many witnesses who have come here. One of them left Eussia some
months before I left. Even before the Bolshevik revolution these
men testified to what they had heard. They told stories that I knew
to be discredited when I was in Russia. But they are telling the
same stories here that were told when I was there. What I contend
is that you do not want to try to get at the truth by that sort of thing.
Senator Overman. You speak of people who left there before you
did. However, we have had witnesses — witness after witness — here
who left a long time after you did. They corroborate those things,
and make them worse, and they were eyewitnesses to the things, not
speaking from hearsay testimony.
Miss Beatty. Perhaps all the evidence has not been published in
the newspapers, but most of the things that I have read in the news-
papers have been hearsay evidence; and I know I have read things
that were told over there that were proved not to be true.
Senator Overman. Is not the evidence that you are giving us
hearsay ?
Miss Beatty. Not at all.
Senator Overman. But you do not know conditions since j'ou left,
except what you have gathered from the newspapers?
Miss Beatty. I do not offer that as my own evidence.
Senator Nelson. AYhat else have you told us except that?
Miss Beatty. I think the fact that I am here, quite safe, after eight
months in Russia, is a slight evidence of the fact that things can not
be quite as terrible as has been reported.
Senator Overman. Let me say, with respect, that what you have
said is hearsay and argumentative. Is not that true?
Miss Beatty. I am sorry if I am argumentative.
Senator Overman. You are fine in that line.
Senator Nelson. Are you directly or indirectly connected with the
Bolshevik propaganda that is carried on under the auspices of Wil-
liams and these other men?
Miss Beatty. I am not.
Senator Sterling. Do you know Lenine^
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Sterlino. Did you meet him i
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Sterling;. Talk witli him ?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Sterling. And Trotsky?
Miss Beattf". Yes.
Senator Sterling. Talked with both of them ?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Have gotten their viewpoint?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Sterling. How well acquainted were you with them (
Miss Beatty. Not very well.
Senator Sterlinc;. You had frequent interviews with them?
Miss Beatty. Enough to get their viewpoint.
Senator Nelson. And you agree mainly in their viewpoint?
Miss Beatty. No ; not entirely. I disagree very much. I do not
approve of suppression of the press, suppression of free speech, and
many other things wliich the Bolsheviki have done.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 719
Senator Nelson. In the main, you think they are on the right
track ?
Miss Beatty. All that I am, and all that I will permit yon to say
that I am, is a student of affairs in Eussia. I am deeply interested
in affairs in Eussia, and I could not have found out anything about
Eussia if I had not gone to the Soviets and met Lenine and Trotsky.
They are the men in control of that country, and I was interested in
knowing what their plans are.
Senator Overman. They told you what their plans were and what
they were proposing to do; and yet it has been asserted that they
have not carried out all their glorious promises.
Miss Beatty. I will say that they have not put into effect the sys-
tem in which they believed.
Senator Nelson. Is not your purpose in appearing before this
committee to sort of justify the Bolshevik government before our
people ?
Miss Beatty. Not at all. Mj^ feeling is this, that I think we have
no right to intervene in Eussia, and I want very much to have the
American troops brought out of Eussia. I want to let Eussia alone.
Senator Nelson. In other words, you want the Bolsheviki, or
Lenine and Trotsky, to have a free hand there. That is \Yhat you
want, is it not ?
Miss Beatty. If you prefer your words to mine, Senator Nelson.
Senator Nelson. I have not been able to get a direct answer from
you on anything.
Mr. Httmes. The fact remains that the press is suppressed, does it
not?
Miss Beatty. In a measure ; yes. At least it was when I was there.
Mr. Humes. And free speech is not permitted ?
Miss Beatty. In a measure that is true.
Mr. Humes. And the constituent assembly has never been per-
mitted to meet ?
Miss Beatty. It met, but was dissolved.
Mr. Humes. By force?
Miss Beatty. The leaders were told to go home.
Mr. Humes. By force ?
Miss Beatty. I would say by force. No force was used, because
it was not necessary. They were told to go home.
Mr. Humes. But armed guards came to advise them to go ?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Senator Overman. They were under duress, in other words?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Therefore the Bolsheviki have suppressed the press
and prohibited free speech, refused to permit the people to determine
the form of government that they would have under the regularly
elected constituent assembly, and since that time there has been no
effort made to give the people a voice in the government through a
constituent assembly?
Miss Beatty. Not through a constituent assembly. You see, they
no longer believe in the constituent assembly as a form of govern-
ment.
Mr. Humes. In other words, they are opposed to equal representa-
tion of the people ?
720 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Miss Beattv. They are opposed to representation based upon po-
litical control.
Mr. Humes. In other words, the Bolshevik government is not free
to permit the 80 per cent of the people of Eussia, to wit. the peasants,
to participate in the affairs of the government equally with the other
people, because they know that the peasants would not permit Bol-
shevik rule to long continue. Is not that so?
Miss Beatty. I do not think so. I think that is not a fact. I
think if you had been in Eussia you would know that it is not.
Mr. Humes. Why did they not give the peasants equal repre-
sentation in the government ?
Miss Be\tty. When the peasants joined the national soviet I was
present. In that body the peasants won every point. They got all
their demands. At first Lenine and Trotsky stood out against these de-
mands, but ultimately the peasants Avere admitted to the national
soviet under their own tei'ms.
Mr. HriMES. But the fact remains that the representation is five
to one against them in the all-Eussian soviet or the :ill-Rnssian
council, is it not?
Miss Beattt. I do not know.
Mr. Hu^rES. Do you not know what the basis of representation is?
Miss Beattt. No.
jNIr. HmiEs. Have you ever read the constitution of the soviet
republic?
j\Iiss Beattt. No : I have not.
Senator Overma^\ Miss Beatty, we have examined you thor-
oughly— about all we want — and I want to give you the free oppor-
tunity to state anything you want to state. If you desire to make any
statement in addition to what you have said in response to our ques-
tions, if you desire to make anv statement to the subcommittee, you
may feel free to go on without interruption.
Miss Bk\tty. I do not know that I hfive a great deal to say to
the committee, except that I wish we might make an honest, open
investigation of this subject, because I think it is so serious we can't
iifford to be bigoted. It is a pity that I have to argue here. I do not
want to argue.
Senator OvEnjrAisr. That is the reason we sent for you to come
down. You represent what some have referred to as the other side.
Miss Beattt. I do not admit that it is a question of side. In a
sense I do not represent the other side. One member of the other
side will not even spealt on the platform Avith me because he says I
am a bourgeois. So you .see I am not a partisan in this thing.
Senator Steelixo. If you will permit me, does not that position
of the person of whom yoTi speak illustrate the fatal defects in the
Bolshevik system?
Miss Beattt. Well, that is an individual defect. There are many
revolutionists who are very disagreeable people. But there are many
of us in all walks of life who are very disagreeable.
Senator OvEnMA>\ I do not want the gentlemen here to ask her
any questions until she has had an opportunity to make a full state-
ment. If you do not represent the other side, or what people have
called the other side, they have asked to have you here, and we take
great pleasure in having you here to make any statement that you
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. ( 721
I
• _ _ 1
desire, without interruption. Of course, we might hpivei to interrupt
if you should go outside of what we think is proper, but I know you
will not do that.
Miss Beattt. Senator Overman, I want to say that during my
eight months in Eussia I met a number of men, some of whom have
testified here. Some of those who have testified here know nothing
about the masses of the Russian people. I met them at dinners and
I met them at dances, but I never met them anywhere where the
masses of the people were gathered.
Senator Overman. And you did not expect to meet them?
Miss Beattt. No; absolutely not. I only want to say that we
should try to know — we can not know, but we should try to under-
stand— what the Russian people are thinking, what they are driving
at, what are the ideals that actuate them.
I personally spent just as much time with one group as with an- '
other. I had friends among princes and friends among peasants and
workers. Up to August, 1917, I had never met a Bolshevik. One
day I heard something about one which made me think that he must
be honest and an idealist, and I asked to meet him. I became con-
vinced that he was honest and an idealist, and I asked to meet more
and more of them.
When I went to Russia I was in favor of the Kerensky govern-
ment. I thought Kerensky was the man who could best amalgamate
the Russian forces and could best help to win the war, and I was
deeply disappointed that he had to be overthrown. I believed that
he was going to be, because everywhere I went I found evidences
of this. For instance, I went to Helsingf ors and visited the central
committee of the Baltic fleet. Up to the time of the Korniloff revolt
there were 18 Bolshevist members and no anarchists in this commit-
tee. But a little after that there were 45 Bolshevist members and 3
anarchists in a total membership of 60. This was before the Bolshe-
vik revolution, you see, and it seemed to me that this was an indica-
tion of the movement of the masses. They were sweeping away from
Kerensky ; and at the time of the Kerensky revolution America was
practically the only country standing by him. The Russian masses
had deserted him, and the other allies were trying to place Savan-
ikof in power. Kerensky was quite alone. It seemed there was noth-
ing to uphold his power. I wished that he might have been backed,
because I thought he would work out an orderly government.
Then there was this soviet. I said, " This is a fact. You can not
know the Russian situation without knowing the facts, and the soviet
is a fact." I tried to find out what its power and force was. For a
time I did some work with the Red Cross, and I prolonged my stay in
Eussia for that purpose longer than I had intended, to try to find out
what people were thinking. I was out among the crowds, with inter-
preters, day and night.
Senator Overman. You do not speak Russian?
Miss Beatty. Just a little; not as you have to speak Russian to
get along. But I did feel that they were misrepresenting things
even at that time, over there. Being a newspaper woman, I knew how
news is made, and it is very difficult to get at the facts. For instance,
in Petrograd it was reported that there was a riot down in the
Caucasus and that thousands of people were killed. A week later
85723—19 46
722
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
some one -wIk was there reported that this was not true. But denials
were never wfered.
There undoubtedly is red terror in Russia, and it must be fright-
ful ; but I think it material that we should loiow what are its causes
as well as its effects — what it is — do you see ? And I feel that we can
never work out any solution that will avoid trouble in this country
or any other country in the world unless we face all the facts ; unless
we will see what the working people want and what can be done to
give them what they need — what they must have. There will be
clashes that will mean disruption and disillusionment and terror for
all of us. I think that if you note the quantity of space the news-
papers are giving to this whole question of economic unrest, you will
feel that it is a most important thing which you are now investigat-
ing. I do not think that- a committee coiild be faced with a more
difficult task or have a greater reason for analyzing testimony, for
hearing every witness, and getting all the facts.
I admit and claim that having come away from Eussia a year ago
I can not know all that is going on. But I do claim that I can better
judge what is going on there than people who never have been
there, because I was closely associated with the worlring people and
Imow perhaps better how they will react to certain things than I
would know if I had never got close to them.
I do not think I have anything else to add.
Senator Oveejian. We are very much obliged to you. But I would
like to know one thing. We are glad to have you here, and we asked
the Senate to continue these hearings so that the other side might
be heard, because we want to get the truth, as you say. But I want
to ask you what is the extent of this menace, as I would call it, of
bolshevik propaganda in this country? What do you laiow about
it? Is there any such thing? Do you think there is such a thing
going on as trying to get our people to adopt the methods of the Bol-
sheviki ?
Miss Beatty. I think there is a great movement on the part of the
masses of the workers in many of the cities to bring about such a
thing as that. I do not believe there is any very extensive amount of
propaganda done to create that situation. I know there is a man
here, a Finn— an American-Finn — who is conducting a bureau of in-
formation, of Russian information, who is getting out a bulletin.
Senator Nelson. What is his name?
Miss Beattt. Mr. Nuorteva.
Senator Nelson. Where is he located ?
Miss Beaity. In New York.
Senator Nelson. Headquarters there?
Miss Beatty. Yes.
ISenator Nelson. Whom has he cooperating with him ?
Miss Beatty. I do not know.
Senator Overman. It is shown here that we have a great many
bulletins — papers of all kinds. Do you know how they get the money
to print them ? Do you have any idea, of your own knowledge, how
they get the funds?
Miss Beatty. I do not believe there are any funds to amount to
anything. The people whom I know, who have been speaking m
favor of the soviet government, are all poor and have not any money.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 723
Senator Overman. It takes money to do this.
Miss Beatty. That is why I say I do not believe there is any very
extensive propaganda in this country.
Mr. Humes. Do you now know that Nuorteva is receiving money
from Eussia and Finland ?
Miss Beattt. I heard that he received one check from Russia, but
that is all I Imow about.
Mr. Humes. Do you not know that the Russian government made
an appropriation for the purpose of undertaking to interfere politi-
cally in the affairs of other countries than their own, and doing a
thing that you say this country ought not to do in Russia ?
Miss Beatty. I know that there was an appropriation of 2,000,000
rubles for foreign propaganda.
Senator Overman. We are very much obliged to you. Miss Beatty.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Keddie.
TESTIMONY OF ME. FEANK KEDDIE.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Senator Overman. Your name is Frank Keddie?
Mr. Keddie. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. How old are you?
Mr. Keddie. Thirty years.
Senator Overman. Are you an American?
Mr. Keddie. No; I am Scotch.
Mr. Humes. Where do you reside?
Mr. Keddie. Edinburgh.
Mr. Humes. How long have you been in this country ?
Mr. Keddie. I have just come. I have been here about six weeks,
I think, from the end of January when I arrived in Seattle.
Mr. Humes. Is this the first time you have ever besen in this
country ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Mr. Humes. What organization were you connected with in
Eussia ?
Mr. Keddie. The Society of Friends. I was working with the
Society of Friends in Russia. I have been there since the fall of 1916
and left last December.
Mr. Humes. Were you the representative of the American Society
of Friends?
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; we were working together.
Mr. Humes. How did you happen to come to this country instead of
going home ?
Mr. Keddie. Because I had business to do in Vladivostok; and of
course I could have gone from Shanghai around by Marseilles, but
I wanted to come this way.
Mr. Humes. You are just in this country on your way back ?
Mr. Keddie. I am on my way home.
Mr. Humes. During what period of time were you in Russia ?
Mr. Keddie. From the autumn of 1916 until December. I left
Vladivostok last December.
Mr. Humes. When did you leave European Russia ?
Mr. Keddie. In October, last.
724 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. What part of European Russia were you in during
the time that you were in Eussia ?
Mr. Keddie. Well, I was in charge, most of the time, of the indus-
trial unit work. We had a unit of about 36 people. I was in charge
of the industrial end of it. In the course of my work I traveled about
a good deal. I stayed in Petrograd and in Moscow, Nijni Novogorod,
Samara, and I have stayed in Omsk, in Irkutsk, Harbin, and Vladi-
vostok. I had a year's lessons in the language before I went to Eus-
sia, and I can speak Eussian fairly well.
Mr. Humes. Where were you at the time of the March revolution ?
ilr. Keddie. In the town of Samara on the Volga.
Mr. Humes. Wlieie wei'e you at the time of the Bolshevik revolu-
tion in Xovember ?
Mr. Keddie. I was down on the way to the town of Uralsk, in the
Cossack country district of Uralsk.
Mr. Humes. You weie back in Petrograd after that time?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Mr. Hujies. When did you go back to Petrograd ?
Mr. Keddie. I was there at the time of the peace parley at Brest-
Litovsk. That was about the beginning of the year 1918.
Senator Overman. What were you doing over there?
Mr. Keddie. With the Society of Friends, doing relief work among
the refugees. When the German troops advanced into Poland, there
were something like seven million refugees scattered over Eussia.
The Eussians had no organization to take care of them.
Senator Xelson. What organization?
Mr. Keddie. The English Society of Friends. They are Quakers.
Mr. Humes. For how long a period of time were you in Petrograd
after the Bolshevik revolution?
Mr. Iveddie. I stayed there about three weeks.
Mr. Humes. About three weeks ?
Mr. Keddie. About three weeks.
Mr. Humes. That would be in January, 1918 ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; about that time.
Mr. HuJiEs. Was that the last time you were in Petrograd?
Mr. Keddie. The last time I was in Petrograd.
Mr. Humes. Were did you go from Petrograd at that time ?
Mr. Keddie. I went down to Moscow.
Mr. Humes. How long were you in Moscow ?
Mr. Keddie. About the same period; perhaps a little longer; a
month about. I have been in Moscow a few times, but this particular
occasion for about a month.
Mr. Humes. Where did you go from there?
Mr. Keddie. Back to Omsk in Siberia.
Mr. Hu3ies. Back into Siberia?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Mr. HuJiES. How long were you in Siberia ?
Mr. Keddie. Perhaps it would be more useful if I stated exactly
how it happened. .
Mr. Humes. No ; I just wanted to locate you during this period ot
time, first. How long were you in Siberia ?
Mr. Keddie. Well, I have been there, back and forwards, several
times. I stayed there perhaps in all about two months.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 725
Mr. Humes. About two months ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; in all.
Mr. HujrEs. How much of the time since ^^ou went to Moscow have
you been back to European Russia on these trips that you have made?
Mr. Keddie. The bulk of my experience is drawn from the Samara
government. I stayed there in jthat particular government longer
than in any other one place.
Mr. Humes. The Samara government?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Mr. Humes. You have little knowledge of the conditions in Moscow
and Petrograd after February and March, 1918, from your personal
observation ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes. The bulk of my experience is drawn from the
peasants.
Mr. Humes. Now, what was the situation in Petrograd during the
two or three weeks that you spent there in January, 1918, during the
peace conference?
Mr. Keddie. The situation was rather bad, and the food question
was very bad and the people were very divided as regards making
peace — a separate peace— with Germany. The real people of Russia
have all the time, I think, been just as anti-Prussian as any other
people.
Senator Nelson. What was this last statement?
Mr. Keddie. The Russian people have been anti-Prussian all the
time, and antimilitaristic.
Senator Nelson. Anti-German?
Mr. Keddie. Anti-German. They were not against the German
working people, but against the German military system.
Mr. Humes. What was the situation in January, 1918, in Petro-
grad in reference to the situation of the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Keddie. Well, of course, they were not properly in the saddle
of government then. There was considerable difference of opinion.
Of course those who had property were against the Bolsheviki
movement.
Mr. Humes. Now, wait a moment. You say they were not in con-
trol of the government then ?
Mr. Keddie. Excuse me, if you would listen to what I say — I say
they were not properly in the saddle of the government. They had
not, so to speak, properly got hold of the reins of government.
Mr. Humes. When would you say that they properly got hold of
the reins of the government ?
Mr. Keddie. The whole situation has been developing all the time.
Mr. Humes. Do you mean by that that they are not properly in
control of the reins of the government now ?
Mr. Keddie. They are now.
Mr. Humes. When did they get proper hold of the reins ?
Mr. Keddie. After they had actually made the separate peace ; after
Lenine had made the speech in Moscow describing what his policy
was, that they were against making a separate peace, the terms were
so hard, but that they considered it was something like having an
interval to get breath.
Mr. Humes. When was that?
726 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Keddie. Well, that was, I think, about March, just after I had
been in Petrograd, when I went down to Moscow.
Mr. Humes. While you were in Moscow ?
Mr. Keddie. After the government came from Petrograd. They
came from Petrograd and went down to Moscow and took over the
National Hotel and the Hotel Metropole.
Mr. Humes. Tell us what the actual condition was as to there
being terror or being peace and good order during and up to the
time that you went to Moscow, during this period that you say the
Bolsheviki did not have a proper hold on the reins. What was the
internal situation?
Mr. Keddie. The internal situation with regard to atrocities — ^take
that point first. I think, to make that clear, it is necessary to bear
in mind the military situation as it was at that time.
You remember how Lloyd George sent over Arthur Henderson to
Eussia. Kerensky had sent word saying Russia was played out;
Russia could not fight any longer from a military point of view.
Lloyd George sent over Mr. Arthur Henderson, one of the labor
leaders. He laid his head together with Kerensky, and suggested the
Stockholm conference ; suggested a peace by negotiation.
Arthur Henderson went back. He resigned from the government.
He was in favor of a peace by negotiation. He resigned from the
government in England; and while this was going on, this talk
about a separate peace, a peace bj' negotiation, Lenine had come back.
Lenine had come through Germany. Lenine was making speeches
in various parts of Russia. The newspapers Avere saying —
some newspapers said he should be shot; other newspapers said he
ought to be put in prison. But he continued to speak. Kerensky
had been the popular idol for something like five months. As his
power gradually waned, so did the power of Lenine gradually
rise. For instance, Lenine was the only man in the country who
advocated peace, and land to the people.
Lenine went to
Mr. Humes. Now, wait a minute.
Mr. Keddie. I am leading up to this point of atrocities. Would
you excuse me just a second?
Senator Overman. Answer his question.
Mr. Humes. I can not let you go on because I think you have
made a misstatement, and I want to see if I understood you correctly.
You say that Lenine was the only man that advocated peace and land
to the people. Had not Kerensky already turned the land over to the
people?
Mr. Keddie. Kerensky did not advocate peace at that time, because
Kerensky
Mr. Humes. But he had turned the land over to the people ?
Mr. Keddie. No ; at the time of Kerensky's revolution, at the first
revolution, it had not penetrated down, for instance, in the Samara
government, where I was, because the people had not taken the land
over. The people did not actually take the land over until Lenine
brought out his decree to nationalize the land.
Mr. Hu:mes. That is, where you were they had not taken the land
over?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 727
Mr. Humes. All right ; go ahead.
Mr. Keddie. Now, to go back to where we were. Lenine, I say, was
taking his life in his hands, because the newspapers were writing
against him, saying he should be put in prison ; some said he should
be shot; and being a man who advocated peace and land to the
people, of course, the people listened to him. Lenine devoted a great
deal of his time to Helsingfors. Helsingfors was the headquarters
of the Eussian Baltic Fleet. The sailors of the Russian Baltic Fleet
have been worse treated than the sailors, I believe, of any other fight-
ing service in the world. I have talked with some of those sailors.
I have had the opportunity of living with them — not for very long ;
just for about three days or so.
These people, when they heard Lenine's message of peace and land
to the people, they said. That is the man for us." Then you have
heard this morning about this bid for power that Korniloff made.
Gen. Korniloff, a Cossack general, made one bid for a military dic-
tatorship. The idea was supposed to be that there was some plot be-
between Korniloff and Kerensky. Kerensky was to be the premier;
Korniloff was to be the dictator. At any rate, he was to march with
a division — a Dika division, it was called, a wild division — from
Pskof, and take Petrograd.
This scheme collapsed somehow or other, and these Helsingfors
sailors came to Petrograd. The Aurora, a little Russian gunboat,
came up the Neva, and by force Kerensky was compelled to leave,
and the soviet simply became the government.
The point I want to make here is how it simply evolved. First of
all, you had the Czar, who was forced to abdicate. Then you had a
government made up of men like Prince Lvoff and Miliukov and
Eodzianko, men who in the days of the Czar were known as cadets, or
liberals. They were liberal capitalists, however; they were landed
proprietors. The peasants knew their land policy. The soviet had
come to life again, the soviet, which had been created in 1906, and
was playing a rather important part in criticizing and adopting a
kind of watchful attitude on the policy of Prince Lvoff and Miliukov
and Eodzianko. The latter could not hold together, because at this
time the newspapers — for instance, the Russko Slovo — were writing
that Russia must have Constantinople. The newspapers were refer-
ring to it as Czargrad. Now, the average Eussian peasant did not
know where Czargrad was. He did not know where Constantinople
was, and did not care. Of course, Miliukov was the foreign minister
at that time and was considered to be an able man. Many of the more
or less bourgeoisie elements throughout the country believed in Miliu-
kov.
He tried to carry on. But it was unsatisfactory. There was a
good deal of difference of opinion between the government of landed
proprietors and the soviet, and Kerensky became gradually one of
the important men associated with Miliukov. Then the newspapers
still were crying about one more offensive. It was always " One more
offensive, and the Germans will be beaten " ; always " One more offen-
sive"; and the people in the villages, of course, were beginning to
grow war weary.
Things continued to drift along. Then the people came out in the
streets of Petrograd and shouted, "Away with Miliukov," asking him
728 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
to resign. He resigned, and then Kerensky took on other men of
similar ideas to his own; men like Tseretelli, Tereshchenko, and
Skobelev, social revolutionaries. They tried to continue the war
policy. They were what you would call moderate socialists, but they
were in favor of carrying on the war.
Senator Nelson. Against Germany?
Mr. Keddie. Against Germany ; yes. They were in favor of carry-
ing on the war ; and then it was, at this time, of course, that Arthur
Henderson had come. He conferred with Kerensky, and Kerensky
advised him that Russia was played out ; that Russia could not fight
any longer ; that Russia wanted peace by negotiation. Then Keren-
sky's government had drawn up its peace terms, something like
President AMlson's 14 points in some ways. For instance, they
wanted a peace without annexations and without indemnities.
Senator Sterling. Arthur Henderson was a labor leader in
England ? ,
Mr. Keddie. Yes; that is right, and he advocated this Stockholm
conference. He went back and reported to Lloyd George, and they
had some difference of opinion, and he resigned.
While all this was going on, while Kerensky was tied to the allies —
he was being financed by the allies — he went clown to the front, try-
ing to get the soldiers to make another offensive. He made one or two
compromises. For instance, he allowed the soldiers to abolish the
death sentence. The death sentence was not carried out as formerly,
and of course the soldiers began to think a little more. There was not
the same chance of the soldiers being shot. They began to think
just a little more, and of course when they were thinking a lot it was
rather difficult for them to fight a lot. So things developed like that,
and it was at this time that Lenine was taking his life in his hands
and going about the country speaking. I have referred to how the
Helsingfors sailors played such an important part, coming there to
Petrograd and very largely by force holding Petrograd up, more or
less, and the soviet simply became the government. So the one thing
evolved out of the other, very largely owing to the war weariness of
the people.
Mr. Humes. Finally the Bolsheviki had their revolution in Novem-
ber, and took control of the government, did they not?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Tell us what the conditions were following that,
up to the time you left Petrograd.
Mr. Keddie. When they got into power and became the govern-
ment, and when they made the separate peace, it is rather important
to know, of course, that they
Senator Nelson. I think he should state those preliminaries. Go
on in the way you were.
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Keddie. Thanks.
Senator Nelson. Go on and state the connection.
Mr. KJEDDLE. Thanks very much. I think it is rather important,
Senator, to try and get how the one thing leads on to the other, be-
cause that is the whole situation in Russia, as I believe it.
When they made the separate peace, for instance, many of the
people were against the terms that Germany imposed on them; tha
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 729
terms were so hard. First one delegation went to Brest-Litovsk, and
then they came hack and reported the hard terms the Germans
wanted. Then Trotzky went back again. Trotzky was one of those
of the second lot.
Senator Nelson. Let me call your attention to this. There was first
a preliminary effort to make a treaty, and the Bolshevik government
would not agree to it.
Mr. ICeddie. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And then the Germans made an advance and got
within 50 miles of Petrograd.
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And then they went to work and made the final
treaty ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; they went back again.
Senator Nelson. Go on.
Mr. Keddie. And Trotzky made this effort. He sort of threw
out — like a little David, he threw out the stone of an idea at the big
German Goliath, and said, '' Well, advance if you dare, if the Ger-
man democracy will allow you to advance." At Petrograd I saw a
procession of German prisoners who carried a banner saying that
they protested against the terms which Germany was imposing, the
terms were so hard. Well, this caused a great deal of talk through-
out Eussia, and of course you laiow in the end (I do not want to
delay you too long) they signed the peace treaty.
Then the soldiers began going home. America, I believe, had
something like 4,000,000 troops under aims, and the authorities say
it will take about a year to demobilize scientifically. Eussia had
something like fifteen million troops under arms, and they demobi-
lized in a month. It was not demobilization at all ; it was simply one
mad rush home. They got on the tops of trains, inside the trains, on
the buffers, on horseback, and in carts — any way possible. They
sold government property. They sold anything to anybody so as to
enable them to get home; they were so war weary. They set off
along the roads ; and when their money was finished and their food
was finished they would knock at some castle gate for food (the
house of some big man or a house in a village) .
Sometimes the watchman in this house would fire on them, and,
of course, these Eussian soldiers fired back. They had got a kind of
iron cross if they killed a certain number of Germans. They were
rather brutalized when they got back. When they were coming
home and could not get food and the watchman fired at them they
fired back, and a good many atrocities happened in that way — a good
many so-called atrocities. Then these men actually returned home
to their villages. I have seen many of them arrive in the villages.
They brought their rifles back with them.
When they got home they found their cottages in a very wretched
condition. Of course, during this transition period the Eussian
Government had not been paying separation allowances in the proper
way. Things had broken down a good deal, and the soldiers' widows
had had a hard time to get along. Prices Tiad been rising. Every-
body was away fighting, and those who were not fighting were mak-
ing munitions, and consequently food got dear and prices continued
to rise. The soldier's^wif e might have sold her horse or her cow or a
730 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
few sheep, if she ^Yas rich enough to have any, and when she sold her
horse, of course, she could not work the land very well. Then she
would sell something else off in order to keep the home going, and the
home became rather denuded and rather poor. It was a condition
something like that that the soldier found when he got back to his
home, very often after fighting two or three years, sometimes without
an arm, sometimes without a leg, having been wounded three or four
times, having been rather badly fed and badly treated. So he goes
back and he finds his home in this wretched condition. So he says to
himself, " What is it all about, anyway ? Whom have I been fighting
for ? Have I been fighting for Russia ? Well, that means Russia is
mine."
At this point I would like to digress just a moment. If you con-
sider the story — ^the Bible story — of the rich man who fared sump-
tuously every day and clothed himself in purple and fine linen, and
the beggar, Lazarus, who sat on the doorstep, and the dogs came and
licked his sores, and he lived on the crumbs which fell from the rich
man's table; something like that was going on in Russia. Ninety
per cent of the people were living on the crumbs which fell from
the rich man's table. They were sent away to fight. They were like
cannon fodder. They did not know what it was all about. Then
they came back, and instead of being content to live on the crumbs
which fell from the rich man's table they simply rose up and overset
the table; and that is something like the condition that has taken
place in Russia.
Now, with regard to the villages, when these soldiers did get back,
about this time the news came out of Lenine having nationalized the
land. The decree was published. Now, when you talk about the
land question I would just like to go back to 1916. When I went
there, about the end of 1916, I was being driven along by a Russian
peasant in one of these Russian carts which they use in the Samara
district — a tarantass. He was an old man, about 68 or 70, perhaps,
a tall, thin, spare man, a typical Russian peasant, with a long, flow-
ing beard, and fine features, a fine-shaped head ; the kind of a man
Moses must have been; rather a commanding presence he had. So
I asked him about the land system. He explained to me the land
system around there as it was in the Samara government. He said :
" It is just like this. The peasant works the land." Of course, all the
peasants live in the villages, and they all live adjoining each other.
They do not live on their farms. The average Russian village is
usually one long street. " When he goes to work on his land he has
to go 10 or 15 versts on the one side one year, and he camps out
there in the springtime, does his sowing, and he does his harvesting
in the summer time. Then the next year he goes 10 or 15 versts upon
the other side, and then the next year he goes 10 or 15 versts on the
other side. There is no inducement for him to improve the value
of his land." So I asked this old peasant, I said, " Why do you have
such a stupid system ? " " Well," he said, " we peasants are fools.
We are blind." And he put his hand up to his eye, and he said,
" Before the Russo-Japanese War we were blind.". And he said,
"After the Russo-Japanese War" — and he put up his hand to his
eyes, and he half opened his eyes, and he said — " that is how we were
after the Russo-Japanese War; and then after this war" — and this
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 731
Tvas while the war was going on — he put his hand up to his eyes
und opened them as wide as they would go and opened his mouth as
wide as it could go, and he said, " That is how we are now." By
opening his mouth he meant to say that he wanted a little more of
the good things of life.
Now that was about the situation with regard to land tenure. The
system of land tenure was bad. The landed proprietors were to
"blame — something like 7 per cent, or, at most, say, 10 per cent. You
■see, Russia is an agricultural country. Ninety per cent of the people
are the hewers of wood and the drawers of water. They have con-
tinued to work and work and work. They have really been expro-
priated from their real, lawful rights for the last 300 years. The
prerequisites of revolution were already there. It only took a war
■where the Russian infantry were mowed down by Hindenburg's
heavy artillery and Hindenburg's machine guns — it only took a war
to bring things to a head ; and so the situation developed.
Now, with regard to these soldiers, when they got back to the
villages, and when the land was nationalized by Lenine, they would
go up to the landed proprietor, and very often he had about half a
dozen estates, and if the landed proprietor had been a decent man to
them and treated them well in years gone by, the peasants would go
up to him and say, " Now, we do not want to turn you out. We
know you have been a decent man. You have got half a dozen
estates. You can only live in one house at a time. You keep one
and we will take over the others;" and that same thing has hap-
pened all over. Then there would be the other type of landed pro-
prietor, a very decent man, but narrowminded, the kind that could
only see his point of view. Very good hearted he was, really, but ow-
ing to the narrowness of his education he could not see the case for
the other 90 per cent. He thought the peasant was made of inferior
clay, and he would not talk to the peasant, it was beneath him to
talk to the peasant, and his argument usually consisted in pulling
out a revolver and firing it. Of course when it came to firing a
revolver all the force was on the other side, because the soldiers had
brought their rifles home with them, and it sometimes happened
that so-called atrocities of that sort occurred.
Now with regard to the taking over of the land, you know that
just well as I do, but I want tO' give my experience as I found it in
the Samara government, or around the outlying districts there. All
the land titles there to the land surrounding the villages were held by
the village, the local mir, the village mir, or the local soviet, and you
got as much land as you could work according to the number of
mouths you had to feed. The average citizen there, with six in a
family, got about 75 acres. Now, if you wanted to go to another
village you could not sell that land. It reverted back to the village.
It was yours only so long as you worked it.
Senator Nelson. The land, as a matter of fact, belonged to the
village ?
Mr. Keddie. That is right.
Senator Nelson. As a community?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; the title was vested in the village, and it was
yours only so long as you would work it. You could not sell it. If
you wanted to go away to another village you simply gave up your
732 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
right, and they would just give it to somebody else. And with regard
to the estate, for instance, the landed proprietor was treated in the
same way. If lie was a wealthy man and had lots of flocks and herds
and horees (some of them had camels, because they use camels in
the Samara government, in the winter time and in the summer; it
is very strange; but the camels are very easily fed; they can eat hay
and salt, and are so much easier and cheaper to keep than a horse)
the live stock was very often divided up in this way. A list was made
up by the village mir. A soldier's Avidow — and there were always a
good proportion of them in the average Russian \illagfr— or a sol-
dier without an arm, or a soldier without a leg, the men who had
been hurt and disabled, and those who were poor — generally there
was an order of precedence according to the need, and they received
a horse or a cow or a few sheep. Xow, I have been at those divisions.
I have seen them.
Senator Nelson. This was under the old system?
Mr. Keddie. No, no ; this was when the Bolsheviks came along, you
see, because it was only when Lenine nationalized the land, when the
soldiers got back, after making the sejiarate peace, that it was possible
for these things to happen. So that is how they did it. The list was
made out according to the need, and the soldier's widow would get a
cow or a horse; and a few brothers, if they had been aAvay fighting,
they would get something ; and so on. It Avas according to the need,
as a rule. There was a good deal of squabbling, it is true, but there
was never any shooting. It is untrue to say that the landed pro-
prietor, as a general rule, was shot. Very often the landed projDrietor
was to blame, himself. It is true to say that sometimes tlie peasants
were to blame. You can understand the situation, if you can only
put yourselves in the place of the Russian peasant, if you can only go
through the psychological changes that he Avent through ; simply sent
off to fight, cannon fodder ; brought up in a village Avhere he had no
school, no church, nothing done to help him. The situation Avas
really scandalous from the point of view of these Russian peasants.
They had no chance at all. They simply grew up, and the labor
supply was great, the industrial system Avas bad, there was ahvays
plenty of cheap labor; and of course bitterness got into the soul of
the poor peasant, and it is illustrated by Tolstoy's saying which the
peasants understand quite well, " The rich will do everything to help
the poor but get off their back." It is true, of course, that all this
upheaval has come about by illiterate peasants; but still, it was not
difficult for the peasant to understand that he was robbed.
Senator Sterling. Did it begin Avith the peasant, or did it begin
with the workman?
Mr. Keddie. My point is, I am describing the situation in the
Samara govememnt. I only want to talk about what I do know my-
self, what I ha,ve seen, and not so much from the towns. I told you
that my experience in the towns is not so good as my experience in
the country.
Senator Steeling. Do you not understand, however, that as a gen-
eral proposition it began not with the Russian peasant, the tiller of
the land, but with the workmen, and that they began the trouble to
begin with?
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; it is true to say that it began in that way.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 733
Senator Steeling. Yes.
Mr. Keddie. But, at the same time, the man who matters in Russia
is the Russian peasant. If to know the Russian peasant it is neces-
sary to live in 30 or 40 villages in European Russia, and perhaps say
in about another 20 in Siberia, as I have done, I claim that I know
something about what the Russian peasant is, his ideals, his aspira-
tions. He is only asking for his lawful rights. He is only trying
to create a new social order ; and, after all, that is what Bolshevism
is, an attempt to create a new social order in which it will be im-
possible for a rich man, no matter how rich, for a clever man, no
matter how clever, for a hardworking man, no matter how hard-
working— in which it shall be made impossible for that man to domi-
nate to an injurious degree the lives of other men, women, and
children.
Senator Overman. That is what they propose?
Mr. Keddie. And that is what they are trying to work out.
Senator Overman. Is that what they are working out?
Mr. Keddie. That is what they are trying to work out. Now, with
regard to the conditions when the Bolsheviki got into power
Senator Overman. How do you know that is what they are trying
to work out?
Mr. Keddie. Well, for instance, from what the peasants tell me.
Senator Overman. I am not talking about the peasants. I am
talking about the government that is in authority — Trotzky and
Lenine.
Mr. Keddie. Well, they say so, too.
Senator Overman. Have you talked to them?
Mr. Keddie. No ; I have not spoken to them.
Senator Overman. They have made glorious promises, have they
not?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Overman. But have they carried out those promises?
Mr. Keddie. Well, I think they have carried out some of them.
Senator Overman. Some of them?
Mr. Keddie. Yes. They have given the land to the people.
Senator Sterling. How about the industries of Russia ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; I am just coming to that in a little while. That
is rather the weak point of the Bolshevik government, as applied to
industry; but with regard to bolshevism as applied to agriculture,
it has been successful.
Mr. Humes. Let me ask you, now, in connection with the distri-
bution of this livestock. That livestock was loaned to the people,
then, was it ? It was not given to them ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; it was actually given to them.
Mr. Humes. Under the constitution of the government, all live-
stock is nationalized, and becomes the property of the state.
Mr. Keddie. That is quite true. You know quite well, sir, that
when you had your Revolutionary War, when you were wise enough
to govern your own affairs, what happened was that it took America
something like eight years to settle down and get a start, and it will
be something like the same thing in Russia. You can say anything
is written in the constitution, but Russia is such a tremendously big
country.
734 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. But Russia has a constitution to-day.
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Mr. Humes. They have already adopted their constitution.
Mr. Keddie. Yes, but you know that the railways are bad ; the com-
munication is bad. You know that it is a country about four and a
half times the size of the United States, forty-four times the size of
France. You know perfectly well that it is difficult to get these
peasants, who are ignorant, to understand the decrees that are sent
out from Moscow. What they do understand is, the land is given to
them.
Mr. Humes. Are we to understand you to say that the livestock
has not been nationalized, even though the constitution provides that
it shall be? Is that correct?
Mr. Keddie. In the Samara government it was handed over to the
peasants as their personal property.
Mr. Humes. Do you know what has been done in reference to it
anywhere else than in the Samara government ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; I have seen it in some other villages around the
Omsk and Tschelyabinsk districts.
Mr. Humes. Then the Bolshevik government in operation is en-
tirely different, or at least considerably different, from the Bolshevik
government as it is mapped out on paper ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes. I think that is not peculiar to Bolshevik gov-
ernments. I think every other government has a constitution of one
kind ; but while America has got about nine men sitting in permanent
session always interpreting what the Constitution means, how can
you wonder at a poor ignorant peasant not understanding exactly
what the constitution is?
Mr. Humes. I am not talking about the peasant; I am talking
about the application of these laws. Well, go ahead with your
statement.
Senator Overman. Have you been over this country preaching
Bolshevism to our people?
Mr. Keddie. No; I have not been preaching bolshevism. I have
spoken at a few meetings, but I have particularly been describing the
Friends' work. I am going home to Scotland as quickly as I can
get there; I hope to sail in a week or so. I have been speaking on
Friends' work, and have been answering questions with regard to
bolshevism because I have been in Russia.
Senator Nelson. Are you going back to Russia ?
Mr. Keddie. I want to if I can.
Senator Nelson. What do you want to do when you get back?
Mr. Keddie. I want to go back for the Society of Friends and do
relief work.
Senator Nelson. What do you expect to do when you get there?
Mr. Keddie. Well, the same kind of work as we have been doing.
What Russia wants is a number of teachers. Send as many people
as you like, but let them be teachers.
Senator Nelson. 'What do you propose to teach them?
Mr. Keddie. What we have been doing in our villages.
Senator Nelson. I mean what do you propose to teach them,
when you get back ? ■
Mr. Keddie. I am going to continue
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 735
Senator Nelson. What do you propose to do ?
Mr. Keddie. By instituting libraries; having libraries in the vil-
lages; having trades schools for the boys and girls, so that they can
learn a trade, a chance that they have not- had. The great trouble
in Eussian villages is that in the summer time the peasant can work,
but in the long, weary winter months, there is little for them to do,
and they have had no education and they have had no libraries.
Senator Nelson. Here is one thing that I want to call your at-
tention to. You complained a moment ago about the old Eussian
system
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Where the land had been assigned by the mir,
the community, did you not?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And that the land was simply apportioned to the
peasants, to be cultivated. One year it would be on this side and
the next year on the other side of the village ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Wherein does this new system differ from that —
this new land system of the Bolshevik government — where the state
assumes the ownership of the land and simply proposes to apportion
the use of it to the workers ?
Mr. Keddie. It differs in this way, that before, you had the landed
proprietor ■
Senator Nelson. No, I mean now. Do not get off the fence.
Mr. Keddie. I am not getting off the fence.
Senator Nelson. I refer to the village community.
Mr. Keddie. The village community has taken over the land of the
landed proprietor.
Senator Nelson. No, no, but the land they had. Wherein does this
system of the Bolshevik government, in control now, differ from the
old mir system that prevailed before?
Mr. Keddie. I am telling you, if you will just give me an oppor-
tunity to. The landed proprietor does not exist. His land has been
taken away from him.
Senator Nelson. You know that you are dodging the question.
Just listen to me. Did you not say that the land belonged to these
village communities?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; it is taken over and held by them.
Senator Nelson. It was held by them under the Czar's govern-
ment, was it not ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes, but you must bear in mind
Senator Nelson. Was not that so? Did not the land belong to
the village communities under the Czar's government?
Mr. Keddie. No; it belonged to the landed proprietors.
Senator Nelson. In these villages ?
Mr. Keddie. Very often.
Senator Nelson. 'There you are mistaken; that is not true. In these
village communities most 'of it belonged to them. That was a part
of the scheme when the serfs were set free.
Mr. Keddie. Excuse me, but you said that I said something that is
not true. I am only talking of what I have seen, and what I do know;
and I can assure you
736 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. And that is in the Samai'a government on the
lower Volga.
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Xelson. Is that country occupied by the Cossacks?
Mr. Keddie. Xo ; the Cossacks are farther to the south.
Senator Nelson. Is not their land system different?
Mr. KIDDIE. Quite.
Senator Nelson. They own their own lands?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Nelson. They get them in fee for their military service?
Mr. Keddie. Yes, and that is the cause of the trouble between the
Bolsheviks and the Cossacks. The Bolsheviks inaintain that the Cos-
sacks should have the same system as the others.
Senator Nelson. And they propose to take the land away from the
Cossacks ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Nelson. I am coming back to the mir system. Under the mir
system the land was assigned to the community, and the officials of
the community apportioned land for cultivation to a peasant, one
year, you say, so many versts on this side and next year so many
versts on the other side. Wherein does the present system of the
Bolshevik government differ from that system? They had no title
before — the peasants — ^they had no individual title before, and they
get none now. They get simply the privilege of using what is
assigned to them.
Mr. Keddie. Now they have got all the land. The landed pro-
prietor
Senator Nelson. You are dodging the question; you are talking
about the landed proprietor and I am talking about the community.
Senator Overman. He is talking about the community land, and you
persist in getting back to the landed proprietor.
Senator Nelson. I want you to keep to your text. I want you to tell
me when I ask, and to keep on a straight road a while.
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Nelson. I know something about Russian affairs. Now
you are trying to quibble. You kept on the straight road for a while,
and told a good story, and now you are dodging.
Mr. Keddie. No ; I am not. Just let me answer.
Senator Nelson. The point is this. You know that practically
there is no difference between the land system of Trotzky and Lenine
under the soviet government and the old system that prevailed in
these mirs. In neither case was the peasant permitted to own the
land in fee that he cultivated. Is not that true ?
Mr. Keddie. No ; it is not. I have listened now to you for about
10 minutes, and will you not please let me answer with regard to
this question?
Senator Nelson. I want to caution you. I laiow something about
the Russian situation, I have studied it, and if you do not tell the
truth, I shall know it.
Mr. Keddie. Yes; quite. Under the Samara government we had
the landed proprietor who owned, we will say, 150,000 to 200,000
acres of land, that land being very often on the railroad track, and
they were holding until such time as the price would rise. Under
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 737
the present system over there, you see, all this land is taken over by
the peasants.
Senator Nelson. Under those landed proprietors, according to the
description you gave a while ago, the land was assigned, one year so
many versts on one side and the next year so many on the other ; but
that was not the way the landed proprietors did. That was the prac-
tice that prevailed in the mir system.
Mr. Keddie. The village mir was controlled by the Czar's govern-
ment through gendarmes and through the representatives of the land-
owning interests, and that is reversed now.
Senator Nelson. Do you not know that a large share of the land
was secured by the Czar's government for these village mirs, these
communities ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; and I also know that the rich landed proprietor
had a tremendous amount of land and the poor peasant got the worst
land.
Senator Overman. He is not speaking of the landed proprietor.
He is speaking of the mir land, as you call it.
Senator Nelson. I am speaking of the community land. You get
back always to the landed proprietor.
Senator Overman. We know that they have taken the land over.
Senator Nelson is talking about the land owned by the community.
What difference is there between that system and tlae new system?
Mr. KEDorB. Only that he has a better choice of land. Before, the
landed proprietor had the best land.
Senator Nelson. You get off the reservation. You go to the pri-
vate lands.
Senator Sterling. Did the landed proprietor have any control
over the community property, over the land controlled by the vil-
large or mir? Did the individual landed proprietor have any con-
trol over that — ^the land that Senator Nelson is asking you about and
which you say was assigned by the village, the community, to differ-
ent peasants, first on one side and then on another side of the vil-
lage? Did the landed proprietor have any control of that land?
Mr. Keddie. He had control so far as his wealth and power
allowed. He had bought up the best land, and therefore the peasants
had to be content with inferior land. That is the difference.
Senator Nelson. That again brings you back to the land he owned,
and does not refer to the village community. We are speaking about
the land that was assigned to the mir, that they held as community
property.
Mr. Keddie. The mir now has all the land.
Senator Nelson. Under the mir system the peasants did not get
title in fee. They were simply assigned a certain amount of land to
cultivate.
Mr. Keddie. Sometimes they bought the land.
Senator Nelson. Was not that the rule — that the land was assigned
to them for cultivation ?
Mr. Keddie. Sometimes it was.
Senator Nelson. Sometimes ? You know it was generally the case.
Mr. Keddie. Not in this district where I was.
Senator Nelson. I mean throughout Russia. If you know any-
thing about the Russian system of government, that is, the land sys-
85723—19 47
738 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
tern — and as a matter of fact you described it correctly at one time
when you were on the right track — you know that the land belonged
to the village communities, or the mirs, assigned to them. It was the
property of the community, and the conmiunity apportioned the land
year by year for cultivation to the peasants ; and the peasant at one
time might have land on this side and another year on the other side,
and so on. That you stated correctly. But under that system the
peasants did cultivate the land and were not the owners of it. It was
the community that had the title to the land.
Mr. Keddie. Yerv often.
Senator Nelson. Very often? That was the general rule outside
of the private proprietors. I am speaking of the communities. I say
where that system prevailed the peasants did not have title to the
land. They simply had the right to cultivate it, and it was assigned
to them by the village authorities.
Mr. Keddie. They had the right to buy the land.
Senator Xelson. Yes; but wherein did that system that simply as-
signed the right to cultivate the land from year to year diflfer from
this Bolshevik system ''. The only difference is that under that system
the conm.iunity owned the land, and under this the state owns it.
The state assigns the land for cultivation instead of the community.
Mr. Keddie. No. When you talk about the state in Russia and talk
about the village council, that is the same thing.
Senator Nelson. Wherein does it differ? In neither case does the
peasant become the owner of this community land. He has simply
the right to cultivate it, and under the Bolshevik system he never
can become the owner in fee, as you can in England — and I take it
that you are from England ?
Mr. Keddie. Scotland.
Senator Nelson. He can not become the owner of any piece of land
under this new Eussian system.
Mr. Keddie. That is true.
Senator Nelson. And I take it from your attitude that you rather
favor that.
Mr. Keddie. Yes. I think it was very unfair that the landed pro-
prietor should have 150,000 to 200,000 acres of land
Senator Nelson. You rather favor the idea that the Eussian peas-
ant should not acquire the ownership of any land, that he should be
a cotter, and cultivate a little one year here and the next year over
there, the government to control, and that he should keep on living
from hand to mouth. That is what you believe in, is it not ?
Mr. Kiddie. No ; it is not what I believe in. What I believe in is
that the peasant who does the work should control and own the land.
Senator Nelson. But he does not own it. You do not give it to
him.
Mr. Keddie. Oh, yes, he does.
Senator Nelson. You know better. Do not equivocate. He never
becomes the owner of it in fee simple, as you become the owner of a
piece of land in England, if you buy it.
Mr. Keddie. That is true, but he gets the produce off that land
so long as he works it.
Senator Nelson. Why, Uncle Sam can give you a place down here
on the commons and allow you to raise cabbages and potatoes on it
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 739
and you get the usufruct, of cabbages and potatoes; but the land
is Uncle Sam's and you have no more interest in it than the man
in the moon ; and that is the way with the Eussian peasant, and you
know it.
Senator Steeling. Do you believe in this nationalization of land ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Steeling. And in the nationalization of personal prop-
erty, the nationalization of horses and cattle and sheep? You be-
lieve in that, do you ?
Mr. Keddie. I believe the means of life, the waterways, the mines,
and all the railways, and the necessary means of life, should be
owned by the people.
Senator Sterling. Well
Mr. Keddie. Oh, just excuse me for a second. The point I want
to make is that now in Eussia the average intelligent Russian worker
believes that capitalism has served a very useful purpose. It has
helped industry to organize. But now the system is that the wealth
of the country, the wealth of one of these capitalistic concerns, is
produced cooperatively, and they want to make it so that the profits
should be shared cooperatively, and not go to shareholders who
simply invest their money and live on the interest.
Senator Nelson. They divide the people into two classes there,
the workingman and the capitalist ?
Mr. Keddie. No ; there are no capitalists now.
Senator Nelson. When you go back to Eussia are you to be classed
as a workingman under the soviet government instead of a literary
man — as a kind of a Silas Wegg ? They would tell you to go to work
and cultivate with a hoe and a spade and a shovel.
Mr. Keddie. Not necessarily.
Senator Nelson. Are you prepared to do that?
Mr. Keddie. No; they do not expect me to do that. They have
brain workers ■
Senator Nelson. What do they expect you to do — ^to be a mission-
ai'y for the Bolshevik propaganda?
Mr. Keddie. No ; under the Eussian system you could go on over
there and carry on some very good work, as in this country you can
do, quietly and peacefully. The government in Moscow is a govern-
ment of law and order.
Senator Nelson. To-day?
Mr. Keddie. To-day. Where the fighting is going on is largely
because the allies have created a steel ring all around Eussia. They
have taken Murmansk and Archangel and Odessa, and many other
places, and they are financing the enemies of the Bolshevik govern-
ment.
Senator Nelson.- In the name of the Bolshevik movement
Mr. Keddie. Hold on, excuse me for a second.
Senator Nelson. You hold on. Have not the allies relieved the
Eussians from the bargain of the treaty of Brest-Litovsk ; have not
the allies relieved them of that, and did not the Lenine government
relinquish and throw up to the Germans the Ukraine, and the Baltic
Provinces, Finland and Livonia and Courland, and did not the
Lenine government surrender that in the treaty of Brest-Litovsk;
740 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
and did they not give the Germans some two or three hundred mil-
lion dollars in gold?
Mr. Keddie. Yes. Can I have 10 minutes now, without interrup-
tion?
Senator Nelson. Well, keep on the straight and narrow path.
Senator Overjian. Then you think that your own country is treat-
ing the people badly over there ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; I think that the allies should not be there in
Russia. I am against re\'olution. I am in favor of accelerating
social evolution. It is because of the world-wide situation that I
am so anxious about it. If I could give you gentlemen an open mind
on the Russian question, and you could solve that, you would solve
the same question in England, in Scotland, in Roumania, in Poland,
in France, in Italj', for it is a world-wide question.
Senator Nelson. And your solution is that you want the Bolshe-
vik government to prevail in Russia?
Mr. Keddie. If you will just allow me to answer
Senator Nelson. Just tell me that.
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; but I just want to tell you, if you will allow me
to, with regard to what is going on in Russia to-day. I regard it as
the one creative social experiment that has come out of the war,
and it behooves other countries, where the government is better than
the Czar's government was — the Czar's government was rotten at the
core, it was built in the sand, and when the wind of democracy
came along it blew it away, it fell down, and many good people
were hurt ; and they are trying to create a new form of government
a.nd social order. It is only an experiment. It has been in opera-
tion only IS months. It may fail. But Avhat I do say is. learn
the facts. Let us know the truth.
We know perfectlj- well what things are not right in our own
countiy, and I am talking of England and Scotland and France,
and not the United States. We see that the situation is not right.
Senator Steeling. Do you think that that is true of the United
States, that it is not right ? ,
Mr. Keddie. No; I do not think so.
Senator Nelson. Do you believe that plan of government that they
have outlined is the best thing for Russia ?
Mr. Keddie. Would you just allow me to answer
Senator Nelson. What good does it do to allow you to go on
when you do not answer the questions?
Mr. I&;ddie. Let me have 10 minutes by my watch.
Senator Nelson. Go ahead.
Mr. Keddie. The allies have created a steel ring around the Bol-
sheviki movement. They have right now 100,000 Czecho-Slovaks,
and there are many thousand Americans and British and French
and Italians. They control the railroad lines right along to the
Ural Mountains. Admiral Kolchak is a dictator, but he does not
dictate, because the people in the villages do not pay any atten-
tion to him. He has set aside 1,700,000 bushels of grain for vodka,
which under normal circumstances would go to starving Petrograd
and Moscow. It is criminal to do that. It is being used for vodka.
Under the Bolsheviks vodka has not been started again, even though
there is necessity for revenue, because the average Russian peasant
BOi;SHBVIK PROPAGANDA. 741
does not quite understand what has come about. He knows that he
has got the land and that there is safety in his government, but he
has not been educated up to the point of paying taxes. When I was
in Moscow last there was a tax on pianos and on lamp globes,
and there was an income tax which, of course, hardly anybody paid,
because nobody was making any income. There was an indirect
tax on goods going over the railroad lines, something like 3 to 10
per cent, according to the nature of the goods; but there was one
way that Lenine and those that were associated with him could have
gotten money out of the peasants, and that was by starting up vodka
again. They did not do it, and the peasant is paying a tax — at least
he was in the Samara government — on lands, a kind of single tax ;
but other taxes he was not paying.
Senator Nelson. When you get through I Avould like to have you
answer my questions.
Mr. Keddie. Excuse me just a second. You have given me only 2
minutes, and I wanted 10.
Senator Overman. Go ahead with your 10 minutes.
Mr. Kedddb. The situation in Russia, owing to the intervention, is
that it is turning moderate socialists, men who have beliefs like
Kerensky, into extremists like Maxim Gorky. While I was in Mos-
cow I used to find this newspaper, the New Life. This newspaper
which he controlled was published in Petrograd, and this newspaper
all the time was criticizing the Bolsheviks from the point of view of
constructive criticism.
Senator Nelson. That is suppressed now, is it not?
Mr. Keddie. I do not know whether it is suppressed or not, but as
a constructionist I am appealing to-day to try to improve our social
order, so that we can all have equality of opportunity. I do not be-
lieve in revolutions, for from all points of view they are unscientific.
It is for these reasons that I urge we should accelerate our social evo-
lution and improve matters. With regard to Maxim Gorky, he was
giving this constructive criticism all the time, and then when inter-
vention came along, when the allies took Murmansk and Archangel, he
said, " I have a choice, I can hardly be on the side of the allies, who
are coming along to establish the old order, or I can be on the side
of the peasants and workmen's government, and there is only one
choice, I shall be with the peasants." There is Martov, another Men-
shevik, and there is Tchernotf , who is another revolutionafy, and these
men have gone over now to the Bolshevik idea. That does not neces-
sarily mean that they believe everything that the Bolsheviks do. In
the Bolshevik movement are men of all different shades of opinion ;
whereas, on the other hand, if you withdraw your troops out of
Siberia and European Russia, the Russian situation
Senator Overman. Please let me interrupt. You say that they
have gone over to the Bolshevik government. Have they done that
as a matter of choice?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Overman. Have not millions of people gone over to that
government, as a matter of fact, because of the reign of terror?
Mr. Keddie. No ; Tchernoff was up amongst the Czecho-Slovaks in
Ekaterinberg. There was no need for him to go. He did not agree
with Kolchak. Kolchak tried to arrest him.
742 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. I again repeat the question. Are you -in favor
of the present Bolshevik government in Russia as it is planned, and
as it is existing to-day?
Mr. Keddie. Senator Nelson, you promised to give me 10 minutes.
Senator Nelson. You were to take 10 minutes to answer the ques-
tion.
Mr. Keddie. No; you were to give me 10 minutes to say what I
have to say.
Senator Overman. Go on; and then we will require you to answer
that question after you get through.
Mr. Keddie. Yes. I have talked to Ambassador Morris over that
same question. He was anxious to get the point of view of the
peasants in the villages. He is the American ambassador to Japan.
I have also talked to Gen. Graves, the commander in chief of the
American troops, perhaps the most broad-minded and finest man
I met during the time I have been in Russia or Siberia. My feeling
is, after having been over there for two years and four months, that
if the allied troops were withdrawn, owing to many people being, so
called, in the Bolshevik party, although they are really not of the
same opinion, are not so extreme — if the troops were withdrawn,
there is a possibility that a moderate opposition would arise to the
Bolsheviks, or they would divide among themselves. In other words,
I do maintain that the Bolsheviks — or the Russians, rather, I should
not say the Bolsheviks — I do maintain that the Russians are the best
people to settle their own affairs. If you have a quarrel in your own
house, you do not want me to come in and try to settle it. When
America was fighting the South, how would she have liked it if
France had interfered on one side or the other ? America wants the
Monroe doctrine. Why should not Russia have a little Monroe doc-
trine of her own? It is true that Kolchak and some of these other
people could not stand five minutes, if the allied troops were not
there. The mere fact of their being there makes them clearly on
the side of privilege and property and reaction.
Mr. Humes. Why are you so anxious to go back to Russia to par-
ticipate in Russian affairs, if you think that they should be let alone?
Mr. Keddie. I am a free man, and I can go to any country in the
world that I want to.
Senator Nelson. Will you please answer my question? I asked
you whether 'you are in favor of the Bolshevik government as exist-
ing and planned in Russia to-day ?
Mr. Keddie. No. I am in favor of what they are trying to do —
trying to create.
Senator Nelson. Can you not give a direct answer ?
Mr. Keddie. I said no. I am against the use of violence. I am a
pacifist. I am against the use of force.
Senator Nelson. I thought so. Do you expect to pacify these
Bolsheviki when you go over there? Do you expect to stop them
using force?
Mr. Keddie. I do think that owing to the success that Tolstoi's
teaching has had over there in Russia there is a great proportion
of people who are nearer being pacifists, who are nearer being Chris-
tians from the point of view or peace and war, than any other na-
tionality that I know of.
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 743
Senator Nelson. Would you not think that your first mission as a
lover of peace, when you got to Russia would be to stop this Bol-
shevik government and the Eed Guard from carrying on a reign of
terror ? Would not that naturally strike you as the best missionary
wol-k that you could do over there ?
Mr. Keddie. Quite ; but
Senator Nelson. And you expect to do that, do you — to go over
there and pacify the Red' Guard and the revolutionists? Is that
your mission ?
Mr. Keddie. I go over there to carry on what I consider to be right ;
to propagate truth and justice as I understand it.
Senator Overman. Now, I have got your viewpoint. I suppose it
is the viewpoint of the majority of your people in London, in Great
Britain. If these men that have been sent over there, wise men, from
England and from France and the United States should say that
there is a reign of terror there, and unless we remain there and help
the people to work out their salvation there is going to be starvation
and a reign of terror there the like of which has never been heard of
anywhere, murder and rapine, do you not think that to keep the
forces there for the purpose of helping those people to work out
their salvation would be to better that condition ?
Mr. Keddie. No, sir ; I do not agree to that. That is not the truth.
Senator Overman. I am not saying that it is ; but I say, suppose we
believe that instead of your viewpoint being correct, the viewpoint of
dozens of other people who have been there, who have a different
viewpoint, is correct
Mr. Keddie. But you are just stating what is not true. The So-
ciety of Friends is working in Moscow to-day, cooperating with Tol-
stoyans. They are working in Moscow to-day. Everybody is not
being shot or killed. I was not shot or killed.
Senator Overman. I do not suppose that everybody is being killed ;
but I say, suppose what these people say is correct, that if the forces
were withdrawn from there, there would be that condition? I am
not saying that it is true or that it is not true, but supposing that I
believe and that the Government of the United States and the Govern-
ment of England and the Government of France believe that that
would be the situation, do you not think it would be right for them to
stay there?
Mr. Keddie. No ; I think the troops should be withdrawn.
Senator Overman. I know you think so, but you have not answered
my question.
Mr. Keddie. Yes. What is it?
Senator Overman. Suppose they believed that there would be a
reign of terrorism such as the world has never seen, and starvation
and rapine and murder in all that country if these troops were taken
out of there, would you be in favor of withdrawing them if this
Government believed that and France and Great Britain believed it,
and as the world believes ?
Mr. Keddie. No ; I do not think you can prevent
Senator Overman. I am not asking you anything else. Answer
my question.
Mr. Keddie. But I can not answer for the governments.
Senator Overman. But I say, suppose they believed it?
744 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Mr. Keddie. I can not believe that.
Senator Overman. I know you can not believe it, but I am making
a supposition. Supposing you did believe it ?
Mr. Keddie. No ; that is not a fair question.
Senator Overman. Why?
Mr. Keddie. No, sir.
Senator Overman. Why not?
Mr. Keddie. Because I can not believe it.
Senator Overman. I am not asldng you to believe it, but I say,
suppose you believed from that viewpoint. You are taking it only
from your viewpoint. Therefore you are not fair.
Mr. Kxddee. I am only speaking from my own viewpoint.
Senator Overman. I am asking you, if you did believe it.
Mr. Keddie. But I do not believe it.
Senator Overman. Answer my question ; if you did believe it
Mr. Keddie. No, sir ; I can not believe it.
Senator Overman. But I say if you did believe it?
Mr. Keddie. That is not a fair question.-
Senator Overman. It is a fair question.
Mr. Keddie. I am not going to try to believe something that I can
not believe.
Senator Overman. I know that you do not believe it, but I say, if
you did believe it, as I might believe it, and putting yourself in my
place, then you would be in my place exactly. I am not putting
myself in your place, but I am asking you to put yourself in my
place, now, and if you believed that, in my place, as representing the
Government, what would you think about it ?
Mr. Keddie. How can I answer that, when I can not be in your
position ? If I am in your position, I can only think as I think, and
I say that the troops should be drawn out.
Senator Overman. I have admitted that
Mr. Keddie. Oh, a man can not believe what he does not believe.
Let us talk about some other question.
Senator Nelson. Do you believe that the Bolshevik system should
be established in the United States ?
Mr. Kja>DiB. No.
Senator Nelson. Why?
Mr. Keddie. Because I should like to have a better social order of
things, which the chances are we might get.
Senator Nelson. You think they would get it. You intimated
awhile ago that if we would let alone the Bolsheviki in Eussia it
would have a good effect on Germany, England, and other countries ;
it would tend to infuse the Bolshevik spirit into them.
Mr. Keddie. Senator Nelson
Senator Nelson. You intimated that awhile ago.
Mr. Keddie. Yes. Of course, you have got to understand that what
you have in your mind in regard to Bolshevism and what I mean by
Bolshevism are two different things entirely. You have in your
mind this great monster that is eating up everything and destroy-
ing all the time, and you have no idea of the construction
Senator Nelson. Is not that what it is?
Mr. Keddie. No, sir.
Senator Nelson. Is not that what it is to-dav?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 745
Mr. Keddie. No, sir.
Senator Nelson. You have not been there for over a year ?
Mr. Keddie. I left there in December.
Senator Nelson. Yes, and went on the railroad; and that is all
you know ?
Mr. Keddie. No. And I left in October — European Eussia.
Mr. Humes. You left there last summer?
Mr. E^eddie. Not last summer. I left in October. I was in Sa-
mara.
Senator Overman. My dear friend, of course the Bolshevik gov-
ernment would protect you and give you a pass and let you go
whenever you liked ?
Mr. Keddie. They did not. I was imprisoned by the Bolsheviki.
Senator Overman. And then they reformed you?
Mr. Keddie. No ; I was reformed before they put me in prison.
Senator Overman. You had to make your choice, then, like these
others, when you were in prison.
Senator Nelson. You had to turn Bolshevik, then ?
Mr. Keddie. No, sir.
Senator Overman. What did they put you in prison for?
Mr. Keddie. About the time they took Bozuluk
Senator Nelson. Who put you in prison?
Mr. Keddie. The Bolsheviki. The Eed Guard.
Senator Overman. What did they put you in prison for?
Senator Nelson. The Red Guard did not know what your senti-
ments were, evidently.
Mr. Keddie. That is quite true ; they did not know. They thought
that I was in charge of English propaganda there. It happened
like this. It was the time of the occupation of the Bolsheviki, and
the Czecho-Slovak advance, and you know that they captured the
gold supply of the Bolsheviki, 300,000,000 of gold bullion and
200,000,000 of silver bullion. It is now in Moscow. They advanced,
and the Czecho-Slovaks had taken Samara, and then they advanced
and took Bozuluk.
Senator Nelson. Where were you in prison? At what place?
Mr. Keddie. I am just going to tell you.
Senator Nelson. How long does it take you? Can you not give
the name of the place?
Mr. Keddie. In Bozuluk.
Senator Nelson. Where?
Mr. Keddie. In Bozuluk.
Senator Nelson. Where is that, on the Volga?
Mr. Keddie. It is midway between Samara and Orenburg.
Senator Nelson. It is in European Russia?
Mr. Keddee. Yes.
Senator Nelson. How far south from Perm ?
Mr. KEDbiE. It is a long ways from Perm. It is 161 versts from
Samara.
Senator Nelson. Is it on the Volga?
Mr. Keddie. No ; it is on the railway line, along the line that runs
to Tashkent.
Senator Overman. Now, tell us where they put you in prison.
746 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Mr. Keddie. We were in Bozuluk, and we attempted to go to our
orphanage there. When the refugees were driven from Poland
everything Avas all mixed up, and we had something like 140 children
in the orphanage. We were running hospitals in the country dis-
tricts. American friends were cooperating with us, and we had
libraries in every district. We had village industries. For instance,
we bought raw hemp and wool and flax and we turned it into mate-
rial— into clothing. We paid the refugees for doing it. We paid
them the money while they were doing it.
Senator Overman. That is not why they put you in jail, is it? I
wish you would get to that. I asked you why they put you in jail.
Mr. Keddie. I was going from Bozuluk to the orphanage, and I was
going to cross the bridge, and I did not know that the Cossacks were
so near on the other side, and I was arrested.
Senator Overman. By the Cossacks ?
Mr. Keddie. No; by the Red Guard. The Cossacks were coming
on the other side, and they were fighting against the Red Guards.
I was arrested and taken along — three of us were arrested. I was
the only one that spoke Russian. We were arrested by four of the
Red Guards, and they had riflles and fixed bayonets and hand
grenades. They took us to prison.
Senator Overman. Why ?
Mr. Keddie. Because they thought we were engaged in English
propaganda.
Mr. Humes. How many of you were locked up ?
Mr. Keddie. Only three of ourselves.
Mr. Humes. You were not in there long enough to see any of your
friends taken out and shot, were you ?
Mr. Keddie. 'No, sir.
Mr. Humes. You were more fortunate than others ?
Mr. Keddie. I do not think that the Bolsheviks killed any more
people than the Cossacks. I have spoken with Gen. Dutoff, and he
boasted — or rather, I should not say boasted, but he mentioned — ^that
he had signed the death warrants of 700 Bolsheviks.
Senator Nelson. What has become of those colleagues of yours that
were arrested with you ?
Mr. Keddie. We got out together, the three of us.
Senator Nelson. They were of the same class — Friends ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes, sir; they were Friends. One was an American
young lady.
Senator Nelson. You were not caught in the draft?
Mr. Keddie. No ; I was a conscientious objector. I would just like
to make another point about what I said of Moscow. When the
church was disestablished — when Lenine disestablished the church
Senator Nelson. Tell us what the German officers clid. Did they
not help to organize the Red Guard and did not the German prison-
ers join the Red Guard ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; there were German prisoners in the Red Guard,
it is true.
Senator Nelson. And did not the German officers help them to
organize that force?
Mr. Keddie. It is commonly said so.
Senator Nelson. How?
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 747
Mr. Keddie. It is commonly said so.
Senator Nelson. And did not the Germans, so far as they could,
cooperate with the Red Guard there and with the Bolshevik gov-
ernment ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; many Germans actually became Bolsheviks —
really became believers in this system of government.
Senator Nelson. Evidently some of them have carried it back to
Germany now, according to last accounts.
Mr. Keddie. Yes; that was done through the propaganda which
was carried on by Lenine and Trotzky. They sent newspapers over
into the German trenches, and while the German troops were fra-
ternizing so well with the Russian troops. Then they ordered the
German troops over to the other front, and the troops said they
had had enough, and a revolution broke out in the interior of Ger-
many and the Bolsheviks saved 500,000 American boys' lives. The
American military authorities said the war would last another year.
Mr. Humes. You have been reading Albert Rhys Williams's book?
Mr. Keddie. I do not know him.
Mr. Humes. You are quoting his figures?
Mr. Keddie. I have never met him.
Mr. Humes. But you have read his book ?
Mr. Keddie. I have read his book.
Mr. Humes. And you are adopting his figures and his argument,
are you not ?
Mr. Keddie. I am not accepting his facts at all.
Mr. Humes. But you are adopting his figures exactly.
Mr. Keddie. I have never met him at all.
Senator Nelson. Have you written a book on this subject?
Mr. Keddie. No.
Senator Nelson. Have you written any newspaper articles?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; but the newspapers would not print them.
[Laughter.]
Senator Nelson. Have you made any speeches on the subject?
Mr. Keddie. No ; I have not gone out to speak on Bolshevism.
Senator Nelson. Who pays your expenses?
Mr. Keddie. I have not had any payment for working in Russia
at all. I am not having any payment.
Senator Nelson. You are working at your own expense? All
that you have done is at your own expense ?
Mr. Keddie. No; I have not had any salary. The Friends have
settled for my food and traveling.
Senator Nelson. Did anybody connected with the Bolshevik gov-
ernment, while you were over there, furnish you with any funds ?
Mr. Kjeddte. No, sir.
Senator Nelson. Or did you get any food cards from them ?
Mr. Keddie.. They helped. It did not make any difference to us
whether under the Czar's government or the Czecho-Slovaks or the
Bolsheviks ; things went on much the same.
Senator Nelson. You had four classes of food cards there? There
were those who were actually laborers who were given a full ration,
and the others did not get so much? Capitalists would get nothing?
Mr. Keddie. There are no capitalists, at all.
Senator Nelson. Did you get any food cards at all?
748
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Overman. Wait a minute. You say there are no capi-
talists. A man who has got a horse or a white shirt is a capitalist.
Mr. Keddie. What do you mean by a capitalist?
Senator Nelson. You say there are not any capitalists there.
Mr. Keddie. I would say that a capitalist is a man who has some
big factory, and his profit is made cooperatively, but he holds the
profits privately. In other words, through the money he has in-
vested he is living largely on interest. That is what I understand by
a capitalist.
Senator Nelson. What property do you own?
Mr. Keddie. What property do I own?
Senator Nelson. Yes; what are you the owner of?
Mr. Keddie. Where? Wherebouts do you mean?
Senator Nelson. I mean anywhere. What property do you own?
Mr. Keddie. I do not know that I have got very much. I have
not got very much worth talking about.
Senator Nelson. Oh, have you not?
Mr. Keddie. No.
Senator Nelson. Are you not afraid of losing it when you go over
to Eussia?
Mr. Keddie. No ; I do not think so. What I want to say is this.
If you are a man and you go down in a coal mine and work, or if
you go in some factory and work hard, and you get $20 a week or so,
I want to know what chance you have of learning to appreciate
music and literature and ethics and religion, and how you can under-
stand and admire the beauties of nature, and how the lilies of the
field grow?
Senator Overman. We take care of that in the coal mines. They
have reading rooms and libraries and facilities of every kind. You
are not posted on the situation here.
Do you want everybody to know poetry and to know how to play
on the piano?
Mr. Keddie. I want everybody to have enough leisure so that they
can develop the spark of God that is in them.
Senator Overinian. You do not want everybody to be a poet and
a scholar?
Mr. Keddie. No ; but I want everybody to have the chance to enjoy
things.
Senator Overman. You want to give them a chance?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Do you know that in building up our western
country the Government gave our people free lands; that they said
to them, " If you will cultivate these lands for five yeai-s and make
them your homes, we will give you a quarter section, 160 acres of
land, for nothing?" That was a great encouragement.
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Now if your Bolshevik government, of which you
are a missionary, should come in here
Mr. Keddie. 1 am not a missionary of the Bolshevik government.
Senator Nelson (continuing). And confiscate all that property
and take it away from those people, do you think our people would
enjoy that?
Mr. Keddie. I am not a missionary for the Bolsheviks, i do not
think that the United States people want it. The United States is
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 749
a young country, and there is an opportunity for lands opening up.
Senator Nelson. What countries do you think want it, and need
it? You think Russia needs it?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; old countries, like England Dnd France, require
a new social order.
Senator Nelson. Something of the Bolshevik kind?
Mr. Keddie. No; not of the Bolshevik kind.
Senator Nelson. You think that is only good for Eussia?
Mr. Keddie. I did not say it was good for Russia, even. I say
that to create.a new social order in Russia is a good thing, where you
are going to give 90 per cent of the people a chance where they did
not have it before.
Senator Nelson. And the way to create a new social order is to
take away all the incentive for the acquirement of private property ?
Mr. Keddie. No, sir.
Senator Nelson. And to say to the poor Russian peasant, " You
can cultivate this land and till it and work as hard as you are a mind
to, but never in God's world can you own a foot of it ! " That is
your gospel ? That is your doctrine ?
Mr. Keddie (looking at his wrist watch) . I wish a chance to speak.
Senator Nelson. That is the Bolshevik doctrine. That is your
doctrine? That is socialism. You are a socialist. Oh, take your
wrist watch there, and take your 10 minutes.
Mr. Keddie. Yes. You know that in Scotland the northern clans
used to go out and clean out the other clans whenever the weather was
good, and take everything they had. Then, after we got a little more
education, they had one king. Then Scotland used to do the same
thing to the English ; the Scotch Aveiit over the border ; and then the
English went back over the border, and so it went on back and forth.
Then they had one king and a union of the crowns.
In other words, the point has passed when I can go into your house
and take what I want by violence. We are past that stage. But
we have not yet passed the stage where if I have a better brain than
you, by our present legal machinery I can starve you out or starve
other people out by the superior use of my brain ; I can dominate and
rule and starve out other people, and do it legally. That is what I
want to correct.
Senator Nelson. The Bolshevik government has not yet reached
that stage?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; they
Senator Nelson. They do not hesitate to go into private houses
and drive people out and occupy them.
Mr. Keddie. Yes. I am against that.
Senator Nelson. We have evidence before this committee here of
men who have seen it. They drove the people out of their houses
and took possession and occupied them — the Red Guards.
Mr. Keddie. Not at all. Not at all!
Senator Nelson. Oh, yes ; they did.
Mr. Keddie. Not at all.
Senator Overman. We had better take a recess here.
Mr. Humes. This is the only witness we have for to-day. Senator.
Senator Overman. Very well ; if there is no other witness, go ahead
and let us finish with him.
750 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. KJEDDEE. I was going to tell you about the disestablishment of
the church. When Lenine disestablished the church, they took over
about 400,000,000 acres of land and gave it to the peasants.
Senator Nelson. He did not give it to the peasants, but he gave it
to the State.
Mr. Keddie. Well, the State or the peasants. If I am saying any-
thing that is wrong, iust let me finish, please.
Senator Nelson. You are misrepresenting it when you say he took
it from the church and gave it to the peasants.
Mr. Keddie. Yes; he did.
Senator Nelson. He did not give it to the peasants.
Mr. Keddie. Yes; he did.
Senator Nelson. He did not give them title to it.
Mr. Keddie. They have title to it as long as they work it.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Keddie. Well, the Greek Orthodox Church organized a pro-
test against the taking over of those 400,000,000 acres of land. I was
in Moscow at that particular time. It was a beautiful Sunday
morning when they had this procession. The sun was shining per-
fectly. Their protest took the form of a procession. The priests
and lots of people came out, with all the rich ritual and beauty
of the Greek Orthodox Church, the priests clad in their robes and
with their miters on their heads, and carrying their icons, with
lighted candles in their hands, chanting hymns and prayers, pro-
testing against the land of the church being taken away from them.
The Bolsheviks organized a reply to them. Their reply took the
form of a bill, about this wide and this long [indicating]. It was
in the form of a questionnaire. One question was, "Why is it
that the Greek Orthodox Church, the followers of the Prince of
Peace, are protesting at her lands being taken away from her ? Why
is it that the Greek Orthodox Church, the followers of the Prince of
Peace, did not protest when 3,000,000 of her sons were shot down
on the western front? " Around each of these bills, of course, there
were little meetings going on.
Now this government that the Bolsheviks have, made up of men
like Lenine and Trotzky and Lunacharsky and Radek and Maxim
Gorky, they are commonly referred to as being atheists. I do not
know whether they are or not, but with regard to their religion,
there is more humanity in their religion and their program of
Bolshevism — there is more humanity in it — ^than there is in our
Christianity.
Senator Nelson. Oh; in the Bolshevik government?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; and in their system of social order, and their
program.
Senator Overman. That is what they say also, I suppose, that there
is more humanity and more religion in their order than in the reli-
gion of Jesus Christ.
Senator Nelson. Now it was all right to confiscate the lands of the
church, but suppose they had gone on and done as our Government
does, after they had taken those lands, said to the peasants, " Here,
we will give you these lands if you will settle on them and cultivate
them ; we will give you small homes that you can call your own, that
you can live on and make them your own property and transmit them
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 751
to your children, if you are industrious." That is the way we do in
America, but that is not what they do under the Bolshevik system ;
and yet you are in favor of that system.
Senator Overman. AnsAver the question which Senator Sterling
will ask you, if you can.
Mr. Keddie. Yes, sir.
Senator Steeling. When the Bolsheviki send the Red Guard around
to a prison and take a man out who is in that prison, no formal charge
having been made against him at all, he not having a chance to be
heard at all, and shoot him, do you think that is an evidence of a
spirit of religion higher than the spirit of our Christian religion?
Now, answer that question ?
Mr. Keddie. No; I think it is not a higher spirit of religion. I
agree with you.
Senator Steeling. Well, that has been done again and again, has
it not? That is quite a common procedure, is it not, and has been
for more than a year, now, on the part of the Bolshevik government?
Mr. Keddie. I think the only man who can throw a stone at the
Bolsheviks
Senator Steeling. Now, answer that question. I am asking you
whether as a matter of fact that has not been a common procedure ?
Mr. Keddie. I say
Senator Oveeman. Answer the question.
Mr. Keddie. I do not think that is as common as the newspapers
make it out to have been.
Senator Steeling. You do not think so?
Mr. Keddle. No, sir.
Senator Sterling. Did you hear the testimony here of men who
have been in Russian prisons, and have seen men taken out by the
Red Guard to be shot without trial or a chance to be heard ?
Mr. Keddie. No ; I did not hear that evidence.
Senator Sterling. No. But if it were true, would you regard it
as evidence of a spirit better than that of our Christian religion ?
Mr. Keddie. No ; certainly not. I could not. You know that per-
fectly well.
, Senator Sterling. Yes.
Mr. Keddie. But what I do say is, there is only one man that can
afford to throw a stone at the Bolsheviks, and he is the man who says
that all the slaughter that has been going on in Europe is wrong.
He is the only man to cast stones at the Bolsheviks. Of course, I
agree with you that the Bolsheviks have no right to use force, and I
regret it as much as you do.
Senator Sterling. You are a conscientious objector, are you not?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Sterling. And you were not in the war because you were
a conscientious objector?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Steeling. Your brothers in England and in Scotland were
fighting for the freedom and the civilization of the world, were they
not, and against German autocracy and militarism ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; but
Senator Steeling. You did not sympathize with them at all in that
fight, did you ?
762 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Keddie. I did not
Senator Sterling. You were a conscientious objector?
Mr. Keddie. Excuse me.
Senator Steeling. Yes.
Mr. Keddie. I did sympathize with them, but I did not agree with
them.
Senator Steeling. You did not agree with them?
Mr. Keddie. Yes. My friends have gone out and been killed, and
they did what they thought was right, and I also did what I thought
was right.
Senator Steelixg. You did not think that the freedom that Great
Britain had stood for and had fought for, and the constitutional
government she had fought for, was worth protecting against German
autocracy, or that the democracy of France was worth protecting
against the onslaughts of Prussianism?
Mr. Keddie. I think that the German people could have settled the
German Government in the same way as the Russian people have
done.
Senator Steeling. The German people?
Mr. Keddie. That they could have overthrown militarism.
Senator Steeling. If it had not been for Prussian propaganda in
Russia, and if it had not been for the treachery of some of the high
authorities in Russia, do you not know as a matter of fact that the
Russian army would have stood up and would have helped in this
war, and would have gone on and won victories?
Mr. Keddie. No; I do not agree, sir.
Senator Steeling. You said a while ago that the revolution
Mr. Keddie. Evolved.
Senator Steeling. Evolved ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Steeling. Yon think it did evolve?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Sterling. You think it was not precipitated?
Mr. Keddie. N"o, sir.
Senator Steeling. Do you not think that the Russian army, had
it been furnished with supplies and munitions and with arms and
guns, would have been an active factor in the war, and it was be-
cause whole divisions were sent into action barehanded and without
arms, that the revolution spread to the soldiers as it did, at the time
it did?
Senator Oveeman. Now, answer that.
Mr. Keddie. No ; I do not agree. I feel that there is some truth,
of course, in the military situation, the Russian troops not being well
equipped — that that helped them to lose some of their morale.
Senator Ovee^man. When you went over to Russia from this coun-
try in 191(5 ^ .
Mr. KeddiI:. Ves.
Senator 0^'erman (continuing). You were a conscientious ob-
jector ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Overman. You were not in sympathy with your own Gov-
ernment in this fight and in going into this war ; is that true ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 753
Senator Overman. Then you went over there, and you have been
preaching as a conscientious objector, and you vrere sent there to
preach these doctrines ?
Mr. KJEDDiE. No; I did not preach anything. I simply worked;
because we 'were not allowed to say anything at all. When Friends
go over either to France or Eussia they take in hand not to discuss
questions of peace or war, or to go out of their way to take any occa-
sion or to say anything at all. We have never done so. We had no
political work.
Mr. Humes. In private discussions you discussed these matters
with people you came in contact with?
Mr. Keddie. We talked with people.
Mr. Humes. You communicated your views in private conversa-
tions with people you came in contact with ?
Mr. Keddie. Of course, when you talk with people, one is liable
to show their point of view ; but we did not, as I say, go out and
talk politics, at all.
Senator Overman. Your point of view was against the interests of
your government at that time?
Mr. Keddie. As far as the question of war was concerned.
Senator Overman. In that you would not fight; but you (would
go out and talk against the war?
Mr. Keddie. No; I went there to help these people.
Senator Overman. To help them to get a new revolution?
Mr. Keddie. No, to help the Russian refugees. I knew something
of the language, and that is how I went.
Senator Sterling. You were investigated after you were thrown
into prison, there?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Weie you visited in prison by some inspector
or govermnent officials?
Mr. Keddie. No; it happened like this, that the commandant, as
they called it in Russia, the officer in charge of the prison, was not
there, he was called away, I do not know whether to battle or some
front, but he was not there, and there was a lady in charge, and she
was a young Jewish lady, and we told her we were going up to the
orphanage.
Senator Sterling. You were going where?
Mr. Keddie. To our orphanage, across the bridge, and we ex-
plained the work we were doing there — we were well known to the
local people; they knew we were there for service, and we had no
axe to grind ; we took neither the side of the Czecho- Slovaks nor the
Bolsheviks nor of the social revolutionists, and we did simply our
work, which was principally hospital work, and country industries —
and when I explained this to this lady, after a good deal of talk
and trouble they allowed us out. I gave her the number of the
house where we stayed.
Senator Sterling. By what route, did you come away from
Russia ?
Mr. Keddie. Across Siberia.
Senator Sterling. To Vladivostok.
Mr. Keddie. Yes, sir.
Senator 'Sterling. Where did you land in this country, first?
85723—19 48
754 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Keddie. At Seattle.
Senator Sterling. Who paid your transportation?
Mr. Keddie. The Society of Friends.
Senator Sterling. They paid your transportation here?
Mr. Keddie. Yea. I am going over to England in a week or so.
Senator Overman. Let me ask you this question. You would
not fight because you are a conscientious objector? You did leave
your country and go to Russia and do charitable or missionary work,
and you say now you hope there will be a revolution in Great
Britain. Would you think as a conscientious objector that you
ought to take part in that revolution?
Mr. Keddie. Revolution does not mean war, at all. It is just
simply a change of idea. Revolution does not mean war. When
you put this question you have got it behind your mind that revolu-
tion means war.
Senator Overman. Not at all ; the result of criticisms.
Mr. Keddie. I am against war all the time, against the use of
violence. What I had reference to is just what you can read in the
newspapers. There seems to be a million and a half men who are
striking, three of the unions, railroad men, miners, and transport
workers, which have stood together, and Lloyd George on that
account has formed an industrial parliament in which they are rep-
resented.
Senator Sterling. You are a socialist, are you not?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Sterling. And a pacifist?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Sterling. And a conscientious objector?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Overman. Then you would welcome a resolution in Eng-
land to overturn that Government?
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; I would welcome a change which would create a
new and better social order and give everybo'dy a fair chance to live
and give the spark of God that is in them a chance to develop.
Senator Overman. And you would welcome a revolution over there
that would carry out the ideas of the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Keddie. That would carry out better social ideals. Do not put
those words in my mouth. I did not say them. I say I stand for a
system that will create a better social order.
Senator Overman. That is Bolshevism?
Mr. Keddie. It is not what you understand by Bolshevism.
Senator Overman. What you understand?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Overman. Bolshevism as you understand it.
Mr. Keddie. The ideal Bolshevism ; yes.
Senator Overman. And you would welcome a revolution in Eng-
land to get that kind of government ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Overman. Stand aside, unless you have something more to
say. I am glad to hear anything you have to say voluntarily.
Mr. Keddie. Well, I would just like to say a little more about the
situation in Siberia, if I may; that the part over there played by
the allied troops is not satisfactory from any point of view. I do
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 755
think that the allied troops should be withdrawn because you are
causing dissatisfaction among the troops that are there, because they
are saying, as I heard some say, " We signed on to fight Germany.
We did not sign to fight the Bolsheviki."
Senator Overman. Americans said that?
Mr. Keddie. No ; they were British that said that. I do not know
that the situation there — the part played by the Japanese is a very
bad one indeed. For instance, we have a Cossack Ataman at Khab-
arovsk, which town lies to the north of Vladivostok. There the Cos-
sack Ataman Kalmikoff reigns like a regular Robin Hood.
Senator Overman. I do not think we should allow you to state
anything about any other government. That is not proper here.
You can speak of our Government.
Mr. Keddie. I am speaking of the point of fact that trouble lies
there. This Kalmikoff is a Cossack Ataman who fought the Bol-
sheviki. And in Chita also there is a Cossack Ataman, Semyonov,
who has also fought the Bolsheviki ; and both these generals refuse
to recognize Kolchak. I have been told by people who have been up
at Habarovsk, who are in the American Government, in the War
Trade Board in Vladivostok, that the Japanese are financing these
Cossacks and keeping the trouble going. Now, the same people say
the Japanese are there because the allies are there. The Japanese
are playing a very sinister role. The Japanese in Japan are very
nice people, but only by withdrawing the allied troops will you get
the Japanese troops out of Siberia.
That is what I advocate, that we accelerate our social evolution
and so prevent a chaotic revolution. Accelerate the social evolution.
I am against unscientific revolution. If the hearts of the masses are
not changed by love there will be no real improvement. I do urge
that the allied troops be withdrawn out of Eussia and Siberia.
Senator Sterling. While you are on that question : You think it
was a mistake on the part of the allies and Japan to send a force to
protect the stores at Vladivostok from being captured by the Bolshe-
vists and the Germans together, do you ?
Mr. Keddie. If they went
Senator Sterijng. Just answer the question. Do you think it was
a mistake ?
Mr. Keddie. I am going to ask if they went
Senator Overman. Answer yes or no, and then explain.
Mr. Keddie. They should have taken the stores away when they
went there. They have had plenty of time and could have done so.
Senator Sterling. Our country and the allies were at war with
Germany at the time ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Sterling. At the time the troops were sent there?
Mr. Keddie. Yes, Senator; but since the armistice
Senator Sterling. Were they not justified in sending a force there
to Vladivostok to protect the suplies and the munitions of war that
had been landed there for the purpose of fighting Germany in Russia ?
Mr. Keddie. Why, I say they had plenty of time to take them away.
Senator Sterling. Were they justified in sending forces there to
protect those supplies?
756 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Keddie. I am against sending troops anywhere and every-
where.
Senator Steeling. You are?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Do j^ou think the allies were justified in sending
a force up to the northern coast, to Archangel and to the Murmansk
coast, in order to prevent the establishment of a German submarine
base there and to guard that coast from German invasion, 'or were
they wholly im justified in doing that?
Mr. Keddie. I am not in charge of the allied military policy. You
should ask the gentleman who is in charge.
Senator Steeling. But you, I suppose, would be opposed to it be-
cause you are apposed to force anyway ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Steeling. And you are opposed to these nations protecting
their own interests against Germany with whom they were at war
at the time, and against the landing of any forces for that purpose ?
Mr. Keddie. I tell you that I believe that the working people of the
world have no reason to go out and kill each other.
Senator Oveeman. That is not answering his question.
Mr. Htjmes. Mr. Keddie, you were opposed to the Eussian pi-ovi-
sional go\'ernment and to the Bolshevik government reorganizing
and organizing a military force for the purpose of further resisting
the German aggressions or carrying on the war against Germany,
were you not?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Mr. HuJiES. And in your private conversations over in Eussia you
did not hesitate to express your beliefs, did you ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; I have tried not to hide my ideals in any way.
What I believed to be true I said.
Mr. Hu3iEs. You did not try to hide them ?
Mr. Keddie. No.
Mr. Humes. In other words you left j'our fellow-citizens and
neighbors who had gone to the front to fight with Germany, and as a
conscientious objector left there and went to Eussia, and while you
were in Eussia you tried to aid
Mr. Keddie. Not at all. I did not. That is unfair. It is untrue.
Mr. Humes. I will modify it. While in Eussia you frequently ex-
pressed the belief and conveyed the idea — you just got through say-
ing that you did not conceal
Mr. Keddie. That doe,s not mean that. I freely expressed every-
thing— — ■
Mr. Humes. You did not hesitate to say to the Eussian people
when you met them in private conversation that the war ought to
stop, and by so doing you sacrificed possibly the lives and the mili-
tary success of the soldiers of this country and your own neighbors
and your own fellow citizens; and then you came to the United
States to further advocate from the public platform and in speeches
you have advocated the policy of that government in Eussia that you
encouraged while you were in Eussia to withdraw from military
operations against Germany.
Mr. Keddie. I tell you what I have advocated
Mr. HusfES. Is that not a fact?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 757
Mr. Keddie. I have advocated
Mr. Humes. Just answer the question.
Mr. Keddie. I have advocated the gospel of the Prince of Peace.
That is what I have advocated.
Mr. Humes. Answer the question.
Senator Overman. Answer the question.
Mr. Keddie. I have answered the question.
Mr. Humes. Is the statement I have made not correct '.
Mr. Keddie. No.
Mr. Humes. Wherein is it wrong? What did I indicate in that
statement that is not correct?
Mr. Keddie. You intended to convey that I went about talking, and
tried to propagate my id,eas in Russia. I tell you that before we
went there we took in hand not to engage in any political organiza-
tion or propagate ideas publicly, or anything like that at all.
Senator Overman. He did not ask you about the organization.
He said individually. And you have already said that you talked
your own sentiments freely.
Mr. Keddie. I did not talk my own sentiments freely.
Mr. Humes. You just got through saying a moment ago that you
did not hide your views and that you did not hesitate to express your
own views to anyone in private conversation that you came in con-
tact with. Is that true ?
Mr. Keddie. That means that I did not hide my views.
Mr. Humes. And you told other people what your views were?
Mr. Keddie. I did not go about for the purpose of spreading my
ideas.
Mr. Humes. You did tell a few people?
Mr. Keddie. A few people.
Mr. Humes. And you lent as much influence
Mr. Keddie. No.
Mr. Humes. To the withdrawal of the Russian Government from
military affairs as you felt you dared to, under the terms under
which your organization had gone to Russia when you got your
passports, did you not?
Mr. Keddie. You are not putting it in the correct waj^ at all. You
are trying to convey a wrong and false impression.
Mr. Humes. I do not want to convey any false impression. I
want to find out what you did do. You did everything to convey*
your views and your notions to the people in Russia that you could
without openly violating the promise you had given at the time you
secured your passports?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; that is so.
Mr. Humes. And you went just as far as you could?
Mr. Keddie. I did not go far at all. I did not go "just as far"
or anything of the kind. I simply went about my work and did
what I thought was correct.
Mr. Humes. And any influence that you had at all in Russia as
affecting the military course of the Bolshevik government was used
to prevent a further continuance of Russia in the war, to the detri-
ment of your own country, to the detriment of your own fellow
citizens and your own neighbors who were in the "English military
forces.
758 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Keddie. That is not so.
Senator Overman. Did you tell any of those soldiers that you were
opposed to war?
Mr. Keddie. Any of those who were associated with us?
Senator Oterjian. Did you tell any of the soldiers engaged on
the lines fighting the Germans, in conversation or otherwise, that
you were opposed to war?
Mr. Keddie. No.
Senator 0^'ermax. Did you go out among the soldiers and spread
it?
Mr. Keddie. No.
Senator Overman. Not out on the lines?
Mr. Keddie. No; never at the Russian western front.
Senator Overman. You did not tell them that in the interior, away
from the front?
Mr. Keddie. Tell them what?
Senator Overman. What did you tell them about war — about being
opposed to war?
Mr. Keddie. Did not tell them anything. We simply did our
work, and ran those hospitals.
Senator Overman. You have already said that you freely dis-
cussed those matters when people talked with you about it.
Mr. Keddie. Certainly. One might talk to one or two. You,
Senatof, are trying to create an impression that is not true.
Senator Nelson. You have stated that you are opposed to revolu-
tion by force?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Why do you favor this Bolshevik revolution in
Eussia ?
Mr. Keddie. I am against the use of force.
Senator Nelson. I thought you were preaching justification; that
they should be let alone.
Mr. Keddie. No.
Senator Nelson. Your idea is that we should keep our hands off
and let that revolution that is going on by means of the Red Guard
go on — that is what you said — and keep our hands off ; that the allies
should withdraw and give them their own sweet will. Is not that
your contention?
Mr. Kj:ddie. What I do say is this, that the allies ought to be
withdrawn for the benefit of the allies and of Russia.
Senator Nelson. So that the Red Guard could go on freely. Is
not that the effect of it?
Senator Overman. I would like to know something about your
history before you entered this work. What was your business?
Mr. Keddie. I was a tea taster. I was in a Quaker firm.
Senator Overman. Whereabouts?
Mr. Keddie. In London.
Senator Overman. How long did you live in London?
Mr. Keddie. About three years.
Senator Overman. What did you do before you went to London?
Mr. Keddie. I was in the tea business.
Senator Overman. Whereabouts?
Mr. Keddie. In Edinburgh.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 759
Senator Overman. How long have you been a tea taster?
Mr. Keddie. That is the only business that I have been an expert of.
Senator Overman. Were you raised in Scotland?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Overman. Whereabouts?
Mr. Keddie. Edinburgh.
Senator Overman. Raised in Edinburgh?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
There is one point that we have not talked about; that is the co-
operative movement in Russia. That is the most hopeful thing in
Russia. There are something like 50,000 cooperative societies.
Senator Nelson. That was in existence under the Czar's govern-
ment?
Mr. Keddie. It was looked upon as a hotbed of revolution under
the Czar's government.
Senator Nelson. They had the cooperative system before that.
Mr. Keddie. It was started in 1865.
Senator Nelson. It was going on in Russia before the revolution-
ary government ?
Mr. Keddie. But it only came forward since the revolution.
Mr. Humes. And the leaders of the cooperative movement in Rus-
sia are opposed to Bolshevism, are they not ?
Mr. Keddie. Some are and some are not.
Mr. Humes. When did you become a Quaker?
Mr. Keddee. I am not a Quaker. I never joined the society, as I
thought it was not right to join the society after the war was on.
Mr. Humes. When did you come into sympathy with the Quaker
Church, or the Friends' Society ?
Mr. Keddie. I worked in a Quaker firm, and the ideals I held I had
held long before the war.
Senator Nelson. I supposed you were a conscientious objector be-
cause you were a Quaker?
Mr. Keddie. I held Quaker ideals, but I am not a born Quaker,
Mr. Humes. You are a conscientious obj.ector not because of re-
ligious faith ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes ; because of religious faith.
Mr. Humes. Because of your socialistic ideas ?
Mr. Keddie. Do not say that. It was because of my religious faith.
You know perfectly that everything I have said this afternoon is on
religious grounds.
Senator Overman. Tell us on what religious grounds you are.
Do not get excited.
Mr. Keddie. I am not excited.
Senator Overman. If you want to be emphatic you have a right.
What is the religion that makes you a conscientious objector ?
Mr. Keddie. The religion of the Prince of Peace. I worship the
religion of the Prince of Peace, who tells us not to go out and fight.
Senator Nelson. But you say the Bolshevik religion is better than
the Christian religion. You said that a little while ago, that it was
better than the Christian religion.
Mr. Keddie. No ; I did not. I did not say that. What I did say
was that there was more humanity over there in the system they were
trying to evolve than there is in Christianity. That is what I said.
760 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
That does not mean ideal Christianity. I mean Christianit_v as it is
to-day in the Christian churches.
Senator Overjian. Most of our boys who went over there did
believe in the doctrine of Jesus Christ, and they did not have any
conscientious objection to fighting for their country.
Mr. Keddib. No.
- Senator Overman. What peculiar part of this religion keeps you
from fighting with your brothers? We interpret various things
differently.
Mr. Keddie. I yield to no one in my admiration for those who
fight if they believe in it. But I wish the same respect for my own
opinions.
Mr. Humes. If this religious belief is so all-controlling, how does
it come that you have never aifiliated with the denomination that be-
lieves in those things ?
Mr. Keddie. I had been brought up a member of the Church of
Scotland.
Mr. Humes. And yet you became affiliated with the Society of
Friends after the declaration of war and proclaimed yourself a con-
scientious objector.
Mr. Keddie. No; I tell you I was working with a Quaker firm
before the war started.
Mr. Humes. You were never sufficiently convinced until after the
war broke out ?
Mr. Keddie. I have not joined the society yet. Please make that
point plain.
Mr. Humes. Well, then, you are not because of membership in
any organjization a conscientious objector?
Mr. Keddie. It is because I have a religious concern.
Mr. Humes. You are not a member of any religious faith the
tenets of which are opposed to war ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes, I am ; the Christian faith.
Mr. Humes. Will you show any denomination or church, any re-
ligious denomination .
Mr. Keddie. I am not talking about the church; I am talking
about the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
Mr. Humes. That is your viewpoint.
Mr. Keddie. That is all I can speak from.
Mr. Humes. The church of which you are a member does not
Senator Nelson. The Church of (Scotland is Presbyterian.
Mr. Humes. The Church of Scotland does not have as one of its
tenets opposition to war?
Mr. Keddie. Yes, it has.
Senator Nelson. No; you are mistaken. The church does not
have it.
Mr. Humes. I would like to see that.
Mr. Keddie. Give me a New Testament.
Senator Nelson. Let me set you right. The Church of Scotland
is not opposed to war, but there was a branch of seceders, who called
themselves Covenanters, who are opposed to war. You must either
be a Covenanter or belong to the Society of Friends. You are not a
real Presbyterian. They are a fighting people.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 761
Senator Overman. I can not understand how you got out of going
over. You state you are not affiliated with the Friends. What state-
ment did you make when you asked to be released ?
Mr. Keddie. I simply argued my case out before the tribunal.
Senator Steeling. Did you say you were a member of the Society
of Friends?
Mr. Keddie. There are members of the society who are in France.
Senator Steeling. Did you say that you were a member of a re-
hgious organization?
Mr. Keddie. I stated that I was a member of the Church of Scot-
land.
Senator Sterling. Did you state that the church was opposed to
war and therefore you were?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; we had the question up for the best part of an
hour.
Senator Steeling. Do you know the creed of the church ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Steeling. Do you know whether or not there is a state-
ment in there that they are opposed to war?
Mr. Keddie. They are brought up to worship the Prince of Peace.
Senator Steeling. But is there anything in the creed against war,
or prohibiting it ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; the Christian Gospel.
Senator Sterling. Is that a part of the written creed of the
church ?
Mr. Keddie. It is supposed to be.
Senator Sterling. It is supposed to be ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes.
Senator Steeling. You have not answered my question. You say
you know the creed, but you are not able to state that that is a part
of the written formal creed of the Church of Scotland, of the Pres-
byterian Church, and you must know that it is not. You are deriving
all your notions from something you believe is to be found in the
Bible.
Mr. Keddie. That is true.
Senator Sterling. You are not deriving it from the creed — the
formal creed — of the church of which you say you are a member. It
does not have any such proposition at all?
Mr. Keddie. So you argue from that that you think the Presby-
terian Church does not believe in the Christian Gospel ?
Senator Steeling. No; I was not arguing, I was simply saying
that the Presbyterian Church in its creed does not oppose war.
Mr. Humes. We are convinced that you do not know what the
Presbyterian Church does represent.
Mr. Keddie. Do I understand you to mean that I do not under-
stand what Christianity is?
Senator Nelson. Do you not know that the bulk of the Scotch
are Presbyterians, and that they have gone by the hundreds of
thousands into the British Army and camps ?
Mr. Keddie. Yes; but a lot of them are conscientious objectors.
Senator Nelson. You are the only black sheep among tbem ?
Mr. Keddie. It is possible.
762 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. Let me ask you another question. It was the
doctrine of my ancestors a thousand years ago or so that the man
who died in battle went straight to Valhalla or Heaven. Do you
not believe that our soldiers, American and English soldiers, who
fought and died in this great war, went straight to Valhalla?
Mr. KIDDIE. Yes ; I think they have just as good a chance as any-
body ; that is, if they acted according to what they believe.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think they would have a better
chance to go to Valhalla than you ?
Mx. Keddie. I do not know about it.
(Thereupon, at 2.20 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee adjourned
until to-morrow, Thursday, March 6, 1919, at 10.30 o'clock a. m.)
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
THtTRSDAY, MARCH 6, 1919.
United States Senate,
Subcommittee oe the Committee on the Judiciaet,
Washington, I). C .
The subcommittee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., in room 226, Senate
Office Building, Seiiator Lee S. Overman presiding.
' Present: Senators Overman (chairman), Nelson, and Sterling.
Senator Overman. The committee will come to order. Call your
first witness.
Mr. Humes. Col. Robins.
TESTIMONY OF ME. EAYMOND ROBINS.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Mr. Humes. Where do you reside?
Mr. EoBiNS. Chicago : 1437 Ohio Street.
Mr. Humes. What is your business ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Social worker.
Mr. Humes. What was your connection with the American Red
Cross?
Mr. Robins. I went to Russia as one of the 13 majors in the service
of the Red Cross, was in that capacity for some three months,
and then for some six months was the commander of the American
Eed Cross mission in Russia.
Mr. Humes. Will you state the period of time during which you
were in Russia ?
Mr. Robins. From July, 1917, until the 1st of June, 1918.
Mr. Humes. That was practically a year, then ?
Mr. Robins. Something like that.
Mr. Humes. Practically a year.
Mr. Robins. Eleven months.
Mr. Humes. Yes. During the time that you were in Russia, what
parts of Russia did you visit, and how much time, approximately,
did you spend in the various parts of Russia ?
Mr. Robins. I was in Siberia twice, on the whole I suppose three
weeks in two different periods ; in southern Russia about a week ; in
Petrograd some six or seven months ; in Moscow some three months,
roughly, and in Vologda, several visits of a week at a time.
Senator Overman. I did not understand; when, did you leave
Russia?
Mr. Robins. I left Russia the 1st of June, 1918, Senator.
Mr. Humes. Then you arrived in Russia after the March revolu-
tion?
763
764 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. RoBix.s. Yes. sir.
Mr. Humes. You arrived there in June or the 1st of July follow-
ing the March reyolution ^
Mr. EoBiNs. Yes ; in July following the March revolution.
Mr. Humes. And what part of Russia were you in during the
period from your arrival up to the Xovcmber revolution?
Mr. Robins. I was in Siberia part of that time, and in southern
Russia part of that time, but by far the larger portion of the time
in Petrograd.
Mr. HuJiEs. And where were you at the time of and during the
Xovember revolution ?
Mr. Robins. In Petrograd and its environs.
Mr. Humes. Now, Colonel, will you state to the committee in yoiu-
own way just what the internal conditions were in Russia as you saw
them from the time of your arrival, dividing it into periods ; first up
to the time of the Bolsheviki revolution in November, and then from
that time on up to the time of your departure?
Mr. Robins. With the consent of the committee and yourself,
Major, I would like to just make, as is suggested by the question, a
statement chronologically and in relation to the subject matter, if I
jnight make this first preliminary statement, without interruption
except where it seems wise, on this theory, that I may save your time,
because I may answer a great many of the questions as I go through :
and then afterwards, if I might be subjected to as careful a cross-
examination as 3'ou can make.
Senator Overman. We do not propose to cross-examine you. We
just want the truth.
Mr. Robins. Sometimes that method brings out the truth. Senator,
better than any other.
Senator Overman. You go ahead with your statement, and we will
not interrupt you.
Mr. Robins. Reaching Russia as a member of the Red Cross mis-
sion, I was assigned to the question of food supply and refugees —
war refugees — as my particular task. In the course of this first serv-
ice, my first -weeks in Russia, work in Siberia and work in southern
Russia, in the grain districts of the Ukraine, I developed a convic-
tion, which I communicated to m}' superiors, that there was ample
food in Russia to feed the people, and that the whole question was one
of assembling and distribution from centers of surplus to centers of
deficit; that that task was greatly interfered with by the failure of
the general economic and transportation system in Russia to function
under revolutionary control. The Minister-President Kerensky hu<]
removed a few of the chief officials of the old autocratic bureaucracy,
but had left the bureaucracy practically intact, dealing with the rail-
roads and public functions generally. This old group never looked
happily upon the revolution; the group that you are familiar with,
Senator, under the classification of " penniless plutes ; " the men who
work with the rich and sympathize with the rich without knowing
quite why, and feel that that is the order that ought to go on. They
were not in sympathy with the revolution, and engaged in practices,
sabotage, misplacing orders; not leaving their tasks, but just not
functioning.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 765
In these first weeks I came upon the fact that the provisional
government had not reached down its roots into the life of Russia
as a new social control or political binder. It was a sort of paper
and consent affair superimposed on top, supported by the bayonets
in Petrograd and Moscow and some other places, more or less loyally.
I met the facts of this situation, having my pockets full of Kerensky
credentials, seeking to deal with the particular matters in my depart-
ment of work, going to little local village folk and town situations,
asking to get these orders across, and having them laugh at the Keren-
sky credentials and say, " See the chairman of the soviet." I at that
time really did not know what the soviet was. I had heard the word
but did not know anything about it. I said, "What is the soviet ? " They
said, " It is the workmen s, soldiers', and peasants' deputies." I said,
" That is a revolutionarj^ organization. I want the civil organization,
the Duma, the zemtsvos, volosts — the regular civil power." They
said, " That does not amount to anything. You had better see the
chairman of the soviet." In everj' instance, Senator, when I saw the
leader of the local soviet and he agreed to do what I wanted done —
not because of the Kerenslcy orders but because of his idea that it
ought to be done — I got done what I sought to have done. If it was
a train that I wanted, I got the train. If it was the six wagons to
carry the grain from the village to the station, I got the six wagons.
I was educated in the consciousness of the soviet by the actual delivery
of results in contradistinction to the provisional government au-
thorities.
AVhen I first met the failure of my credentials to get results, like
any person accustomed to getting results I sought to find out where
power was in the existing political and social system that was out-
doors in Russia. In that inquiry I came at every point upon the
remains of what had been a valid social control. Whether you liked
it or not, the old autocracy had delivered the goods. The Czar, as
head of the church and of the state, head of the autocratic system,
head of the secret police, head of the Black Hundred, head of the Cos-
sack Guard, had carried by mystical authority on the one hand and by
a very definite Cossack whip and sword on the other hand a very real
sanction in Russia. When the revolution went over it it destroyed
that sanction absolutely. It had only a small number implicated in
it, merely a very small group exercising control from the center, and
it just simply was utterly destroyed. Russia had the binder of the
national life dissolved. Russia was just simply lying outdoors, every
group beginning to do that which was right in its own eyes, and this
Duma government or revolt government — revolutionary legislative
government — and the Kerensky government, the provisional govern-
ment, neither had gotten down into the provinces and into the vil-
lages. But, side bj' side with the old, dead institutions, side by side
with the effort to make the provisional government function, there
was growing up in Russian life the soviet, a definite revolutionarj'
social control binding together a very large proportion of the people
of Russia, as it seemed to me — the workmen and peasants and soldiers.
That is the new social control. I being interested, because I had to
work with it, to find out what its nature was, how long in the nature
of things I could expect it to endure, what might be expected of its
cooperation, both in the actual service of the Russian people and in
766 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the service of the allied cause, which was, of course, always in the
back of our thoughts, as it should have been, I tried to find out why
it was there; and if I know the facts, it was there for two reasons:
First, because of the workmen's and soldiers' and peasants' revolution-
ary organizations in cities, an entirely modern thing, dating back to
1905 for its origin — to the revolution of that period — Trotsky having
been chairman of the soviet of Petrograd in 1905, forming one branch
of the organization of the soviet, the other branch going back into the
oldest Slavic history of group control, the old village mir, an insti-
tution of the village rural communities growing up in the first in-
stance around the communal land in which the men and women of
the villages met.
Senator Oveejian. Did that grow up from the time of the freedom
of the serfs'?
Mr. EoBiNs. Before that period, sir. It goes back in some of its
ramifications nearly 200 years, and it was a sort of .town meeting, both
broader and narrower than our New England town meeting ; bi-oader
in the fact that men and women participated with equal power and
votes, narrower in the sense that it had a very restricted jurisdiction,
that it was held always to local control. They did not allow delegates
from one mir to another mir to grow up into provincial or wider
relationships, lest it be an instrumentality of revolution. The au-
tocracy sat vigorously upon it and restrained its local activities to
matters of communal land, to matters of roads, and matters of sani-
tation, and the simple sort of local affairs. But there it was. The
Russians had been accustomed to meet twice a year or of tener in this
village mir to discuss questions. As soon as the weight of the au-
tocracy was removed from above the village mir grew up overnight
into district, provincial, and finally into all-Russian size.
Senator Nelson. Was not a part of the convention of the mir the
assigning of lands to the peasants for cultivation ?
Mr. Robins. Yes; communal lands.
Senator Nelson. Most of the lands were held as the property of
the mir?
Mr. EoBiNS. No ; only a small portion of the land was so held.
Senator Nelson. I mean what the mirs had.
Mr. Robins. Yes ; always communal land, and it was always insuf-
ficient actually for the group of peasant villagers to live from, and
they had to rent or work on landlord estates to supplement the
product of the comnnmal land for their own livelihood. I found
this soviet power having just two centers of origin, the city revolu-
tionary group and the old village peasant group, combining, and
ench assuming as it were the term of soviet, until it was practically
the new foi'm of social control in re^'olutionary Russia.
Senator (h-EKMAN. What is the meaning of " soviet " i
Mr. Robins. It is the Russian word for council — the local council,
the people's council.
Returning to Petrograd and reporting upon the conditions, I
ignoiantly suj^posecl that we could Mupplement the inefficient power
of Kerensky's provisional government— the civil power — ^by an ap-
]ieal to the military forces, and realizing that the assembling and
distribution of food was fundamental to the preservation of the
army situation, it was quite right to use whatever power was neces-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 767
sary. In a conference in which Savinkov, minister of war, Tchernoff,
minister of agriculture, Kekrossoflf, minister of finance, Minister-
President Kerensky, and Commander in Chief Korniloff, commander
of the force at the front, participated, it was agreed that they would
appoint a food commissioner with power.
Senator Steeling. That is all under the Kerensky government?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes; and some time in the month of August, 1917,
this commissioner was to have been Batolin, an able and competent
peasant banker, a grain buyer, a sort of embryo Armour, a man who
had a fleet of ships on the Volga, some 800 agencies scattered through-
out the grain regions of Siberia and the Ukraine, several banks, and
an effective organization. He was competent to aid very greatly
in the assembling and distribution of food, and he was willing to put
his organization at the service of the government, as in our own
country private organizations have been ready to serve the Govern-
ment in time of war. It was further agreed that one of the members
of the American Eed Cross mission was to become an assistant com-
missioner of food with Batolin; that we were to make an appeal to
Commissioner Hoover, as the food commissioner of the allies, and we
were to get an assignment of certain tonnage from the allied tonnage
control, so that we could get over milk and certain things necessary
for Eussia that could not be obtained in Russia nor in any of the
environing lands, such as Sweden, Norway, and Denmark; that we
were to then issue a proclamation to the Eussian people asking, for
thrift and cooperation, guaranteeing them that the food problem
would be met in this competent fashion; that we would master the
situation, and fight for revolutionary Eussia and the other free
nations as against German military autocracy. That was agreed
upon. The appointment of Batolin was delayed from day to day,
and finally Kerensky said, " I will not make the appointment until
after the conference at Moscow," which had been fixed some time
previously, the all-Eussian conference, the only one all-Eussian con-
ference in his regime. It was called for the latter part of August in
Moscow. He said, " When we have finished with that conference
the provisional government will be greatly strengthened, and we will
then make the appointment and proceed with the task." Naturally
I was eager to go ahead, because immediate action was necessary in
the food situation in Eussia. I went to Moscow. The Moscow con-
ference presented a picture of the general situation in Eussia, in a
wav.
Here were 1,500 delegates -representing all the different groups in
Russia, of the loourgeoisie, as they call it, of the business men, of the
landlords, of the masters of industry, the peasants, the Cossacks, the
army, the navy, the banker group, the barons, everything except the
autocracy. I mean the very narrow czarist group and the grand
dukes. All others were represented. You heard all kinds of voices
speaking conflicting counsel, but one group in that convention in
common with a note that we had heard all over Eussia, was speak-
ing coherently, knowing what it wanted, and how it intended to get
it. There were 300 delegates out of the 1,500, in the center of the
main floor in the great assembly, workmen's and soldiers' and peas-
ants' delegates from the Soviets of Eussia. They knew what they
wanted. They had a coherent note. They were aiming to take the
768 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
land and give it to the working peasants, they were going to or-
ganize workmen's control of factories, and they were going to carry
out the formulas of revolutionary, socialistic Russia, in which they
had been educated for 40 or 50 years. In this conference, on the last
day of the conference, a distinct break took place between Korniloff,
commander in chief of the armies at the front, and Kerensky.
Senator Oveemax. Was Korniloff a Cossack?
Mr. Robins. Yes; a Cossack general. The break was between
him and Minister-President Kerensky. It developed at the close of
this last day with the passage of bitter words between certain Cos-
sack officers and Kerensky, and a clash in the convention that went
almost to the point of riot, showing bitter antagonism between the
two groups; between the 7 per cent and the 93 per cent; between the
workmen and peasants at the bottom, and the old order and power in
Russia. It has been said of Korniloff that he was a reactionary,
wanting to reestablish the czarist regime. My own judgment runs to
the contrary, and it is only worth the fact that I thought I knew him.
Senator Steeling. In this controversy at the conference, the
Kerensky gi'oup represented the soldiers and workmen?
Mr. Robins. In the main, yes ; that would be the general cleavage.
Korniloff was, in my judgment, an honest, patriotic Cossack gen-
eral, a man of small abilities and large ambitions, a man who was
cursed, as nearly every military man in Russia was cursed during the
entire period, with the phantasm of Napoleon — ^lie was going to be
the Napoleon of the Russian situation. As soon as any military man
got that into his head, then everybody else who had authority any-
where was in danger of preventing his manifest destiny, of prevent-
ing him from arriving; and the react ionarj^ interest in that conven-
tion and outside of it surrounded Korniloff with the idea that he was
going to be the master of the Russian situation, that he could bring
order and discipline out of the chaos in Russia, and that he Was
called to this task; never once saying to Korniloff that they shoul(i
establish the old order, but they intending that he should arrive at
that end, using him to that result. When we got back to Petrograd
Kerensliy had not been strengthened by the conference in Moscow.
In fact, he had been Aveakened.
Senator Nelson. You skipped a link. What was the outcome of
that gathering at Moscow?
Mr. Robins. Just resolutions. There was not much outcome of
any real moment, except to reveal more of the confused counsel that
there was in Russia. When we got back to Petrograd Kerensky de-
layed the appointment of Batolin some more days for one excuse and
another, until we were startled bj- the Korniloff adventure. That wa.s
the advance of Korniloff' on Petrograd ; Korniloff issuing a proclama-
tion from headquarters of the general staff at the front, denouncing
Kerensky, denouncing the provisional government, making the claim
of being ready to establish discipline and order, and going forward
on Petrograd with his troops. He was met at once by a counter
proclamation of Kerensky ; and then Kerensky, in my judgment, had
no more to do with the situation, of any real influence, than a child.
It has been charged that Kerensky prevented Korniloff making a suc-
cessful move to reestablish law and order in Russia in the September
Korniloff adventure. My judgment is that that is childishness. The
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA, 769
real fact is this, if I know it. As soon as the advance of Korniloff
began, it was from Smolny, the headquarters of the Petrograd soviet,
the headquarters of the all-Eussian soviet, where its executive com-
mittee was in session, and not from the Winter Palace where Ker-
ensky and the Kerensky government headquarters was, that the or-
ders went out to Kronstadt to mobilize the Bolshevist sailors of the
soviet fleet. They were brought down to Petrograd and bivouaced on
the field of Mars. By orders from Smolny they moved the cadet
guards that were about the Winter Palace and put the Bolshevik
sailors in their places, making of Kerensky a virtual prisoner during
the four days of the Korniloff fiasco. It was from Smolny and not
from the Winter Palace that the orders went out that surrounded
the Hotel Astoria with Bolshevist troops who raided that hotel and
arrested some 40-odd generals, alleged to be generals of the old
regime; that confiscated the so-called headquarters of the counter
revolution and their papers in the Astoria Hotel, and ordered the
digging of trenches around the environs of Petrograd, the setting
up of machine guns, and the putting of cannon on the big buildings,
to greet Korniloff, to save the revolution from reaction ; as was the
proclamation that mobilized the Eed Guard in the great factory dis-
tricts of the Viborg, drilling and training them to meet this advance ;
and then no particle of that force was exercised, because the rise of
the Soviets as a culture did the job without any force. " All power
to the Soviets." " Comrades will not fight against the revolution."
This was the power that defeated Korniloff. They came to us and
urged that the American Eed Cross should participate in the Korni-
loff adventure.
Senator Overman. Only as a display of force, I suppose ?
Mr. Robins. Yes, and the commanding officer of that mission at
that time said that we would not have anything to do with this adven-
ture; that it was not calculated to reach the end that they were
seeking. In discussion at the time, it was suggested — a thing that I
would like to have the committee and those interested consider — ^that
there was a conflict between the indoor, formal diplomatic and mili-
tary mind, the mind of the tea tables and the boulevards, as distin-
guished from the outdoor, original, extraordinary facts in Russia, and
if you want to get the big facts, the whole story — and it is really
worth it — the most intelligent and complete understanding, you will
find the conflict in testimony of sincere and honest persons, equally
sincere and equally honest, determined largely by whether they got
their window from the 7 per cent, whether their ears were open to the
boulevards and the tea tables, to the former group that had been
masters of the situation under the old regime, or whether they got
their window from this outside, seething, extraordinary revolution-
ary Russia, which represented about 93 per cent of the people.
You will find the conflict of mind and opinion running constantly
between those two factors. The 7 per cent said that Korniloff would
advance with 2,000,000 Cossack soldiers ; that he would advance sup-
ported by the entire bourgeoisie, supported by the chevaliers of St.
George, the Army and Navy League, the allied embassies and mis-
sions, and that he was going to reestablish order. It was all right
from the viewpoint of the indoor man, but that indoor man conceived
Russia in the terms of a western European land, a land with an impor-
85723—19 49
770 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
tant and well-distributed middle class which everywhere, having more
or less property, is implicated in law and order in their own right
and is always the bulwark of law and order everywhere. There was
no such group in Russia. The 7 per cent had everything worth hav-
ing of material wealth, and had had it through long yeais, and held it
by power of the Cossack whip and sword. The 93 per cent had had noth-
ing, except to do the labor and get rather illy requited for it. Those
93 per cent now had kicked the 7 per cent down the back stairs and
were in command of the situation, and were mobilized and had some-
thing like 12,000,000 rifles in their hands. How are you going to sta-
bilize that situation by the advance of a Cossack general backed by
groups of the 7 per cent ? But that is what they attempted, and what
happened was that Korniloff reached Pskof with less than 20,000 sol-
diers, Cossacks of his own tribal group. Ten thousand of those men
the following morning refusing to march, Korniloff surrendered and
was taken prisoner, and not a shot was fired and not a man was'
killed. That is the actual situation, as history will prove.
Senator Overman. How .lear had he gotten to Petrograd ?
Mr. EoBiKS. About 80 miles from there. Allied representatives had
participated in this adventure from a sincere and patriotic motive,
able men, able in the old order but not on speaking terms with the
new, believing that it was the right thing to do ; listening to what the
7 per cent said, who realized that if the revolution was stabilized
they would suffer the loss of their old pri\'ileges forever.
Senator Steeling. When you speak of the allied representatives,
whom do you mean ?
Mr. Robins. I mean the representatives of the allied Governments,
who were there in Russia representing France, England. America,
Italy.
Senator Overman. You mean the ministers — the embassies?
Mr. Robins. The embassies and the formal commissions, with only
one exception in the situation, and that was the American Red Cross.
There was no conflict between us at the time ; it was simply that we,
having been forced into the outdoor situation, saw that a different
conclusion was to be reached from what the others saw, and we pre-
ferred not to take any part in it and were, happily from our stand-
point, justified by events.
After the Korniloff adventure had failed, the credit of Kerensky
was reduced, because it was said everywhere among the workmen
and peasants that Kerensky did not stop the counter-revolution, that
they stopped it ; which was true ; and Kerensky was forced more and
more from the real command of the situation.
It was now useless to attempt to unite the civil power under Min-
ister-President Kerensky with the military power, and get results, by
the appointment of a competent food administrator. It was sug-
gested that it would be well to find out just how far the program of
defeatism had been carried into the barracks and among the soldiers.
Senator Nelson. What do you mean by the program of defeatism?
Do you apply that to the military situation between Russia and the
allies?
Mr. Robins. Yes. I mean that there were in Russia two groups
seeking to disorganize the Russian Army, one the German agents,
with plenty of money, very skillful, competent people, and the other
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 771
perfectly sincere but in my judgment terribly misguided Bolsheviki,
who believed the class struggle was the only struggle worth talk-
ing about. Those of us who know radical thought in America have
been familiar with the argument for 20 years. The form of the doc-
trine as applied was that the actual war between Germany — the cen-
tral powers — and the allies was simply a war of contending capital-
isms for the markets ; that the real war worth while was the war of the
classes for economic power. It is the revolutionary socialist gospel,
and it had a very considerable currency in Russia, aided by the design
of the German agents and their money, aided by the mistaken revolu-
tionary influence, not insincere, on the part of the Bolsheviki ; but it
all amounted to the same thing, namely the disorganization of affairs
in Eussia and the breaking of t^e front. I went into the barracks at
the orders of my commanding officer, to speak to Russian soldiers.
I spoke, on the whole, to a good many thousand, representing different
arms of the service.
I would speak for 30 minutes upon the American political system,
saying, " You are going to organize a democracy yourselves here, and
this is the way we have done it over in America — municipal, State,
national," and I would explain our party system and our convention,
and relate some amusing stories and facts, and that sort of thing, with
which I have been reasonably familiar, and then explain our free
educational system, which awakened great interest everywhere
throughout Russia. They were very eager for general education.
It had been denied them throughout the generations. I spoke of the
kindergarten system, on up to the State university, free to the people,
men and women on an equality, and they were vastly interested.
Then I spoke of why America went into the war ; that America did
not go into the war imtil after they had overthrown their Czar, that
all free peoples were struggling against German militarism, and we
were there to help them realize their revolutionary purpose of free-
dom and that together we must fight to win the world war against
German military autocracy. I had credentials from the labor groups
of this country, which permitted me to be introduced properly and
to make the appeal as a representative labor man — for I had been a
coal miner in my youth — and I spoke the language of labor. I had
been active in labor debate and controversy in America, always anti-
socialist, as I then was and am yet, progressive, if you please, in mind,
but a step at a time progressive — a very poor sort of progressive from
the point of view of some people. After I had done this we opened
every one of those meetings to questions and answers, and the ques-
tions and answers would run until we were absolutely fagged out.
There is no audience in the world that can endure an equal amount
of punishment with a Russian audience from speakers, if I am any
judge. I would answer these questions.
Sometimes it would go to the point of riot, when we would have
real difficulties, but usually there was a certain measure of good will
at the conclusion. In those controversies we found out not what the
boulevards said the workingmari, the peasant, the politician, inside
the rank and file, was thinking, but what he actually was thinlring,
and it was clear that what he was thinking, was " bread, land, and
peace, and save the revolution ! " and " Do not be implicated in the
imperialists' purposes of the war ! " The reason for that is not hard
772 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
to find. You see, Russia went into the war at the order of the Czar,
and the ^A'ar was a czarist enterprise, in the mind of revohitionary
Russia. The feeling among the peasants and workingmen of Russia
when they overthrew the Czar was that they should stop the war.
The line of argument ran something like this : " You went out to fight
because you were ordered to fight by the Czar; you had to go, the
Cossacks' whip and sword Avas over you. What was the war for?
For the imperialist purposes of the autocracy and of the Greek Cath-
olic Church ; to put the Greek cross over St. Sophia ; to get the Darda-
nelles; to make the autocracy more powerful. Now you have been
three years in the trenches, you have lost 4,000,000 of your brothers,
2,000,000 of them are slaves in the Central Empires, and 2,000,000
are dead, and why do you keep on fighting ? You have been starved
and half naked most of the time, and your folks are suffering at home.
The Germans that are fighting you are fighting you because they are
forced to fight you by their Kaiser just as you were forced to fight
them by your Czar."
Senator Overman. Were those some of the questions they put to
you?
Mr. Robins. Yes. This is the talk : " They won't fight you if you
won't fight them. They thought you were coming down to take their
country and that is the reason they are fighting you. After a while
they will overthrow their Kaiser. Why do you keep on fighting and
Irilling your brother Germans. And, by the way, did you know that
the land back in your province was being distributed, and if you do
not get back there you won't get any land ? " There was the Iraltur
that was taking the heart out of the Russian situation.
Senator Sterling. That was the argument they would make to the
soldiers, of course?
Mr. Robins. Yes, sir ; and it was made from two groups. It was
made by sincere Bolshevists who believed the " dope," and it was
made by very cunning and competent German agents who were
simply spreading it for the purpose of betraying Russia in the
world war.
There are two things I should like to speak of here, at this point.
Underneath the whole situation, if one really wants to get it and
understand it — and it is worth getting and understanding — is the
fact of the paralysis of the economic arm in Russia ; and may I open
that to your consideration?
When the war broke out in 1914, this 7 per cent with force at
their back had run the show in Russia from time immemorial. In
that 7 per cent there was 1 per cent of the 7 that had practically
100 per cent of the economic, industrial, financial administration of
Russia in their hands ; and that 1 per cent of the 7, that had nearly
100 per cent of this management, were nearly 100 per cent German
when the war broke out. They were in most instances not even
pretending to be citizens — German citizens — of Russia. They were
the competent and fit men, engineers and others, trained in Berlin
and Vienna, educated in the Russian language, familiar with the
whole Russian story, sent in with a very careful design for economic,
industrial, financial penetration of Russia for the benefit of the
central powers. It had been going on for years. It began forty-odd
years ago, extensively. It had been increased in the last 20 years.
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 773
And here was your Russian bourgeois, one of the richest and most
attractive and delightful persons you will meet anywhere, interested
in education, in art, in literature, in the ballet, in the opera, in paint-
ing, in fine, large, expansive things, one of the most friendly and
delightful conversationalists in the world. A group of Russians —
educated, privileged Russians — sitting around a table, is possibly
the most delightful group I have ever met in a social way, with a
wider expanse and more color and wit, etc., but utterly incompetent,
if I am any judge. Senator, for effective organization industrially,
and for economic management and control. They did not have that
genius. It is not in their minds. It is not their genius.
What had happened was that, having plenty of money, they hired
the nearest competent person to run the show for them; and here
was a German supervisor or overseer of their plantation; here was
a German in charge of their mill, their mine, their factory, their
timber production, their railroads — a German competent, well
trained, there for the purpose of getting economic control of Russia.
When the war broke out, within four days most of those gentle-
men left. They left and went back to Berlin and Vienna, expecting
to come back on the heels of a victorious army and possess what
they had previously managed. Those that did not go back sub-
merged, and became secret information agents for Berlin. But the
actual economic mind, the brain at the top of the Russian economic
industrial system, was gone, and immediately a partial paralysis of
the whole economic system in Russia took place. They sabotaged
as they left, these German managers. There are well authenticated
cases of where they allowed fire to catch in some of the flowing
wells in the Balm region, and where they turned in water on the coal
mines, simply to make Russia incompetent for resisting German
aggression.
The Czar then followed with an order by which, had he been the
brother instead of the cousin of the Kaiser, he could not have served
him more perfectly — an order of general mobilization. Every
able-bodied man between 18 and 43 years of age was on his way
from factory, mine, shop, village, forest, mill, city, to the bar-
racks or to the front, under this general mobilization, laying down
his tools, laying down his ordinary vocation at a time when there
was less than a million stand of arms in all Russia ; and what that
did to the economic system of Russia you understand at once, with-
out any stressing by me.
This partial paralysis, extending through the economic life of
Russia, began immediately after the declaration of war and mobili-
zation. The Russian bourgeoisie answered to the call of patriotism and
the need of the country in splendid fashion. They did yoeman work.
Countesses, barons, princesses, princes, lords, and the rest of them just
went in very much like many people in our country did, in a
splendid fashion; and men like Prince Lvoff answered the need of
the nation, developing a rather extraordinary ability. In the Zem-
stvo organizations, the volosts, and Red Cross, and so on, they did
splendid service; but lacking the actual technical knowledge they
never caught up with the advancing economic paralysis that ran
on without interruption ; and an evidence that they never caught up
with it you will find in the fact that the revolution of March, 1917,
774 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
was preceded by bread riots in Petrograd and in Moscow, The
failure of the economic arm in Russian life precipitated the revolu-
tion.
As soon as the revolution came about — the first revolution, the
revolution of March, 1917 — these people, who had come in from the
bourgeois class and this upper aristocratic group and had tried to
fill the places the Germans had previously held, were thrown out,
when the Czar and the autocracy were thrown out, and that in-
creased the paralysis and left less economic brains at the top of the
Russian organization. The economic paralysis extended unbroken
clear through the Kerensky regime ; and underneath the break up of
the arnij', underneath the disorganization in Russian life, is always
and everywhere, to the one who really wants to know the situation,
the economic misery, the failure of food, the failure of clothing, the
distress because the ordinary necessities of daily life were not being
secured ; and that is the foundation on which this defeatist argument
and debate rested, and where it found a breeding place.
When I had gone a certain distance in this effort of investigating
the facts among the soldiers — after I got what the mind of the army
really was — I made a report to my commanding officer. He was at
this time Col. William B. Thompson, of New York. My first com-
mander was the eminent physician and able leader. Col. Frank
Billings, of Chicago ; but he was there only a short while. The com-
mand then passed to Col. William B. Thompson, and may I suggest.
Senator, that there may be some tolerable credibility in the position
that Col. Thompson and myself hold, in the fact that we both hold
it. Senator, you could not get two persons more absolutely alien in
all past associatioiis and habits of thought than Col. William B.
Thompson and myself. He was a stand-patter. He was the friend
of those whom I had fought in American politics. He was in asso-
ciation with the large financial interests of the country. It was re-
lated that when he first met me on the mission, going over the list,
he said: ''Maj. Robins?'" "Yes," said somebody, "Raymond
Robins." " What ! Raymond Robins, that uplifter, that Roosevelt
shouter? What is he doing on this mission';! " He had been engaged
in trying to nominate Mr. Root at the same time that I was engaged
in trying to nominate Mr. Roosevelt, and his whole setting was as
different from mine as could be; and in the first meetings. Senator,
the Jews had no dealings with the Samaritans. There was not any
sort of relation anywhere at all. But he had that thing that is com-
mon in America among successful business men, what you know.
Senator, " as an outdoor mind"; a mind that does not take chatter;
that constantly reaches out for facts ; that has had to do that to be
successful in business.
This man went to Russia with all the associations that would have
made him an easy prey for the very delightful and interesting 7 per
cent. He was wined and dined by them ; he went to their meetings
and associated with them generally ; but he kept that outdoor mind,
and he reached exactly the same conclusion on the situation that I did
from the outside. I do not deserve any credit if I was right in reach-
ing that conclusion, because I was kicked into it. I butted my nose
and mv shins against the soviet until T knew it was there; but this
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 775
man from the indoors caught the range of the situation by the use of
real intelligence.
He was in command of the mission. He was eager in desire to serve
the American national interests. We talked it over, and when I talk
now I will be talking very largely things that he put into my mind.
There are those who say I led William B. Thompson. Those people
do not know William B. Thompson. He had altogether the best mind
in the American Red Cross mission. He thought around all of us.
I bear this testimony in this presence under oath, that when I lost the
trail, as I did lose the trail half a dozen times in that complex situa-
tion, he called me in and said : " There is the trail, over there, Robins,"
and in every instance he was right. He had one of those perfect noses,
like a pointer dog for a scent, and he knew where it was running.
He said : " Now, this thing is cutting deep, is it not — ^this thing that
is going through Russia — this defeatist culture ? " I said : " Yes,
Colonel; and it tends to disorganize the whole Russian social fabric."
He said, " Well, what about the allied propaganda ? " I said :
" Colonel, that is worse than nothing." The allied propaganda at
that hour. Senator Overman, was this: Pictures and written words
about how great France is, how tremendous England is, how over-
whelming America is. " We will have 20,000 airplanes on the front
in a few weeks. In a few months we will have 4,000,000 soldiers. We
will win the war in a walk." The peasant moujik said : " Oh, is that
so? Well, if the allies are going to win the war in a walk, we who
have been fighting and working a long time, we will go back and see
the folks at home " ; and the real effect of the allied propaganda was
to weaken the morale instead of strengthening it, if I am any judge
of the facts.
It was agreed among us that there was an answer that was close to
the ground, and that was genuine — an effort to interpret this to revo-
lutionary Russia, cursed by the Czar's espousal of the allied cause, in
the first instance, and by all the cross-currents that followed; that
although it was not possible at all, I knew, to get that massed revolu-
tionary mind to think as we thought as allies, it was possible to get
them to fight Germany to save the revolution ; and if they served the
cause we did not care anything about what they thought, and we said,
" This is the situation : We have got to interpret the holding of the
front and the defeat of German militarist autocracy into terms of
saving the revolution ; and it happens to be true. We have got to say
that if the German militarist autocracy wins, the Russian revolution
is doomed. We have got to picture it until the average soldier and
peasant sees behind the German bayonets the barons and feudal land-
lords coming to take back the land ; behind the German bayonets the
feudal masters of industry coming back to transmute the 8 hours
and 15 rubles of the revolution back to the 2 rubles and 12 hours of
the semislave days before the revolution in the factories, mills, and
mines. We have got to have them see that behind the German
bayonets are the grand dukes coming to destroy their local self-
governing Soviets and revolutionary councils. If we do that, we can
save the situation."
In the second or third conference on this matter the question of
money came up. It was a large enterprise. " How are you going to
do it? " Well, it was perfectly apparent that you could not dp. it.
There was no machinery to do it, no American or allied bureau to
776 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
do it. The allies shared in the common curse of the autocracy in
the mind of peasant Eussia. It had to be Eussian, and it had to be
revolutionary.
There was in the Winter Palace at that time Madam Breshkovsky,
that old and yet heroic figure, possibly the greatest revolutionary
figure at that time. Madam Breshkovsky, after 40 years of service
in Eussia for the revolution, was now at the Winter Palace in Petro-
grad, having come back from Siberia in a triumphal journey with
great celebrations, having been received in Petrograd by one of the
greatest gatherings in the history of that city — this old peasant
woman and revolutionist received in the great railroad station in the
chamber of the Czar, honored by the ministers of the government,
and all that sort of thing. She was now in the Winter Palace, in the
grand duke's suite that looked out over the Neva to Peter and Paul
where she had been three years a prisoner. It was a dramatic, a tre-
mendous, setting. I had known her, known her for 12 years, known
her when she was in this country ; had helped her in some of her work
at that time. I knew Nicholas Tchaikovsky, a thoroughly sincere and
genuine revolutionist, and at that time the head of the peasants' co-
operatives in Eussia.
It was agreed by Col. Thompson that there should be organized a
committee on civic education for free Eussia. Madam Breshkovsky
should be chairman of the committee ; and as members there should
be Nicholas Tchaikovsky; Lazaroff, the Eussian revolutionist who
had been head of the milk station or dairy in Switzerland, which was
really an underground station for the Eussian revolution, for many
years, and well known with credit through service to his country;
Gen. Neuslakovsky, the most trusted member of Kerensky's general
staff, who was in active cooperation with this committee from the
military angle; and David Soskice, Kerensky's private secretary.
They were to form the committee on " Civic Education in Free Rus-
sia." The program was this : " We will begin by buying some news-
papers, and with other publicity we will prepare simple statements in
peasant patois and in the general terms of the Eussian peasant's and
workingman's mind, by Eussian peasants and workmen, not by intel-
ligentsia. We well send into the ranks and into the peasant villages
this new gospel of fighting German militarist autocracy ; not to serve
the allies but to serve and to save the revolution."
In discussing it, the question of money was brought up, and
it was suggested that it would be an expensive thing, and I sug-
gested that we could not start with less than 6,000,000 rubles.
There was no money in the embassies. There was no money in
the missions. William B. Thompson, in the last end of it, ordered
me to proceed; and when I suggested that it was a large amount
of money, he said : " You will have a credit in the Petrograd
branch of the National City Bank of 12.000,000 rubles." We had
the 12,000,000 rubles, and that 12,000,000 rubles came from the
pocket of William B. Thompson, out of his private fortune, and
is the money that has been heralded in America as having been spent
for the Boisheviki. May record be made at this time of this factj
William B. Thompson never spent a dollar for the Boisheviki
at any time or place, but he spent a million dollars of his own
money trying to prevent the Boisheviki from getting control of
Eussia. That happens to be true..
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 777
Mr. Humes. Colonel, may I interrupt you ? You say " 12,000,000
rubles." What was the exchange value of a ruble at that time?
Mr. KoBiNS. It varied in a variety of ways — all kinds of ways.
It ran up to one kind of exchange and another, but the actual, legal
exchange fixed by the government, by Kerensky's own request, was
obviated in this case, and we got down to the actual value. In other
words, the ruble was not worth as much in its transfer as it would
have been in ordinary proceedings.
Senator Overman. Something like a million dollars, I suppose?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes, sir.
We at once went to work. It was known that a great deal of this
work had to be done personally ; that so much of Eussia was illit-
erate that you could not by the printed word or even by pictures carry
your story. You had to carry it by word of mouth. Madam Bresh-
kovsky's connections and Nicholas Tchaikovsky's connections and our
relation to the general staff enabled us to release this man in this
barracks, and that man in that regiment, and that man in that com-
pany, and this peasant in this village — release them for propaganda
purposes and turn them loose on the situation. We had better than
800 persons, men and women, tried revolutionists, vouched for by
Madam Breshkovsky and Nicholas Tchaikovsky, turned loose into
the situation. The American Government was then cabled, through
the Eed Cross — probably gentlemen here will know the exact facts —
asking for a million dollars in 10 days, and $3,000,000 a month for
3 months, to carry forward this enterprise.
Senator Steeling. Col. Eobins, may I ask you a question there?
Just what did this educational work include ?
Mr. Eobins. Simply the interpretation to the revolutionary group,
to the army, and to the peasant villages of how absolutely indispens-
able to the saving of the revolution it was to keep the front and defeat
the German militarist autocracy.
Senator Sterling. I see.
Mr. Eobins. That that was necessary for their purposes, not ours.
It happened that it was helpful for ours, but for theirs it was perfectly
clear.
Senator Steeling. Exactly.
Mr. Eobins. We got a response to that cable some time three weeks
after the cable was sent — an equivocal response. Senator — indicating
that there was some question about such a program, and that a repre-
sentative of the Committee on Public Information would be sent over
there to inquire into whether or not it was a good thing to do. We
sent urgent cables in relation to that situation. The fact is that after
that response came we curtailed and withdrew our extension pro-
gram, necessarily, waiting for the approval of our Government, we
did not want to do anything that the Government did not want us
to do, even though we felt it was tremendously urgent, and when the
agent of the Government reached there the Bolsheviki had been in
command of the works for better than two weeks.
I have here a cable which I would like to submit to the committee
at this point, which I think shows that we were not in doubt as to
the situation. Here is the cable :
Following message signed Thompson for Davis on National Red Cross Head-
quarters October seventh only by desperate efforts present Government was all
778 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Russian Democratic conference just adjourned prevented from being controlled
by Maximalists whose leaders influenced by German propaganda are openly
advocating Immediate peace. Maximalists now actively seeking to control all
Russian congress of workmen's and soldiers' deputies meeting here this month.
If they succeed will form new government with disastrous results probably
leading to separate peace. We are using every resource but must have imme-
diate support or all efforts may be too late. We who are here can not conceive
how the responsibility for failure to act in this situation can willingly be
assumed by any American unless the United States contemplating negotiations
for an early peace.
Senator Overman. That is from Col. Thompson, the gentleman
who preceded you ?
Mr. EoBiNs. Yes, sir ; the second commander of the Red Cross mis-
sion in Russia.
Senator Nelson. To whom was that addressed?
Mr. EoBiNS. To the Government, through the Red Cross.
In the development of the situation, the growth of the soviet power
was so apparent, so manifest at all points, that some of us who wanted
to hold that front at any hazard believed that the soviet, by reason
of its culture and by reason of its revolutionary character, however
alien it might be to the general allies' cause, would be alien to the
German militarist autocracy, and could be dealt with on that basis.
We did not care what it might say, if what it did was useful to
the situation.
In talking the matter over it was suggested that Kerensky might
accept the soviet, which was the real outdoor power in Russia, and
that in that acceptance the provisional government might be founded
upon the real new social control, the revolutionary mass in Russia,
and that we might tide over the situation. At this hour Tcheidze
uas the president of the Petrograd Soviet, the soviet of the imperial
cityj and the president of the executive committee of the all-Russian
Soviet, and the warm supporter and friend of Kerenslry. If Kerensky
could say what Lenine and Trotzky had said, he could yet win. There
vi'ere just five words that won the Soviets of Russia for the Bolshevik
polic}'. Th(isp five words were, "All power to the soviet." Let me
illustrate.
When I went into Russia the mensheviki, bitter opponents of the
Bolsheviki. were in majority in every soviet in Russia. The Bolshe-
viki being competently led by discerning politicians, whatever else
they were, said, "All power to the soviet," and on those five Avords
they took possession of Russia.
Well, that was perfectly apparent. The power was there. There
were only two things in Russia — either the soviet or the old regime.
Xow, you might not like the soviet, but the old regime, always rest-
ing back on some force, if their own rifles were taken away from them
would have to rest on foreign rifles, and the nearest foreign rifles were
German rifles, and they were used for German commercial, financial,
industrial penetration, and they would cooperate with the Germans
if it came to a test between the peasants and the workingmen and
themselves, as was evidenced when Miliukoff and the cadets — sincere
and patriotic men in the first instance — finally went down to Kiev
and cooperated with the Germans rather than stand with the revolu-
tionary workmen and peasant soldiers of Russia.
That is what we saw there. We saw a situation in which the front
would be opened, by men who did not intend it at the start, by the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 779
mere drift of affairs. To maintain themselves against the revolu-
tionary workers and peasants they would have to side with the Ger-
man power ; and so we said, " Our interest here is with the soviet for
the time being, inevitably if it comes to a showdown between the
reaction and the soviet."
Kerensky at this point in one of the conferences said something
like this, "Why won't the allies really understand Russia? They
force me to talk western European liberalism two-thirds of the
time for their benefit, while I have to talk Russian Slavic socialism
one-third of the time for the sake of living 24 hours " ; and the
crucifixion between this indoor, formal mind on the one hand and the
extraordinary outdoor Russian situation on the other was what
crucified Kerensky and his provisional government; and Kerensky
was a sincere friend of the allies, a sincere friend of revolutionary
Eussia, and a man who would have worked out a moderate socialistic
program.
May I get before the committee — because what people say is not
nearly so important as what actually occurs, if we can get to the
facts — may I state this, as revealing just how that indoor mind
worked in Russia and how it was moved into conflict with the actual
situation again and again. A conference took place on the 3d of No-
vember, 1917, in the office of the American Red Cross, in the special
private office of Col. William B. Thompson, commander on that
date. That conference was called because the spreading power of
the Soviet and its contest against the provisional government for
position after position, in which it won every contest, practically,
showed us what the situation was. I at this time had secret agents
scattered about in the different regiments and barracks. There was
one particular unit that was of master importance in the situation.
It was the armored-tank corps. I need not say in this presence that
where armored machine-gun tanks and armored tanks carrying
3-inch cannon go, whichever side they go with, where there is not
big artillery to meet them, is the way the power runs. I had kept
a window in that corps for some time. A man who was in my
employ and drove one of those cars came to me one morning and
said, "We had a meeting last night. The corps is almost evenly
divided between support of the Bolsheviki and support of the pro-
visional government, but it is a hundred per cent for support of
the soviet " ; and that was practicall}^ the situation. Well, we knew
that the Bolsheviki were going to maneuver the play until they would
have the soviet future in front of them; and so, in defending the
soviet, they would take the rifles, and if that hour ever came it was
apparent what would happen.
Mr. Humes. May I interrupt you. Colonel? You said that con-
ference was February 3, 1917. You meant 1918, did you not?
Mr. Robins. No, sir; I meant 1917. Did I say February? I
meant November. Thank you for correcting me. May I be corrected
at that point — November 3, 1917?
• Senator Nelson. It could not be February, because that was
before the Kerensky revolution.
Mr. Robins. Quite right, sir.
In this meeting, called for the purpose of stabilizing the Kerensky
government and of getting the allied group, if possible, to cooperate
780 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
in a possible bridge bet\Yeen Kerensky and the so\-iet power in
Ivussia — the provisional government and the soviet power — there
met in that conference Gen. Knox, chief of the British military mis-
sion in Eussia and military attache of the British Embassy at Petro-
grad, an able, patriotic, sincere general, used to "those people that
know not the law," used to India and to Egypt, a fine expression of
the mailed-fist end of the situation, thoroughly sincere and thor-
oughly patriotic, in my judgment ; Gen. Neiszelle, in the same posi-
tion for the French Government in Russia, head of its military
mission, military attache of its embassy; Gen. William V. Judson,
in the same position for the American Government in Eussia; Gen.
Xeuslakovsky ; David Soskice ; Col. William B. Thompson, and my-
self. I was "there simply as a sort of orderly for Col. Thompson.
Senator Nelson. Was Trotzky one of them?
Mr. EoBiNS. No, sir.
Senator Nelson. I thought you mentioned Trotzky's name just
noTv.
Mr. EoBiNS. No; Gen. Neuslakovsky. You misunderstood me,
Senator. Trotsky was outside the breastworks in those days.
Col. Tliompson is a man of very few words. He is a person who
does things rather than talks about them. He said, in a very brief
statement, what we were there for. Gen. Knox then took the floor
and he began to denounce the feebleness of the provisional govern-
ment, the failures of Kerensky, his incompetence; he should have
killed Lenine and Trotzky; he should have shot the Bolshevists.
Well, as there were probably several million of them, that was quite a
little job. He went on to speak of the things that we all knew and
deplored just as much as he did, but it was all downstream.
He sat down and Gen. Neiszelle took the floor, and anything that
had been left out of Gen. Knox's statement was not left out of Gen.
Neiszelle's. He just ripped the Eussian situation, Kerensky and
the army, up and down — and they deserved a certain amount of rip-
ping. Senator. He talked about the Tarnapol disaster; he talked
about that miserable situation, and finally wound up with something
about Russian soldiers being cowardly yellow dogs. Well, you can
imagine what that did to a Eussian general. Flushed and humili-
ated, he leaves. Mr. Soskice, just recovering from pneumonia, is
almost helpless. And then we are just this group together of allies,
nothing done, two hours and a half spent in perfectly good down-
stream talk. Gen. Knox turns to me and says : " I am not interested
in stabilizing Kerensky. I do not believe in Kerensky and his gov-
ernment. It is incompetent and inefficient and worthless. You are
wasting Thompson's money. " I said, " Well, if I am, the colonel knows
all about it." He continued : " You ought to have been with Korni-
loff." I said, "Well, General, you were with Korniloff"; and he
flushed, because he knew that I knew that English officers had been
put in Eussian uniforms in some of the English tanks to follow up
the Korniloff advance, and very nearly opened fire on the Kor-
niloff forces when they refused to advance from Pskov, and a '
good twist had come into the allied situation in consequence.
I said, " We could not have added a whole lot to the Korniloff ad-
venture, could we ? " He said, " Well, that may have been prema-
ture, but the only thing in Eu&sia to-day is Son'inkov Kaledines " —
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 781
Kaledines, a Cossack general — " and a military dictatorship. These
people have got to have a whip over them." I said, " General, you
may get a dictatorship of a very different character." He said, " You
mean this Trotzky-Lenine-Bolshevik stuff — ^this soap-box stuff? " I
said, " Yes ; that is what I mean." He said, " Col. Eobins, you are
not a military man f you do not know anything about military af-
fairs. Military men know what to do with that kind of stuff. We
stand them up and shoot them." I said, "Yes; if you catch them
you do."
Senator Steeling. Let me ask you right there, what were the
activities of Lenine and Trotsky at the time you were holding this
conference ?
Mr. Robins. Spreading the formula of the powers of the all-
Eussian soviet; that the next meeting of the all-Russian soviet
would take over the government ; that we must relieve the situation ;
that we must distribute the lands to the peasants and stop the sol-
diers and workmen of the world from fighting in the imperialistic
wars, and stuff of that sort. I said to him, " I think you are facing
another sort of dictatorship. I admit, general, I do not know any-
thing about military affairs, but I know something about folk; I
have been working among them all my life. I have been out in Rus-
sia, and I think that you are facing a folk situation." That confer-
ence closed, and nothing was done, and these gentlemen went out
of it much in the frame of mind of "What was yesterday will be
to-morrow."
The following Monday — ^not a week later, but the following Mon-
day— the Bolsheviki took the arsenal and the fortress of Peter and
Paul at the point of the bayonet, and on Tuesday they took over the
telephone and telegraph stations, and on Wednesday they took the
Nikolaiev railroad station, and on Wednesday night they stormed
and carried the Winter Palace and made prisoners of those mem-
bers of the government who had not escaped.
On the morning of the 7th at 2 a. m. they convened the second all-
Eussian soviet and passed the decree making distribution of all the
land to the peasants, the most definite and necessary demand in the
mind of revolutionary Russia, the decree giving control of the fac-
tories and industries to the workmen, the decree placing all the
powers of government in the soviet, this revolutionary body to be
recognized as the supreme governmental power, and fourth, a de-
cree offering general democratic peace to the world. Lenine and
Trotzky were elected to their positions of influence and power in the
government. Other agents of the people were elected as com!-
missars, the actual group. Senator, that has had power in domestic
European Russia from that hour to this. This complete change of
the center of public power in Russia took place absolutely without
any more real sense of what was behind it than is revealed by the
situation and facts of the conference that I have just related.
Now, Senators, we were faced with a very difficult situation. At
one hour when we were beginning this propaganda to stabilize
Kerensky and oppose the Bolsheviki, Col. Thompson called me in.
and it being a military organization I was standing at attention, and
he said, "Maj. Robins, do you know what this means? " I said, "I
think it means the only real chance to save this situation. Colonel."
782 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
He said, " Xo; I mean, do you knoAv what it means to you?" I said,
■'What does it mean? " He said, "It means that if we fail you get
shot." I said, " That is all right. Better men, younger men, and
therefore men with more to lose than I have got to lose, are getting
shot every day on the -western front " ; and I said, " Colonel, if I get
shot, yon will get hung." He was smoking all tlie time, and he said,
" I wouldn't be surprised if you are damn right."
That was the situation we were in. We had made a definite attempt
to support Kerensky, who was now overthrown. I had men out on
the western front looking after certain parts of that situation, sur-
reptitiously, disguised. I saw Kerensky in the field, and I saw his
troops abandon him in the field at Tatchina. I heard the appeal that
was made to his men asking them if they would fight against their
brothers in arms, their Russian comrades ; asking them if they would
support Kerensky, the servant of the imperialistic allies, as they
called him; if they would continue their fight against the working
men of other nations. I saw company after company crumble. I
went back to my chief and I said, " Chief, we have got to move pretty
fast." I told him, " Several things are clear in this complex situa-
tion. The first is that Kerensky is as dead as yesterday's 7,000 years."
No one had been more loyal toward him, no one had spent so much
of his private personal money for Kerensky's government, as Col.
William B. Thompson. We all in the Red Cross had done our best
for the provisional government. We refused now to blind ourselves.
We agreed and said, "All that is over. This idea that Kerensky is
going to build up an army somewhere and come back against soviet
Russia is all bunk. The idea that Moscow is going to rise up and
come against the all-Russian soviet — the Holy City and the bour-
geois— that is all bunk. There is not anything in that. The idea that
the Cossacks are coming up from the Don is all bunk. They will
never get here from the Don. There are too many peasants with
rifles in between. The idea that the White Guard is coming down
from Finland to save us, that stuff is bunk. This group that are run-
ning this show at Smolny are going to run the show for quite a while
longer." We did not know how long, but long enough to determine
and condition Russia in the world war. Now, we were up to the
point as to whether there was anything useful to Russia and helpful
to the allied cause that could be done with the Russian soviet. " That
is our situation, and we have got to elect very quickly. We have got
supplies here. We have got to have guards and protection over those
supplies. The Kerensky credentials and the Kerensky authority are
gone. Those supplies may be looted to-morrow as counter-revolu-
tionary supplies, because of our support of Kerensky. We have to
move quickljr."
At that hour, again, the 7 per cent mind was apparent in the whole
city. Senators and gentlemen, you know what the 7 per cent mind
said. You have had it here in America. They said: "These are
thieves and murderers and German agents, and they will only last
three weeks or six weeks at most. They will be swept aside, and we
Avill have Miliukov and Gutchkov and Rodzianko and Shidlovsky,
and the nice respectable cadets whom we can do business with. There
never was any foundation in outside Russian facts for this opinion,
but it was honestly believed in certain quarters, around the tea tables
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 783
in the palaces, and our people and most of the allies believed it, and
their position was, as it were, to draw their skirts about them and
stand off on one side and say, " We will have nothing to do with this
wicked government. They will only last a little while."
We saw the situation differently. We saw them as the actual
power in Eussia. At the conference Ave had I made a statement that
was reduced to writing : " Here are 180,000,000 folks ; they inhabit
one-sixth of the earth's surface, with vast natural resources, with a
great deal of available raw material, right here. Admit that the
Kaiser has got the jump on us at this point in the game. We mean
right by Russia; we mean freedom and cooperation and fair play.
Germany means wrong by Eussia; she means domination, the re-
establishment of the old order, militarism, autocratic domination.
Suppose they are German crooks and thieves in the government at
Smolny. For the moment they have the power. Can we not work
with this thing, and finally bring out the better purposes of these
folks, Avho are kindly, worthy people in the main? Can we not deal
with these men ? Are there not as good brains under American hats
as under German helmets? Let us not abandon this land, but let us
work through those that are in power and have got the rifles behind
them. Whatever is done in Eussia for quite awhile has got to be
done with these people."
Senator Nelson. What did you hope to accomplish by going in
with this gang?
Mr. EoBiNs. I will tell you. Senator. It was said at that time
that they were criminals, and this, that, and the other charge was
made. I said, " Suppose they are ; some of us have been in politics
and dealt with American political bosses, and if there is anyone more
corrupt or worse in Smolny than some of our crooks, then they are
some crooked, that's all ! We will take our chances, and see what can
be done."
I went to Smolny and into Trotzky's office. We had certain sup-
plies in Petrograd. We had guards around" those supplies. We had
to protect them at once. I wanted to find out what we could do — at
least what he said we could do — and then I would test what he said
by what he did, and then I would have a judgment on Trotzky. T
went into his office. There was a captain standing at his desk
who had heard me speak in one of the barracks when I was denounc-
ing the Bolsheviki and was supporting Kerensky. When I went in
he started and looked at me, and then began denouncing me, talking
and gesticulating to Trotzky, saying I was a counter-revolutionist
and Kerenskyite. Every other word was " counter-revolution, Keren-
skyite." I put up my hand and said to my interpreter: " You tell the
commissioner not to be under any delusions in regard to me. I was
for Kerensky. I came to Eussia to help the Eussian people, and I
found Kerenskj^ as president of the revolutionary government of
Eussia. I began working with Kerensky and woi'ked with him for
three months, so far as I had any power. I did my best to keep the
commissioner from having power." At this Trotzky bristled, but
before he could answer I said: "Will you say to the commissioner
that I differ from some men I know, in that I know a corpse when I
see one, and I regard the provisional government as dead, and I
regard the commissioner as having all the power that is immediately
784 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
effective now in Eussia." That rather smoothed Trotzky down. I
said, " You will say to the commissioner that I want to know whether
he wants the American Eed Cross to remain in Eussia ; whether we
ran serve the Eussian people without injury to our national interests,
and if we can not, if we have got to get out." And I said, " That is
what I have come for, to get a clear understanding with the commis-
sioner. So far as I know the commissioner's domestic program I
am against it, but it is none of my business what happens in domestic
Eussia, and I do not intend to interfere with it. And if Kaladines,
or Korniloff, or the Czar, or anyone else, had the power that the com-
missioner has in Eussia to-day, I would be talking to them."
From the hour that I made this statement I never had any mis-
understanding with Leon Trotzky. He said he wanted us to stay.
" Well, all right. Now, what we want to do is to send a train of 32
cars of supplies to the American Eed Cross mission in Jassy, in
Eoumania. Will you give us cars, franks, Bolshevik credentials, to
send that train through? " We could not, in sending this train of
supplies to Eoumania, by any interpretation, aid the Germans. If it
went through, it showed they were willing to let something go
through that helped a group honestly fighting the Germans. It
showed that they had control through Bolshevik Eussia to get the
train across. It showed that they had sufficient power of protection
to save that train from being looted when it went through famine
districts. If we sent our people there with this train and they lost
their lives and we lost the supplies, it was war work.
They gave us what we asked and we sent the train. It reached Jassy
in record time, without a pound of material taken, without a dollar of
graft, under the guard of Bolshevik rifles and under a Bolshevik
frank. That, at least, was a good thing.
Now, the next step — raw materials in Eussia. There were lead,
copper, nickel, platinum, oils, fats, hides, cotton, and wool, all of
great moment as munition materials for the central powers. Imme-
diately, here is Count von Mirbach with his commission. When we
faced agents of the German foreign office, the most skiUful among
the secret agents of the central Empires, working away on the raw-
material situation, I said, "We must make a move there." We
stopped 50 cars of supplies at Viborg and held them there until they
were confiscated under the Bolshevik government, because the rule of
embargo against supplies going into the central powers was still not
repealed, nor was it repealed until after March 16, 1918. We stopped
those cars and got that stuff confiscated. " Now," I said to myself,
'■' that is the real thing. How much further can we go ? "
At this point may I say to you, gentlemen, that I dealt with those
men on the theory that they might be German agents, for two or
three months. I would have dealt with the devil in an hour like that
if we could save the situation for the allied cause and keep raw mate-
rials out of Germany.
Trotzky and Lenine discovered in the first conference we had with
them that they sensed the primary situation in Eussia, which was
the economic paralysis at the top of the Eussian economic and indus-
trial life ; that no government could stay in office long that could not
feed its people; and at once they began talking with me about eco-
nomic cooperation with America, never for one moment pretending
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 785
friendship for America, never for a moment pretending that they
were not engaged in a revolutionary enterprise and that they hoped
to reach America before they got done; but in the meantime we
understood that we were better enemies of our enemies than anybody
else in Russia. Think of it, gentlemen — ^of popularizing the idea of
giving the land to the working Eussian and German peasants!
What does that do to the Grerman junkfer ? Think of popularizing the
idea of all industrial control in workingmen in Eussia and Germany !
What does that mean to Herr Ballin, Herr Lohman, and Herr Krupp,
and the other industrial magnates in Germany ? Think of populariz-
ing the putting of all political power into the hands of the soviet
locals ! What does that mean to the highly centralized power of the
German general staff ? They thought we would know and understand
that their culture helped us against the German military autocracy.
As Trotzky and Lenine said to me, " If you will send over men to take
the economic leadership in this country, you will have a tremendous
advantage as against Germany. Germany has not been running this
show for a number of years. The Germans are out of it. In the
meantime you will get this economic advantage, and in the meantime
we wiU feed our folks " ; and I got the idea that they were fearful
of the failure of bread. That was all they were afraid of. I said,
"I am glad that we can work with this thing and check this raw
material going into the central powers. If we can get control of the
economic resources of Eussia, we will be having a really merry time,
and we are in the position, if it comes to a show-down, of at least pre-
venting anybody else from coming in here."
Here was Mirbach with his commission, eager to get command of
the eewnomic situation in Eussia. Here was America, the only other
source of supply for leadership of the economic situation. There
had been prepared a Eed Cross map, carefully marking out, in rela-
tion to the actual facts, the centers of surplus and centers of deficit in
primary food supply — bread and meat — throughout European Eus-
sia, showing that with 30 days of work under a directing mind that
knew how to get oil out of the ground with no more machinery — with
nothing more than was lying outdoors in Eussia, 30 days simultane-
ously in the Baku oil region, and the same number of days of action
under the mind that knew how to get the coal out of the ground in
the Donetz and other coal fields, directing work, and then 60 days of
transportation with the use of the cars and locomotives there in Eus-
sia, we had solved the problem of primary food supply and could
have fed all Eussia. This had been partly prepared for the Kerensky
situation. One day in a conference — I am talking to Trotzky, now —
He said, " You are interested in stopping raw materials from going
into the central empires." They knew that we knew what condition
the army was in. He said, " You can put your officers on the frontier
to enforce the embargo." I said, "All the American officers? " He
said, "All the allied officers."
Senator Steeling. All the allied officers ?
Mr. EoBiNS. All the allied officers. I stopped, and I said, " You
know I am in great comfort here, and I am not a diplomat and not a
general, and I have no past and no future, and I can afford to be as
Ignorant as I please — as I really am. Frankly, I do not understand
your proposition. In our American language, it looks to me as if this
85723—19 50
786 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGAlirDA'.
has ' got something on it.' What do you mean by saying you will let
us put our officers on the frontier and enforce the embargo ? Germany
needs raw materials and you need manufactured products. You do
not care anything about America. You are against the German
autocracy, but you care about supporting your revolution here, and
you need these manufactured products." He said, " Col. Eobins, it is
quite simple. This is the situ'ation : We have offered general demo-
cratic peace to the world — no annexations, no contributions, self-de-
termination of nationalities. Germany has recognized this govern-
ment in the conference we are going to have at Brest. We are go-
ing to stir up the comrades in Berlin and Vienna to force their mili-
taristic Government to give us democratic peace. We are going to stir
up the comrades in America and in France to force your imperial-
istic and capitalistic Governments to come into the conference." I
smiled- He said, " We will continue this conference as long as pos-
sible, but some time we will have to make peace with the central
powers because of the economic condition of Russia as well as the
military condition in Russia, to give us a breathing space ; but I will
never sign any peace but a democratic peace- It will have to be no
annexations, no contributions, and self-determination of nationali-
ties." And it is of record in the peace conference at Brest that he
kept his agreement. I was satisfied that he would prolong the Brest
conference as long as possible for another reason, of which he did not
speak. I was satisfied of this because of what I knew of him. I
thought by this time that I knew some characteristics of this extraor-
dinary Jew. Let us look at him a moment ; 38 years old ; a Russian
Hebrew, revolutionist exile; orator, gifted above any man I have
ever known as a platform speaker ; can do more with a mass of people
than any speaker I have ever heard, and I have known most of the
speakers of my time.
Senator Overman. Is he an educated man?
Mr. Robins. Yes ; a thoroughly educated man. He has, though, the
weaknesses of his gifts. He is a sort of prima donna. In hours of suc-
cess he is unreasonable, heady, high-handed ; and in moment of failure
he is moody, gloomy, irascible, and lacking in steadfast patience and
steady nerve. I personally have always had a question mark over
Trotzky ; a question as to what he will do ; a question as to where he
will be found at certain times and places, because of his extreme ego,
and the arrogance, if you please, of the ego. I knew Trotzky would
prolong the conference and continue it as long as possible, because it
was the fullest expression of his ego that he had ever had. He was
the center of the world, he thought, while that went on. He spoke
to a larger audience than he had ever spoken to before or could hope
to speak to again ; so that I said that that conference would be pro-
longed, resting it on the personality of the man who had the greatest
f ootlight opportunity of his time. Trotzky went on to say, " When
we get to the place where we have to make terms with the central
powers they can not afford to make a democratic peace with revolu-
tionary Russia, burdened as we are by our economic and military
situation. The Germans can not make a democratic peace with us.
Col. Robins, no annexations, no indemnities, self-determination of
nationalities. Forty "years of culture, 40 years of Treitschke, 40
years of might makes right, are entirely against it. The .whole junker
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA, 787
and militaristic class are involved against it. If they make peace
with their weakest enemy, after three years of blood and slaughter
and wasted treasure, the militaristic domination is o\'er."
Senator Steeling. This is the language of Trotsky ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes, sir. " Nevertheless, people do what they can not
do, if they have to. If, by the time we reach peace negotiations with
the central powers for separate peace, we have stirred a sufficient num-
ber of comrades in Berlin and Vienna to make the German Govern-
ment afraid to go back on its pronunciamento of the 9th of July,
1917, when the German Government offered democratic peace — a
camouflage — and if we can add to that the great need for raw materials,
then the German General Staff may give Russia a fair peace. They
will never do it if they can get the raw materials without the peace-
Now do you see why I am willing to put your officers of the allied
force out on the frontier to enforce the embargo?" I thought I
saw then, and I think I see now, that it was a perfectly selfish and
understandable situation, which had nothing to do with friendship
for America or for the allies. It was carrying forward his policy to
an understandable end. We went to the representatives of the allied
military missions and urged that we enter into negotiations at that
time with Trotzky to that end. It seemed to me, inasmuch as the
army was rotten, inasmuch as the raw materials of Russia were the
great need of the central powers, that it was the wise move. If we
put our men on the frontier and our men were killed, then we knew
where we were ; we had an acknowledged situation. If they were not
killed, we stopped raw materials from going into the central empires.
Gentlemen of the allied missions threw up their hands and said:
" What ! Work with this German agent, thief and murderer govern-
ment? Nothing doing ! And, anyhow, Robins, we might think of it
if they had any real power, but they have not. They will not last but
three months longer. We understand so-and-so " ; and then they went
on with some stupid talk — some of this 7 per cent chat — and they
stood off on the side ; and it is a matter of history — will be when it is
written — that the American general who was in favor of our position
in the conference of Friday, the 3d of November, because he had been
in Russia long enough, first as observer for America and the American
Army in the Russo-Japanese War, then sent over to Russia by the
President as a member of the Root mission, sent over there be'cause of
his military knowledge, the chief of the American military mission^
Gen. William B. Judson
Senator Steeling. Would his view be in accordance with the facts
you have just expressed here? ' "
Mr. Robins. I do not want to say that he would be in accord with
my whole view. The general can speak for hiinself. But -he was irf
favor of dealing with Trotsky as the vital power, as a matter of fact,
in Russia at that time. He went to see him, and because he Went to
see Trotzky in order to arrange to prevent raw materials froha going
into the Central Empires, he V7as summarily recalled to this country'.
I was handling supplies and getting trains and doing other useful
things. There was no debate about the things that I was doing being ■
actually useful; it was only that they would not be useful if that
government was only there for a short while. I wtts guessing that
788 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
they would be there for quite a long while. They were guessing that
it would be overthrown day after to-morrow.
The next day I went back to have a discussion with Trotzky, and
he said, " Have you not got a railroad mission somewhere? " I said,
"Yes." "Where?" "Nagasaki." "What is it doing there?"
" Eating its head off." " Why does it not come on here? " " You
know, commissioner, we are not sure about this situation here. You
know there are a good many sincere men who think this thing is all
rotten, and is being directed from Berlin." He said, " Do they think
that still? " I said, " Yes; many of them do." He said, " You send
in your mission. We will give you control of the Trans-Siberian at
all points. We will make any man you designate assistant commis-
sioner of ways and communication, and let him have an office right
in with our minister of ways and communication of the Soviet gov-
ernment here in Moscow ; and then we will divide the resources in
transportation in Russia, 50 per cent to be used for solving the food
question, 50 per cent to be used for evacuating the war supplies from
the front and from the important cities on the western front where,
if the conference fails in Brest and the Germans advance, they will
get those supplies first." It was a perfectly selfish proposition. They
greatly needed the organization of the transportation, and he did not
have the people in the soviet government that could deliver the goods.
We wanted those munitions and war materials evacuated from the
cities on the western front and kept out of Germany.
Senator Nelson. But at that time they did not have the control
of the railroad in Siberia.
Mr. EoBiNS. They had it from Vladivostok to Petrograd. They
had free control of the railroad in there at that time.
Senator Nelson. I think you are wrong there.
Mr. Robins. No. I think, Senator, you will find that the error is
that you are thinking of a later date, that it is further along in
the story than I am speaking. The soviet took full command of tho
railroads
Senator Nelson. Where were you at that time?
Mr. EoBiNS. I was in Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. How do you know the condition of the Siberian
Railroad?
Mr. Robins. There is no doubt about it. There is no doubt about
this particular period of time that I am talking about. The soviet
was in command at all points.
Senator Steeling. When, do you say ?
Mr. Robins. In January, or in December, 1918. There had been
no Czecho-Slavok move.
Senator Nelson. The Czecho-Slavoks were there ?
Mr. Robins. Not then.
Senator Nelson. And we had forces at Vladivostock ?
Mr. Robins. Not then.
Senator Nelson. There were English and French and Japanese
forces there.
Mr. Robins. No ! I am sure you are thinking of a later period.
Senator Nelson. No ; I am speaking of the fall and winter of iha
Bolshevik revolution.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 789
}/Lr. E0BH1&. Ohj the Czecho-Slovaks at that time were in the
Ukraine, Senator.
; Senator NEiiSON. Oh, no ; oh, no.
. Mr. KoBiNS. Pardon me. Now, he said to me, " This is what you
can do." I went back with this proposition. The American Am-
bassador thought well of it. Not at first, but later, others opposed it
vigorously; said that any cooperation was wrong; that any sort of
relationship was wrong ; that it would not be effective ; that the gov-
ernment was soon to be overthrown.
What I felt, Senators, was this, that if we got a demonstration, at
any time or anywhere, of facts, we would get out of the realm of
conjecture. Suppose we put in our men there and they took command
and they were killed; suppose the thing was at once delivered and
turned over to the Germans; then we had the fact of this delivery.
That was of great consequence. We would know, then, where we
were.
Senator Nelson. Now, without quite so much circumlocution, the
effect of this was that you wanted to form an alliance between our
Government and the Trotsky government at that time for a certain
jkurpose ?
. Mr. Robins. An economic cooperation.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Robins. That is it ; no question about it.
. Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Robins. This plan was refused. Subsequently, in a confer-
ence, there was laid down on the table a map showing the armaments
on, the Russian front — showing the big gun situation on the western
front.
Senator Steeling. Just one word, that I may have the connection.
You say this plan was refused. Was that the plan in reference to
the railroad ?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Senator Steeling. Taking control of the Trans-Siberian Railroad?
Mr. Robins. Yes. Trotzky showed us, " Here is a gun, a 12-inch
gun, shoots 12 miles — 3 miles back from the front. Here is one here,
and the next one here, and the next one here, and so on all along
this front." He said, " You know that the army will never do any
advancing. The most that it can hope to do is to hold that front." I
thought I did know it. He said, " We will never use these guns any
more. There are tons and tons of ammunition there. Those guns
came from England, and that ammunition came from England. If
we fail at Brest the Germans will take those guns. If you come in
and help us in transportation, you can begin to evacuate those guns at
once. If you evacaute those guns, you can take them immediately
to Archangel and the Murman coast, or anywhere you please."
It seemed to me that much was worth while doing. The facts are
that a number of weeks passed during which evacuation operations
could have taken place, and that when the Germans advanced after
the failure of the Brest negotiations, they did take those munitions,
and those guns and took them over to the western front, where they
killed our boys in the March drive with them, and in the June drive —
with the big guns and ammunition sent by England to Russia. They
were used by the Germans to destroy the lives of allied soldiers.
790 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
During this time I had been for some period the unofficial repre-
sentative of the American Government, at the request of the ambas-
sador of the United States. There came a time, in December, when it
was believed in certain quarters — vigorously believed — that any as-
sociation with the soviet was utterly wrong, and because I was in
association — having responsible tasks to deliver that could not be de-
livered except by dealing with the actual power that was there — that
I should be stopped. An order came from the Government that I
should not continue relationship with the soviet. The ambassador
of the United States, because of the conditions then in Russia and
because I was the only allied officer that had a contact, and I suppose
because he trusted me — I hope so — requested that the American Gov-
ernment withdraw that prohibition, and instructed me to continue
my association, which I did ; and I was, from that time until the time
I left Russia, in constant cooperation with the ambassador of the
United States, reporting to him on every situation that I could find,
and being the unofficial medium bj^ which he carried his purposes and
his instructions to the soviet powers.
In the course of this situation there developed certain hours in the
Brest conference when it was believed that we might have a new
fighting situation develop, that might start war against Germany.
I was instructed by the Ambassador of the United States to make cer-
tain representations to the soviet powers, specific and written, as to
what America would do — not that, but as to what he would recom-
mend that America should do — in the event of hostilities, and to tell,
to communicate, that to Trotzky, Lenine, and the soviet powers.
Then the Brest conference failed; and now I shall ask the in-
dulgence of the committee for a divergence upon the actual situation
at Brest.
Senator Xei^ox. That was the first Brest conference that failed;
but the one that succeeded the advance of the German Army up to
within 50 miles of Petrograd did not fail. That continued.
Mr. RoBiKS. Let us see just what
Senator Nelson. What was the gap between the two, when the first
negotiation took place and the final treaty?
Mr. Robins. There was no gap, Senator.
Senator Nelson. What was the period of time between the two ?
Mr. Robins. It must have been something like seven days after-
wards— when Trotzky had come back and the next mission was sent
forward
Senator Nelson. No ; I inean when they first opened the negotia-
tion with the Germans at Brest, and then it was postponed, and in
the meantime the Germans advanced to within 50 miles of Petrograd,
and then they made a treaty.
Mr. Robins. You will find on investigation. Senator, that that is
not a correct statement of the facts.
Senator Overman. Go ahead and state the facts.
Senator Nelson. What are the facts?
INIr. Robins. I will try to.
Senator A'elsgn. When did the negotiations open at Brest-
Litovsk ?
Mr. Robins. Some time in December. I have not the exact date,
but it can be determined.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 791
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. KoBiNS. It was some time in December. Then they opened the
negotiation and there was no advance of German armies after that
time during the conference, and there was no advance of the German
armies until after the 11th of February, when negotiations had defi-
nitely failed.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. EoBiNs. Then the advance of the German armies began and
tlie soviet sent another mission to Brest to sign the treaty, the final
terms.
Senator Nelson. That is what I had reference to. Between the
prior negotiations and the final treaty to which you refer occurred
the German advance to within 50 miles of Petrograd.
Mr. EoBiNS. That is not the fact.
Senator Nelson. I mean from the time the first negotiation began
until the final treaty was made, of Brest-Litovsk ; between those two
periods ?
Mr. Robins. Well, Senator, we may be meaning exactly the same
thing. Let us see if 'n e are. When negotiations at Brest began there
was perfect agreement between Lenine and Trotzky, if I know the
facts in relation to the situation. That was to be a negotiation for a
democratic peace, a general peace.
Later, when the allies had refused to have anything to do with
that conference, then an effort was made for a democratic peace with
Germany only — that is, the central powers and Turkey — and Germany
comes out along in the laat of December — the 26th of December, 1918,
I believe — with a statement from the conferees of the central powers
at Brest, accepting in general terms democratic peace; no annexa-
tions, no indemnities, self-determination of nationalities — a pure
camouflage. As soon as the soviet commission goes back to Brest
after a recess, expecting to sign that kind of terms, the Germans
come out with specific terms.
. Senator Steeling. That was after the seven-day recess of which
you speak?
Mr. "Robins. Yes, Senatoi. And then these German terms are now
perfectly clear ; annexation perfectly clear, indemnities, and no per-
mission at all of self-determination, except in that camouflage of
words. What the German powers expected was that the condition
of the economic life of Russjia and the necessities for peace upon this
so-called soviet government would force them to accept the general
words of the first statement as an agreement for democratic peace,
and then for the specific terms accept a specific treaty which was a
betrayal of everything that had been stated in the peace proclama-
tion of the soviet. Instead of that, Lenine and Trotzky both spoke
words of the first statement as an agreement for democratic peace,
and the purposes of the iraperialistic Gerinan robbers, and every
soviet paper in Russia published editorials containing bitter denunci-
ations of the central powers, and called on the comrades in Vienna
and Berlin not to allow the German military masters to take advan-
tage of Russia's condition and force an imperialistic peace, and so on.
Trotzky and Lenine at this point divided, and the first division that
had occurred m their leadership since the new revolution occurred
at that time. Trotzky believed that he could beat the German mill-
792 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
tarists at Brest by an appeal to German workingmen at Berlin
and Vienna, or at least acted as if he did. I think he believed
that he could beat the Germans on this sort of a proposition: "I
will go there and I will make a statement and say that we came for
honest democratic peace. Now, you German autocrats change from
democratic peace to the world to an imperialistic robbers' peace for
Russia, and we will not agree to that, and now I refuse your imperial-
istic peace treaty. The war is over, but we will make no treaty of
peace with you." And he said in that statement, " German im-
perialism is trying to carve its will with the sword upon the bodies
of living nations " ; referring to Esthonia, Livonia, and Courland, etc.
Lenine, who is an extraordinary realist at points of active policy,
said, " You are mistaken. You think that the German Army will re-
fuse to march against nonresistant and revolutionary Eussia. That
is all bunk. The German Army will march.
" You think that the comrades in Berlin and Vienna will rebel
against their masters. Nothing doing. The revolutionary spirit is
not developed far enough. They will rebel, but it will be later.
"The thing to do is to accept a separate peace at Brest."
Trotzky says " No." Lenine said, " If you do not, you will have to
make a worse peace later oa, because there will not be any power in
soviet Eussia that can resist the German military advance on Eus-
sia. Our economic and military situation is such that we can not
resist now."
May I diverge a moment here ? The military situation in Eussia,
aside from the paralysis of the economic arm, has another element
worthy of consideration, tSenators. You have heard of the killing of
officers by the soldiers and all that is said to have been done in the
terrible break up of the morale, and the other practices, almost with-
out a parallel, except that the same story was written in the French
revolution. There was a reason for this terrible condition in the
army. When the revolution came over there opened a cleavage that
was very natural and understandable between the leisure class, privi-
leged officers, and the workingmen and peasant soldiers in the Eus-
sian Army. There was the officer class, who were selected from the
privileged classes, and after being specially selected were educated
in the military schools, drilled in a brutal system of discipline, and
trained in the departments of arms that they were going to serve in;
selected, moreover, under a careful espionage system, after observa-
tion for some years to determine that they were thoroughly loyal
and could be trusted by the government of the Czar not to engage in
any revolutionary enterprise, and to serve faithfully in his armies.
When they came back from military service they were to live in ease
and comfort afterward',, upon the fruits of the labor of the workmen
and the peasants.
As soon as the revolution came over in the army there opened
at once a cleavage between officers and soldiers, and the officers saw
in the success of the ]-evolution the loss of all they had been taught
to fight for, and even what they now possessed, while the common
soldiers saw in the success of the revolution all that they had desired
and prayed for — land, liberty, and peace. The officer saw himself
deprived of his propiirty and expectations, and the soldier saw him-
self taking the land possibly of his own commanding officer, both
BOLSHKVIK PBOPAGANDA. 793
having come from tlie same community. There were brilliant ex-
ceptions— officers who would die for the revolution even at personal
hazzard of their property and soldiers that supported their officers
faithfully to the end. But the great general fact was this change
between officers and men as a class. The fact is that in that situa-
tion there was this cleavage, that the officer mistrusted the soldier
and the soldier mistrusted the officer, and anyone who dealt with the
actual situation and heard the stories of both, knew that there would
be no array in Rus'iia worth the name again until a revolutionary
army with revolutionary soldiers and revolutionary officers, fighting
to maintain the revolution, would reestablish a morale and a united
fighting front. It was practically impossible to bring back the old
regime and get the rifles from the workingmen and peasants and
build an army in the old way. Thex'e was no army. The mass of
the folks and soldiers were in the Soviets. We all linew that, and
we knew that the economic situation made a weak fighting front.
It was the need and desire of the allies, which was perfectly proper,
to have a strong fighting front, but that was an impracticability.
We knew that to hold the front was all that was left in Russia. So
Lenine capitalized the facts of the situation and made the statement^
"We must accept the Brest peace." Trotzky said, "No." Trotzky
had the advantag,'e of the situation, and Lenine, as he was the chair-
man of the Peace Commission and his plan seemed more of a true
revolutionary program, refused to use his influence in the executive
committee, saying, " I do not believe in his plan. Let him try it."
Trotzky went back to Brest and made his historic statement denounc-
ing Gen. Hoffman, Count Czernin, von Kuhlman, and his crowds
turned his back on the conference, returjied to Petrograd and sulked
and opposed the ratification of the peace at Moscow.
Senator Nelson. What was the nature of the final treaty at Brest
Litovsk ?
Mr. EoBiNs. We will get to that. As soon as Trotzky left Brest.
the German forces did not even wait for the necessary days agreed
on in the armistice, but advanced and continued to advance right
away on all fionts, and the Eussian army crumpled in front of it,
as was expected; and then a courageous revolutionary army — red
guards and sailors — advanced. However brutal it may have been,
it was composed of men who knew how to die; and one thing I
found in Russia, the only ones that knew how to die were the red
guard. It did Jmow how to die, whatever else it was. These Bolshe-
vik soldiers went forward to meet the advance, and they were over-
whelmed and passed by the fleeing old army, rotten to the core.
Then, in view of the confusion, and the fact that there was no
effective resistance, Lenine takes full command of the situation.
Trotzky sulks, ])asses from the scene, and for a period Lenine is in
command of the show. He orders the signing of the peace on Ger-
man terms, and a new commission is appointed to go to Brest.
They went there and signed the peace, having made a statement that
they would not look at the German terms ; that it was a peace at the
point of the bayonet. They signed the peace and came back, and
a proclamation was issued in relation to the situation.
Lenine then calls a meeting of the fourth all-Russian soviet, calls
il to meet in Moscow to consider ratification of the Brest peace.
794 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
From that time on the leadership and command were in the hands of
Lenine. Lenine had actual control of the Russian situation. For
myself, I never had any doubt as to where the new power was in
Russia after that.
Trotzlcy opposed, and Karolyn opposed, and a group of the Bol-
shevik leaders and commissars opposed this fourth all-Russian soviet.
They opposed it because, they said, " If you ctill a soviet like this in
this terrible hour of German menace and reaction, the revolution
will be destroyed." Lenine says, " No; we will call it." " Where? "
■" Moscow." " Call it in Moscow, the heart of the reaction, the heart
of the old order! Why, you can not hope to have it in Moscow."
" We will hold it in Moscow," says Lenine. "Abandon Petrograd, the
imperial city? " " Yes," says Lenine. " It is a foolish city, anyhow.
It was built by Peter the Great just because he wanted to. It has no
economic social relationship to Russian national life. Moscow is the
economic heart of Russia."
So the Russian soviet met in Moscow. There was all lands of con-
fusion. The 5th of March came. Prior to this time, in the confusion
that followed the Brest-Li to vsk treaty all kinds of confusion was in
the air. It was said the soviet government had sold out to Germany,
that the soviet government intended for Germany to come in, and
that the soviet government was to arrange to deliver over Petrograd
and Moscow. You heard all sorts of rumors and impossible things.
During this time I had been trying to help the American interests
in Russia and to keep the allied representatives in Russia. It was
perfectly apparent. Senators, that the German program in Russia
was to drive the allies out. They wanted to get the allies out and stop
all idea of economic cooperation with America, America being thought
of the most favorably of the foreign nations in Russia by reason of
our democratic traditions. When Germany had accomplished this,
then Russia would lie prostrate in the hands of German economic con-
trol, regardless of what the soviet thought or did. Mirbach was there
to get the allies out and to get hold of the Russian resources and raw
materials.
I want to refer now for a moment to German propaganda. One
side says that it is a perfectly honest situation all the way through ;
that it is all sincere revolutionist. The other says that it is a corrupt
German agent and military situation all the way through. Both are
wrong. That there were German agents and German money in the
Bolshevik revolution there is not any doubt. But, Senators, that con-
dition had been in Russia for better than 20 years. I had part of the
records of the old secret police in my possession while in Moscow.
They w«re in my hands for some weeks, and I had them all trans-
lated, and it showed, in part, the relation that Germany had to propa-
ganda in Russia. I wanted to know the situation so that I could stand
on my feet with some reasonable intelligence, and this is what I found :
that German agents and German money had been working in Russia
for 20 years vigorously in two groups utterly unconnected in Russia,
both taking orders from the German secret service in Berlin, one
working with the extreme left and the other the extreme right. One
favored revolution and the other favored the autocracy. I cared
more about the radical group, because that was the group I had to
expect to deal with. The old order was gone. In the course of my
■BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 795
investigation it de\eloped that a general strike had been called in
Russia — in Moscow and Petrograd — just before the mobilization in
1914. It was suppressed by the vigorous action of the Cossack soldiers
«nder the Czar. But before it was suppressed evidence was received
by the old secret police of the Czar that a million marks had been
spent by German agents through sincere revolutionists to foment this
strike.
I paid particular attention to the radical situation, because I did
not have any too much time, and spent it where most useful. The
German method in handling the radical situation was to find usually
some woman — it happened in so' many cases that it seemed that that
was the general rule, to use a woman, some woman — of the aristocratic
group who had a city palace somewhere on the Neva in Petrograd or
on a Moscow boulevard, who had fallen upon impecunious times finan-
'cially, and was willing to serve Germany, possibly not always dis-
iclosiag all the circumstances. Then this person would call a meet-
ing of a circle of revolutionists in her home between midnight and
■1 o'clock in the morning, and they would meet and discuss the revo-
lution, and this woman, after some impassioned appeal, when the}?
talked about the presence of the terror and the misery of the people,
-would break into tears and would say, " What can I do for poor
Eussia? " She could not do anything but give money to the revo
iutionists; and so she gave money. They felt that this Avas a con-
verted Russian who was now turning toward revolutionary propa-
ganda, but they were really using German money. That was the
method by which they ran the show.
When the mobilization succeeded in 1914, the German military
autocracy began working in its own fashion with the extreme left
and with the extreme right in Eussia, and letting each develop, to
see which was the more successful. That brings us to the March
revolution. Now, there were two forces working for revolution in
March. One force. Senators, though brutal, was a square and honest
revolutionary force, and the other was a German plot for the pur-
pose of disorganizing Eussia. At this time there was conflict be-
tween the two groups of German agents in Eussia. The German
group that worked with the extreme left insisted that the best interest
•of Germany was to work for the disorganization of the Eussian front
by revolution in Eussia. The group that worked through the autoc-
racy said that the best interest of Germany was to work with Eazputin
•and the Czarina and that the Czar could be brought to make a sepa-
rate peace with the Kaiser, and I fovmd many intelligent people who
helieved that if the March revolution had not come over when it did
the Czar would have made a separate peace with Germany within 30
■days. I do not know whether that is true. But they said it was.
Certainly Eazputin had been bought and changed his policy between
December and the middle of January, 1917. It was certain that the
Czarina was at all times friendly to the German interest. It is cer-
tain that German influence had increased in the court; that it had
been powerful enough at one time to secure the appointment of Von
Stiirmer, a (Jermancphile. It was certain that the German power was
gaining in Eussia.
. As soon as the Kerensky government came into power and tried to
support the allied cause, the German propaganda began as usual at
796 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the extreme right and the extreme left to work for confusion. To the
rich Russians they said, '-'You are against this revolution; we must
have back the Czar." To the revolutionary workingmen they said,
" Why don't yoa have a real revolution and get rid of the bourgeoisie
and get the land? Why don't you join the Bolsheviki? " And so
they were taking advantage of every situation to accomplish their
work.
When the Soviet-Bolshevist revolution came over, it came over
much more successfully than the Germans expected, if I am any
judge, and within two weeks, instead of creating civil war as they
had expected, and simply have Kerehsky fighting here and in charge
of some cities, and Bolshevists fighting there and in charge of some
cities, there was a complete disorganization of Kerensky's power, a
reorganization behind the vital Soviets, and Bolshevism swept the
whole of Russia, with Kerensky out entirely; and the Germans
now found themselves faced with an army that is beginning to throw
into the German and the Austrian Army the culture of the soviet.
In other words, this poison gas that the Germans had blown into
Russia and had aided in Russia for the purpose of breaking Russian
morale is now being blown back into the-Central Empires' armies, and
it endangers their morale, and there begins at once a vigorous German
activity against the soviet. What was its form? Its first form was
to organize the anarchist groups of Russia — and I don't want to
include all anarchists. There are sincere anarchists, as there are sin-
cere crazy men everywhere — everywhere in all cults. We might as
well be honest with ourselves. There were perfectly sincere an-
archists and perfectly designing gi'oups in anarchist clubs, men who,
because of their new activity, I had to follow and find out about ; and
I sent the best men I had to Kronstadt, and I found that men who
two weeks before had neither cause nor means now had a cause and
plenty of money, were planning an all-Russian anarchist conferencft
and regime, and the disorganization of the Soviets. They criticized
the Soviets as being without true proletarian ruthlessness, and said
that the anarchists, if given power, would do the job of robbing the
robbers much better than the Bolsheviks. One of their methods of ap-
proach was to attack the allied embassies and try to drive them out of
Russia, to forward as much as possible the idea of the thief and the
murderer, and the German agent in the soviet, and at the same time
to undermine the soviet. What was their method? Their method
was to get together little groups and hold meetings and denounce
America; pass resolutions against the American ambassador, against
our action in relation to Bergman and Emma Goldman and Mooney ;
capitalize every one of the economic situations or political situations
that were dangerous or difficult in this country.
Senator Stepling. Do j'ou say that this was confined to the an-
archistic groups alone?
Mr. Robins. Yes ; I should say that you could mark every line of it
by the anarchistic group. People went into it who were not an-
archists, but your leadership was ; and resolutions were finally pas.sed
denouncing the American ambassador, saying that they were going
to hold him personally responsible. I learned of this circumstance.
Senator Steeling. Did that group that passed such a resolution
as that sail under the name of tlie anarchistic group?
' BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 797
!
Mr. Robins. Absolutely.
-Senator Sterling. And not as Bolshevik! ?
i Mr. EoBiNS. Not at all. The anarchistic group of Kronstadt, it
'was, and they came to me and said that they were anarchists. A
delegatibn came to the American Embassy, as the American ambas-
sador will tell you. Let me say this in relation to this nationalization
of women stuff, and the Saratov soviet that was supposed to ha^e
passed that resolution. The confusion is such that I do not know
whether they passed it or not. It was claimed they did, and I accepted
the fact that they had, but I have heard since that they did not, but it
Tvas passed by an anarchist group that had gotten control for the mo-
ment of a local soviet; and it was passed in my judgment for the pvir-
pose it served, of discrediting the Russian revolutionary situation.
That is either a fact or is not a fact, as investigation will prove. But
they were active in this way. One day, the 1st of January I think it
is, I am at the embassy when the ambassador tells me of circum-
stances that evidently have created considerable concern in the
embassy — not necessarily upon the part of the ambassador. The
ambassador worked harder, stayed longer, met the situation with
more steadiness, in my judgment, than any other ambassador there.
That, I think, is true of the American ambassador, and will be a
part of the history of the situation. The story was this: The em-
bassy was called up on the telephone that morning by a woman
who said that she knew of something of very great interest to the
American Embassy, and she will not come to the American Embassy
to tell them, because she will be murdered if she does, but she asks
that accredited representatives go down to meet her at a certain
street comer. Accredited representatives went down. The com-
mercial attache, Huntington, I think, and the private secretary of
the ambassador, Mr. Johnston, went down. They met her on the
street. This woman tells this tale in substance : " Last night, while
entertaining some friends in my home, I was called to the door. I
"went out and a sailor was there, a man whom I had befriended some
time previously. He had some very fine wine to sell me at a
ridiculously cheap price. I said to him, ' How can you afford to sell
wine like that so cheaply,' and he said, 'That is wine that I got
when we looted the Italian embassy,' " and she told him that she
did not want to buy it, and he said that there was a lot more to be
liad ; that they were going to get plenty more. He said, " The
anarchists are going to blow up the American Embassy to-night, and
we are going to have the right to loot their stores, and they have
lots of them. There is plenty of whisky and wine there." She told
him that she would not buy the stuff and he went away, but she could
not sleep that night because of this preying upon her mind. She
meets these men on the street corner.
That is a situation that is passed to me. I believed it to be just
what I think now it was, German agent stuff. The woman happens
•to be the divorced wife of Proctor, of Proctor & Gamble, of Cin-
cinnati, and was at that particular hour in the secret service
records of three of the allied nations as a German agent in Russia.
IVhen they tell me that the embassy is going to be blown up I said
I did not think so, and as evidence of my good faith I said that I
"Would stay there that night, and I stayed uiere until 1 o'clock and
798 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
then went to my hotel, but nothing developed, of course. Th&
anarchistic development had gotten to the point where I was con-
cerned about it, as every one was. Everything was more or less m
a flux, and in that terrible hour I wanted to know whether the
anarchists who were definitely German agents were permitted by the
Soviets to continue their propaganda under cover. Is Smolny letting
them do this thing? Well, certain men are crooks and certain men
are good men, and they get into all places, and I asked myself, what
is the real position at Smolny. I went down there and I talked
with Bouch Bruevitch, and I said to him : " There is a good deal
of debate here as to where God is (used in the sense of power in
Eussia) , whether he is in Smolnj' or with this bunch of anarchists,
and I want to know. I want to know where the power is in this
community. I am saying one thing, and there are those who say
that I am not relating the facts, and that you are in with this Ger-
man situation in this anarchist game, and the anarchist game is for
driving the allies out of Russia ; I am settled on that. Are you with
it or not? " I said to him, " Here is the test. The headquarters of the
iinarchists; you Iniow- perfectly well where it is; I can name the place.
Will you go down and raid it? If you will, you will find contra-
band there, where I happen to know of so many cases of sugar, so
many pairs of shoes, and all sorts of other things. You raid that
and you will find ample reason for raiding it as soon as you raid it.
You raid that and it will be a test of the situation. I would like
to have you do that, but do not use the name of the American
ambassador or my name." That night a platoon of soldiers and
a machine-gun crew, with tanks, went down and surrounded that
place and broke into it. They resisted with hand grenades and
guns, and the anarchist leader of the group was shot and taken to
a hotel on a stretcher. The next morning the Busa Verstnik, the
anarchist organ, in the same column where it had a few days be-
fore the bitter resolution denouncing the American ambassador
for being an imperialist because of what we did to Bergman, and
so on — had a few sticks like this : " Yesterday evening, at night, the
thieves and murderers of Smolny surrounded our headquarters, the
anarchist club number so and so, shot our honored leader and stole
our supplies. We live under a hell of a proletarian government."
I took that paper and laid it on the desk of the American ambas-
sador as an evidence of how much Smolny feared the anarchists and
whether they cooperated with them or not.
Senator Steeling. What did the Bolshevists do, if anything^
toward suppressing that anarchist paper?
Mr. EoBiNS. They ultimately suppressed it, but not then. Here
was the situation in that regard. All of the revolutionary groups
were implicated in the revolution. For instance, in Moscow the
anarchist club started under the revolution in 1917 — that was finally
cleaned out by the soviet — and neither the Duma nor the Kererisky
government tried to resist it, because it had been implicated in helping
in the start of the revolution. You know how thieves and mur-
derers line up with a revolutionary situation and afterwards some-
times become leaders. It is a well-known revolutionary result.
Under these circumstances, uncertainty growing in Petrograd
about the situation, it finally becomes apparent that the allied enr-
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAITDA. 79 a
bassies were going to leave by reason of the German advance. The
German advance still goes on and is rumored to be going on much
faster, and all that sort of thing. Prior to this time the question of
the American interests remaining in Eussia was of real concern to.
the American ambassador and myself. We wanted to stay there
and play the hand out and rewin it if it was possible. We did not
see any gain in abandoning it and running away. Investigation was
made of a place that might serve in the situation, and Vologda was
selected because transportation was good, opening to Archangel and
Petrogi'ad and Moscow and Siberia and Vladivostok and Finland;
communication was good, telegraph to Archangel, wireless to Mur-
mansk, and the English controlled the cable to London; and if we
lost the Finnish cable, and if we lost Vladivostok, connections were
still open. Vologda was far enough north, at least, to be out of range
of any expected German advance. Petrograd could fall and Moscow
could fall and Vologda would still be free. We investigated thor-
oughly and found it a small rural timber- working community, where
there had been very little riot or effect of revolution. The Duma
was gone, but some man who had been in charge of the Duma was in
an official position with the soviet.
Senator Steei.ing. What was the name of the leader of the Duma ?'
Mr. Robins. It is in the record. It is not in my mind now. I then
went to Lenine and said, " Will you aid in getting safe transporta-
tion to the American embassy train and in protecting and organizing
the Volodga support behind the American ambassador ? " He said
he would. A special train was arranged. It was arranged that
the ambassador should go out, and a number of my mission and a
special car of the mission should be attached to the train, as the
American Eed Cross had reasonable credit throughout the situation^
and might be of use in case of attack at any point. I was to remain
in Petrograd. That was the feeling and the purpose and the under-
standing up to the evening of the 26th of February. None of my
stuff was packed in the Hotel Europe, though every other person's,
was.
Senator Nelson. The 26th of what month ?
Mr. EoBiNS. February, 1918. I go down to the station at Nichol-
aievsky and find .the train there, but some trouble about it starting,
and I talk to some of the authorities and find out that the train has
been definitely stopped — ^that the commission of safety of Petrograd
has ordered the train stopped — for the following reasons, as so stated
to me : The German advance is not nearly so imminent as has been
said, and if the American embassy and the American ambassador
leave, it will excite the people, and counter-revolutionists will take
charge of the situation and the revolution may be overthrown. I
said, " That train ought to go. You have agreed to do it and it should
go." I get no results. There was nothing stirring at all. I go to
Lenine. He is sitting at his desk with the whole task in his hands,
and I say to him something like this, " Commissioner, you said this
train should go. The train is stopped, and I understand you have
agreed it should be stopped. I agree absolutely that there is no
immediate danger of the fall of Petrograd. I do not share that
thought at all. I know that there is certain danger in the city,
and certain reactionary elements will use the going of the;Aim6ricaiii
800 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
Embassy in favor of overturning the Soviets and establishing either
anarchy or the old order, vehichever may come to suit them; but,
Commissioner, it is worse to keep that train there than to send it
out. You know better than I do that the old control in the bar-
racks has passed, you have had absolute control of these barraclcs
ever since the November revolution, and now you have not. There
is a division in the barracks, and you know as well as I do that
some of these groups are about to act on their own responsibility,
and if they go down there and loot the American Embassy or
want to kill the ambassador, you may not be able to protect it
or him, and then there would be a blot on the soviet in Russia from
which it would never recover. I ask you to send this train out, and
send it under guard," and he orders that train sent. He orders
a guard to see it get out if any trouble starts down there to keep it
from going. I have the original letter that he wrote that gives full
credit to the stationing of the ambassador at Vologda, ordering the
soviet of Vologda to give to the Ambassador and every representa-
tive of the American Embassy every possible cooperation and pro-
tection. On that letter the headquarters were secured.
After a time the ccwnfort of the embassy was established, and as
soon as that was done I came back to Petrograd. On the 5th of
March I am in Petrograd. I am going up to see about some of our
stores. We have now something like 400,000 cans of condensed milk,
which I have kept through a number of weeks of want and misery —
kept even when children were dying for want of milk — because I
knew that between March and May when the new supply would
come would be the real strain, and Bolshevik rifle and machine-gun
men had prevented riots of mothers from getting that milk. That
was the kind of power they exercised in Petrograd, and they did
what they said they would do. We had the milk. I am going up
there to Smolny to see about the change of guards. Trotzky said
to me, " Do you want to prevent the Brest peace from being ratified ? "
I said, " There is nothing that I wanted so much to do as that." He
said, " You can do it." I laughed and said, " You have always been
against the Brest peace, but Lenine is the other way; and franldy.
Commissioner, Lenine is running this show." He says, " You are mis-
taken. Lenine realizes that the threat of the German advance is so
great that if he can get economic cooperation and military support
from the allies he will refuse the Brest peace, retire, if necessary, from
both Petrograd and Moscow to Ekaterinberg, reestablish the front in
the Urals, and fight with allied support against the Germans."
Senator Steblin g. This was Trotsky stating what Lenine would do ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes ; and he in agreement with it. That was in entire
agreement with my representation made to him through the ambassa-
dor on the 1st or 2d of January, better than two months before,
that if they got to the place where they would really fight, we would
help. I said to him, " Commissioner, that is the most important
statement that has been made to me in this situation. Will you put
that in writing ? " He said, " You want me to give you my life, don't
you ? " I said, " No ; but I want something specific. I do not ask
you to sign it. You make a written statement of your specific in-
quiry, interrogatories to the American Government, and that with
affirmative response these things will take place, and after writing
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 801
arrange that Lenine will see me and that he will agree to this, which
is counter to what I have had in mind as Lenine's position, arrange
that a fourth person, my confidential Eussian secretary, whom you
know and I know, Mr. Alexander Gumberg, shall be with me, and I
will act on that." I go back at 4 o'clock. In Trotsky's office is
handed me this original document in Eussian. We then go down to
Lenine's office. We then hold a conference upon this document. It
is explained, translated, stated what will be done. I am satisfied for
the hour of the genuineness of the position, that they will act in this
way, or am sufficiently satisfied to act, and I leave there and go to
the British commissioner, E. H. Bruce Lockhart.
Now 1 digress again. When William B. Thompson left Eussia in
November, 1917, shortly after the Bolshevik revolution, he left
because being so involved in the Kerensky service and because of
what was said in regard to him in the Bolsheviki papers, as being
the representative of Wall Street and trying to get the trans-Siberian
for the Morgans and copper interests for himself, and other stuff of
that kind, it was wise for him to leave and to cooperate at the other
end. He left unwillingly, and I wish to bear this testimony, that
he looked down machine guns and did not tremble, and he did not
have to do it. He was not called upon at that moment to take risks,
but he took them freely. He came out. He stopped in London. He
saw a number of people. He saw Lloyd-George for two hours. Col.
Thompson is not a talker, but he must have gotten it across. That
evening Lloyd-George sent through his private secretary a telegram
to E. H. Bruce Lockhart, who was in the lake region in Scotland rest-
ing after seven years in Eussia, during four of which he was consul
general of the British Government at Moscow — 36 or so years old, a
Scotchman with a perfectly competent head on his shoulders, who
spoke Eussian fluently, read and understood the language, and under-
stood the people after seven years of association. I saw the tele-
gram sent by Mr. George's secretary, as alleged, and believe it to
be true. Mr. Lockhart then told me that the premier had said to
him something in substance like this : " I have just had a most
surprising talk with an American Eed Cross colonel named Thomp-
son, who tells me of the Eussian situation. I do not know
whether he is right, but I Iniow that our people are wrong. They
have missed the situation. You are being sent as special commis-
sioner to Eussia, with power. A ship will be ready to take you to
Stockholm as soon as you are ready, and you will be able to select-
your staff and have ample resources. I want you to find a man there
named Eobins, who was put in command by this man Thompson.
Find out what he is doing with this soviet government. Look it
over carefully. If you think what he is doing is sound, do for Britain
what he is trying to do for America. That seems, on the whole, the
best lookout on this complex situation; but you are given liberty.
Go to it."
He arrived in Petrograd. A member from the British Embassy
came to me and said : " There is an Englishman here, just arrived,
who has been in Eussia, and comes back with some relation to the
Government who wants to have you for dinner." I said: "No; I
am too busy. I have wasted all of my time at the British Embassy
that I expect to waste there. I know your policy; it- is perfectly
85723—19 51
802 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
definite, and I won't go." Then he told me some more things about
the special power that this man had, and I said, " I will go " ; and I
M^ent, and we had dinner, and after dinner we separated together,
and he began talking close, and I began fencing. I suppose his
guard was up, and so was mine. It was a diificult situation. All
sorts of criticism had run across one line and another. I did not
laiow his purposes. Finally, in the twist of the things, he showed
me his credentials, and it was perfectly clear that he then repre-
sented the power of the British Government in the situation.
I said to him: " Now, I want to ask you a question,, Mr. Lockhart.
Are you free? You can not handle this Russian story from Down-
ing Street or anywhere else. It is too much of an original outdoor
situation that you have got to shift from day to day. No man knows
it 12 hours ahead. All I am trying to do is something that is useful
and -right while we do it, and not prejudge the future." He said:
" I am absolutely free." I then took him over to my office, and we
opened up everything I had of a documental^ nature, and went
through the whole situation with all its light and shadow and every-
thing else that I knew. The next morning we went out to Smolny.
He had a great advantage because he speaks and knows the Russian
language and had many lines of Russian contact. When we were
coming back we talked together, and I said to him, " I wish you
would see some of the 7 per cent. You could not have been consul
general at Moscow for four years without loiowing a lot of them.
They will tell you an absolutely different story from what I tell you.
I think I am right in my judgment and am acting on it. The life
of the mission and my own life and supplies here are being dealt with
on that basis, on the basis that this thing is an international social
revolutionary situation opposed to all governments, but more opposed
right now, because it is nearer to them, to the German militarists
than anything else, and that we can do business with them on that
basis. Now, they will tell you an entirely different story. I am
Avilling to risk this, Mr. Commissioner Lockhart, because I do not
want to be starting and stopping two weeks later; I would rather
you never started. This is rough water; this is stormy weather;
the boat rocks a lot, and a man has to know why he knows what he
knows or think he does before he can play in this hand."
I said to him, "Another thing, you are going across lines of eco-
nomic interest in this play, commissioner. You will hear it said
that I am the representative of Wall Street" — which. Senator,
would make Wall Street turn over. " You will hear it said that I
am the representative of Wall Street ; that I am the servant of Wil-
liam B. Thompson to get Altai copper for him ; that I have already
got 500,000 acres of the best timber land in Russia for myself ; that I
have already copped off the Trans-Siberian Railway ; that they have
given me a monopoly of the platinum of Russia ; that this explains my
working with the soviet." AH that was said. You could get forged
documents showing all these charges and others to be true. There
were more forged papers of one kind and another in Russia than ever
before in human history. There were forgery mills of the old
Okhrana, the secret police, forged against the revolutionists, and of
the revolutionists forged against the Okhrana. Passports and letters
were forged in great numbers. You could not beat it in a million
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA, 803
years. I could prove anything by all the documents you want. I
said, " You will hear that talk. Now, I do not think it is true, Com-
missioner, but let us assume it is true. Let us assume that I am here
to capture Kussia for Wall Street and American business men. Let
us assume that you are a British wolf and I am an American wolf,
and that when this war is over we are going to eat each other up for
the Eussian market; let us do so in perfectly frank, man fashion,
but let us assume at the same time that we are fairly intelligent
wolves, and that we know that if we do not hunt together in this
hour the German wolf will eat us both up, and then let us go to
work."
He left me, and he came back, and he said, " You told the truth.
They sing a different song, just as opposite as it is possible to be; but
I believe your song, and I am going to work that way " ; and from
that time in January until I left Russia, the British high commis-
sioner and myself were in absolute agreement on every move. We
ate breakfast together every morning.
As soon as I left Lenine and Trotzky on the afternoon of the 5th
cf March I went to the British commissioner, presented my paper^
and said, "What do you think of. it? You have been talking with
Trotzky every day." Up to that time he had never talked with
Lenine. " Do you think it is worth dealing with ? " He said, " I do.
I have sent cables in relation to it " ; and he then sent a cable, written
on British Embassy stationery, which I huve, advocating exactly
what I advocated, only going further than I would have gone or did
go in my statement at the time.
I left him. Harold Williams was seen, conservative correspondent
for the London Conservative Daily Chronicle and secret information
agent for the British Foreign Office, an intelligent, able, honest, and
patriotic Englishman who had lived in Russia i2 years and has
written one of the best books ever written on Russia, who had married
Madam Turcova, a Russian intelligentsia of some position and prop-
erty,: a noble and splendid woman, but in the Kerensky setting, in
the Duma setting, bitterly hostile to the Bolsheviki in common with
many other sincere and splendid people. Harold Williams had been
against the whole Bolshevik program at all points ; had denounced it
in unineasured terms, as those of you who have read his cables know.
He had come to me, criticizing my position, and there had passed
between us a conversation that ran in measure after this fashion :
" Now, you have said some rather unpleasant things, but this is
rather a bad time for allied representatives in Russia to quarrel with
each other. You went down to Kief and worked with the Ukrainian
rada because they were respectable,, nice, pleasant people, and worked
with them against the criminal, wicked Red Guard, as it was supposed.
You helped to get American and French and English officers down
there to cooperate with the Ukrainian rada. You helped to get the
130,000,000 francs that were paid to the Ukrainian rada about four
days before it sold out, body, boots, and breeches, to the central pow-
ers, opened the front, and let in German rifles. I did not say when
that development came across that you were an enemy of the allies or
a, German agent, or that you were being buncoed by the Ukrainian
rada. I said you had made a bad guess, but that you were a perfectly
sincere and patriotic man. Then, when you went down to Rostov on
804 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the Don, and worked with Kaledines and Korniloff — ^Kaledines a sin-
cere, courageous, and patriotic Cossack officer, in my judgment the
best man in the military circle in Russia, but seeing in the terms of the
old order, which he had a perfect right to do, and had I been raised as
he was raised I probably would have seen the same way — you believed
and he believed that his Cossack soldiers would fight with him, and
you started from the Don to come to Moscow, and you got 30 milos,
and your troops began to leave you, and the peasants rose with their
rifles and opposed your advance ; nothing from Moscow, but the local
peasants were against you ; and you heard of an uprising in the Don
and that Rostov had been taken by the soviet, und you fled back there,
and Kaledines, when he found that his soldiers had abandoned him
imder the culture of the soviet and the call of the soviet, went on his
porch and blew his brains out — a courageous, patriotic, man who had
guessed wrong and had promised what he could not perform, and in
the sorrow and misery of his disillusionment he killed himself; and
then you came away, after we had gotten implicated in a counter-
revolutionary move. I did not say that you were an enemy of the
allies- I simply said that you had made another bad guess.
" Now, here I have been working day by day, dealing with this situ-
ation or trying to do it ; evacuating copper, evacuating supplies, evac-
uating the gold from the state bank, evacuating platinum from the
state bank to Vologda. Some of that gold that we evacuated at that
time finally got into the Czeoho-Slovak possession. You know it.
You know how they got that gold and where it came from — from the
state bank ; how it was gotten from the state bank to Vologda ; it was
taken imder the Bolshevik frank and Bolshevik rifles, and I urged on
them as an evidence of good faith to take it away, because there was
danger that the Germans would get Petrograd and they would get
that gold, and it was done." I said, " I am doing about as well as I
can, and I know you are doing about as well as you can, and let us
both of us do the best we can and not spend our time cursing each
other " ; and he left me. He was told, " Here is the situation. What
do you think about it ? " and I have got the autograph cable written
by Harold Williams on the stationery of the British Embassy on the
night of the 5th of March, dispatched to the premier, dispatched to
the foreign office of Great Britain, dispatched to his paper, the Chron-
icle, in which he says that after four months the only power in Rus-
sia is the Bolshevik power ; that if they are supported at this point as
recommended they will declare war against the Germans, that there
will be a failure of the Brest-Litovsk ratification, in his judgment, and
that that is the sound policy.
I then went to the representative of the National City branch
banks in Russia, R. R. Stevens, an able and competent and courageous
man, who differs with me at many points, and has the same right to
his opinion that I have to mine, but representing that $200,000,000
investment; and I, seeing or seeming to see what this thing meant,
wanted to know what he thought about it. I did not know his mind
before. I went to him, I presented it to him, and he dictated a cable;
the carbon copy of the original I have, and the original I myself sent
to Vanderlip, of the National City Bank, in New York, setting out
exactly the same situation as had been agreed on with Lockhart and
Williams and myself.
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 805
I then went to the representative of the Associated Press in Russia,
Charles Smith, a man of middle years, a conservative man — he had
been far-eastern representative at Pekin for years ; an able, patient,
courageous person, anti-Bolshevik in every fiber of- his system — and
put it in front of him. I said, " I know that your instructions are
against wiring policy. Here is a situation that I want to open to
yoUjto see whether you want to do anything in relation to it," and he
sent two cables in agreement with that position, and I have copies
of the original cables sent by him.
1 then took the train and went to Vologda, and reported to the-
American ambassador the situation, and the American ambassador
sent two cables, portions of which two cables I have, given me bj'
the ambassador, in line with that position — the position of assuring
the soviet that if they would make war on Germany and refuse the
ratification of the Brest-Litovsk peace, they would be aided and sup-
ported, as far as we were able to aid and support, in the new front.
I went then from there to Moscow, where the conference was to be
held. Before I went to Moscow, and before I left to go to Vologda,
I went back to see Lenine, and I said, " The general cooperation on
this situation is better than I had supposed. I want more time. Com-
missioner. It takes time to decode long cables like this and get an
agreement. You have always dealt with America as though America
would be separated from the allies. America is never separated from
the allies. We are fighting and we will stand or fall together. Amer-
ica would take no policy that England and France do not agree to,
and it will take time to get that agreement."
The conference was called, as you can see in the public papers at
the time, for the 12th of March. This was the 5th or the morning
of the 6th. The next day's issue of the Izvestija will show that the
date of convening the fourth all-Russian Soviet had been changed to
the 14th at the request of the minister-president, Lenine, in confer-
ence with the executive committee. I think the reason the two days'
-wttoniion was given was to give us time to answer.
I went to Moscow. I got to Moscow, and they said : " There will
nr t be any fourth all-Russian Soviet." Representatives of the allies
there told me so. They said : " Don't you know that Lenine has
absconded already to Finland ? " I said : " No, I did not know it."
They said: "If he oame here he would not live 24 hours. He may
put over stuff like that up in Petrograd, but there is nothing doing
down here."
I then prepared to investigate that conference. I wanted to know
wliether it represented the workmen and peasants of Russia, or
whether it was simply a group of red guards, and a packed confer-
ence, which some of us are reasonably- familiar with. I have sat in
tliem. I wanted to know what it really was, and I set about trying
to know what it really was.
Lenine came a day before the conference opened. I Avent to ses
him. He said, "What have you heard from vour Government?" I
said, "Nothing. What has Lockhart heard?" He said. "Exactly
the same thing." He said, " You will not hear. Neither the Ameri-
can Government nor any of the allied governments will cooperate,
even against the Germans, with the workmen's and peasants' revolu-
tionary government of Russia." Well, I smiled and said I thought
806 BOLSHEVIK tSOPAGANDA.
diiferently. I said, " Commissioner, I am trying to find out about
this assembly here. Some say that it is just Red Guards that you sent
down here from Petrograd, and that you brought up from the Soviets
you control in Moscow, and from Kharhov and Odessa, and, quite
frankly, I am trying to know. I know a packed buncli, and I am
going to try to find out what this is. I am trying to know because
I am acting with my associates, risking our lives daily on the propo-
sition one way, putting lots of material and supplies at issue. If the
Germans are going to come in quickly and take Petrograd and Mos-
cow, I am trying to know it. I want to know this whole situation.''
And I said to him, " Commissioner, I think you know that I will try
to know it, whatever risk may be involved ; " and that rested back
upon a personal relationship with Lenine at a time of great question,
when they said that I was going to be shot, that I will speak of later
if it is interesting; but he knew, I think, Senators, that I was not
wholly concerned about whether I got out of Russia ; that I was con-
cerned that while I was there I played the thing through from step
to step, and that I did not take false rumors, and that I did not either
fool myself or fool others if I could avoid it.
He said, "What can I do?" I said, "Why, you could get me the
credentials, or alleged credentials, of the delegates. I would like to
have them. I would like to go over them with great care. My pur-
pose will be to try to find out whether these credentials really came,
from the communities that they pretend to come from or are alleged
to come from. I am going to subject them to careful scrutiny; and
I should like to have that as one element of my inquiry." He said,
" I don't know ; I will see Smerdorff, who is the chairman of the
executive committee."
I had these credentials. I went over these credentials — three
pieces of paper in some instances from three villages imited behind
one delegate — with the paper and the finger marks and the headings
and the whole lot of things that had every similitude of genuineness,
in seeming, at least. They were subjected to investigation by a
titled Russian on the one hand and my private secretary on the other,
and agreed to as genuine credentials, in their judgment, as nearly as
they could tell; and I believed that there were in that fourth all-
Russian Soviet, gentlemen of the committee, delegates from as far
east as Vladivostok, as far west as Smolensk, as far north as Mur-
mansk, as far south as Odessa, and tiiat it was for the 93 per cent —
absolutely nobody of the other group, but for the 93 per cent — as a
class representation of the vast class mass in Russia, the most genuine
assembly that had taken place in Russia up to that hour.
The debate ran two days and two nights.
Senator Sterling. How many were there in the assembly, Col.
Robins ?
Mr. Robins. I had 1,186 credentials. There were some 1,200 dele-
gates or more. There were those whose credentials for one reason or
another I did not get; group credentials, they claimed, in some in-
stances.
In this debate no one at any time ever spoke of the treaty of peace
as anything but a shameful treaty, a robbers' treaty, a treaty at the
point of the bayonet. Lenine spoke of it as the peace of Tilsit, as the
peace of preparation, as necessary for revolutionary Russia to reor-
&
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 807
ganize her economic life, rebuild her revolutionary army, when
they would do against the German 'brigands what the Germans did
against Napoleon. That was the program, but he did not give the
whole program in his opening address. He laid the foundation for a
situation that might move and change.
There were seven organized parties in that convention. Six of
those parties passed a vote against the ratification. They were minor
parties. One party only supported ratification, and that was the
Bolshevik party, the party of which Lenine was chief, and there
was important defection in that party. Radek was writing brilliant
editorials in the Izvestija against the peace. Trotzky was against the
peace. Karolyn was against the peace, and a number of his asso-
ciates were against the peace ; and the social revolutionists of the left,
who had been indispensable to control of the soviet by the Bolshevik
power up to that time, opposed the peace.
Senator Sterling. Was Trotzky there ?
Mr. EoBiNS. No, sir. He refused to come. He was sulking in
Petrograd.
About an hour before midnight on the second night of the con-
ference Lenine was sitting on the platform; I was sitting on a step
of the platform, and I looked around at this man, and he motioned to
me. I went to him. He said, " What have you heard from your Gov-
ernment ? " I said, " Nothing." I said, " Wliat has Lockhart heard ? "
He said, " Nothing." He said, " I am now going to the platform and
the peace will be ratified ; " and he went to the platform, and he
made a speech of an hour and twenty-odd minutes or so, in which he
outlined the economic condition, the military condition, the absolute
necessity after the three years of economic waste and war for -the
Russian peasant and workingman to have the means, even by a shame-
ful peace, for the reorganization of life in Russia and the pro-
tection of the revolution, as he said; and the peace was ratified by
two and a half to one in that A'ote.
Would you wish to stop now for the time being ?
Senator Overman. I think we had better stop now for luncheon.
(Thereupon, at 1.30 o'clock p. m. the subcommittee took a recess
mitil 2.30 o'clock p. m.)
AFTER RECESS.
The subcommittee reconvened at 2.30 o'clock p. m., pursuant to the
taking of the recess.
TESTIMONY OF MR. RAYMOND ROBINS — Resumed.
Senator Overman. The committee will come to order. Mr. Eobins,
you may proceed without Senator Nelson.
Mr. Robins. At your pleasure, Mr. Chairman.
As soon as the ratification of the Brest peace by the fourth all-
Russian soviet was confirmed, I then, so far as I had any influence
in the situation, changed my relationship on this basis, that whereas
before I had sought recognition of the Government as a de facto Gov-
ernment, which seemed to me clearly to be desirable, I felt that the
ratification of the Brest conference, whatever may have been the
reasons for the ratification, or whoever may have been responsible
808 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
for its ratification, was a fact of such character that the allies could
not be expected to recognize, even as de facto, the soviet government
in Eussia. But that did not seem to preclude the possibility of eco-
nomic cooperation or the control of raw materials, the furnishing
of the economic mind that would direct Eussian economic develop-
ment and open the markets of Eussia to America. I am one who,
though a radical, believes that in feeding, clothing, and housing
people you are doing a work of the very highest social consequence,
and of great moral value, and I believe in the principle of private,
and, if you please, capitalistic industry, and think it can defend itself
on its own ground.
What I saw there was this, that by reason of the Brest peace then
more than at any other time there was a bitter resentment between the
Eussian people and the German Government, and that therefore
Count Mirbach's economic mission would probably fail, even though
there might be agents of Germany in the soviet government, and
that we should meet the pressure that was upon the soviet govern-
ment and the Eussian people to furnish this economic mind. To that
end I worked steadily with the cooperation and under the leadership
and instruction of the American ambassador. The soviet government
asked from the American Government, from the American ambassa-
dor, the privilege of sending an economic mission to America under
the guaranty of the government that there should be no propaganda,
either en route or in America, and willing to make whatever pains
or penalties were necessary to insure that situation. The ambassador
telegraphed to me that he had asked for the privilege of the economic
mission. But we never heard from the Government in relation to it;
at least, I never heard from the ambassador directly in relation to it.
This situation was this. You are familiar. Senators, with the dis-
tinction between primary and secondary production, primary being
the products of the fields and the forests and mines, the land lying
outdoors. There are more uncultivated fertile acres, more untouched
virgin forests, and more unmined mineral wealth, in what was the
Eussian Empire than anywhere else in the world. The working
population, 180,000,000, were producing those raw materials the
world needs. If we should cooperate with them, we would have a
great economic market for our secondary production, for our manu-
factures, and the basis of contact that would ultimately mean the
cultural, industrial, and economic cooperation and penetration on fair
terms of Eussia by America and the allies, working through America,
the same Germans have been carrying on for 20 years, under unfair
terms, and were seeking to carry on through Count Mirbach at this
time.
To the end of getting this cooperation, and after discussion with the
ambassador and the commercial attache of the American embassy,
Mr. Huntington, a cable was sent by the embassy — that had been con-
sidered, of course, by the ambassador, or it would not have been sent —
which reads as follows [reading] :
Am convinced by daily consideration and reconsideration of facts and events
as tliey have occurred since you left Russia that Trotsky's astounding answer
to Germany at Brest-Litovsk was uninfluenced by any consideration other than
the purpose of international Socialism striving for world revolution.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 809
You may say that that was quite sufficient. I agree with you thor-
oughly. But that was the fact; that was my judgment. [Eeading :]
Every act of Bolshevik government is consistent with and supports this
theory. Contrary theory of German control and influence no longer tenable.
Great values for Allied cause in resulting situation depend on continuance of
Bolshevik authority as long as possible. No other party will refrain from
accepting German peace or so deeply stir internal forces opposed to German
government.
Now, why did I say that, Senator ? I said that because of the false
view that was held by many, and carried abroad, in relation to the
constituent assembly. The constituent assembly was controlled by
Tchernoff. Tchernoff was its chairman, elected by an overwhelming
majority in its first and only session. Tchernoff had been removed as
commissioner of agriculture from the Kerensky government because
of suspected German affiliations, and in the conference that decided
on his removal Madam Breshkovsky and President Kerensky both
agreed on the proposition. He now turns up chairman of the con-
stituent assembly, and as such chairman practically indorses all the
extreme radical program of the Bolsheviki, but says the Bolsheviki
can not make peace with Germany. "We need peace; we can make
peace. They are prevented from making peace by their formula of
principles of self-determination, no annexations, and no indemnities,
but we are not bound by this program; we can make peace." In
other words, he pleaded the principle of quick peace, which was the
principal desire of the War-weary Russians as a whole, and that was
his reason for being supported against the Bolsheviki. So that when
the constituent assembly was dismissed by Tchernoff some of us be-
lieved that it was in the interests of the allies and against the quiclc
German peace.
Senator Oveeman. That dispatch is from whom and to whom ?
Mr. EoBiNS. From myself to Col. Thompson.
Senator Steeling. You say that was submitted to Ambassador
Francis ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes ; sent through him, and in the ambassador's cypher,
through the Secretary of State.
Mr. Humes. Just a moment. As I understand it, that, in effect,
was a communication from you to Thompson that was communicated
by the ambassador through the State Department, in order to insure
its delivery to Col. Thompson ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Quite true. What is the point ?
Mr. Humes. I just wanted to have it clear in my mind whether it
is an official communication from the ambassador as expressing his
view, or only the transmittal of a communication from you to Col.
Thompson.
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes, but let it appear that no cypher cable could be
sent by anybody in Eussia through the American Embassy that was
counter to any definite policy of the embassy. [Eeading :]
No other party will refrain from accepting German peace or so deeply stir
internal forces opposed to German Government. Questions put to Trotzky by
Kuhlman after his statement indicate Germany's disinclination to continue
militai-y operations if satisfactory trade relations can be reestablished.
For instance, Senator, the social revolutionists of the Left killed
Mirbach. Did the Germans march into Moscow? They did not.
Why ? Because they had found that dead Eussians and burned grain
^10 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
in the Ufaaine were of little value to the central powers ; and 1 pre-
ferred by their methods to beat them to it, and it seemed possible in
-the situation. That may have been a misjudgment or not. [Eead-
ing:]
Reestablishment of such relations vastly more valuable to central Empires
than conquest of disorganized revolutionary Russian territory. Soviet organiza-
-tions throughout all Russia representing entire laboring and peasant class vfill
not readily submit to domination of German troops.
As was proved then and has been proved constantly ever since.
[Eeading :]
This class may in time change leadership and policies but will not relinquish
power without a struggle and certainly not to an invading imperialistic force.
Germany therefore cannot control extensive resources by conquest. Any effort
to force her terms of peace by hostilities will be an attack on Russian revolution
:and will be met vigorously. Greatest rtiinger to Allied cause is reestablishment
of German commercial relations which may result if Germany abandons hos-
.tilities and Russia can not obtain American supplies and assistance. Revolu-
tionary Russia having broken with German Imperialism and regarding other
Allied governments as imperialistic will naturally turn to United States for
commodities and supplies of non-military character for which she is willing to
.exchange surplus metals, oil and other raw material vitally necessary to Ger-
many's continued prosecution of the war. Conferences now being held with
Bolshevik authorities who have expressed willingness to deal on this basis with
United States and desire American assistance and cooperation in railway re-
organization. Commercial attache at Embassy is conducting negotiations and
Ambassador will strongly urge vigorous action by government.
Would the ambassador have sent that if it had not been in agree-
ment with what he thought was the situation ?
Senator Overman. The point was made, is that an official telegram
irom the ambassador ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Not at all. It is not that. [Continuing reading:]
Danger of some American supplies ultimately reaching Germany unworthy
.•of consideration because supplies Russia needs from America less valuable to
Germany than supplies America will receive from Russia which otherwise
would go to Germany. By generous assistance and technical advice in reor-
ganizing commerce and industry American may entirely exclude German com-
merce during balance of war. Commercial attache should immediately be au-
thorized and ample funds placed at his disposal to enter into contracts which
will assure control of Russia's surplus products most needed by Germany. This
should be followed by prompt action along lines of our eight and nine.
Senator Nelson. What is the date of that?
Mr. EoBiNS. February 15, a day or two after the ratification of the
Brest peace. Not the ratification, either ; a day or two after the sign-
ing of the Brest peace.
Senator Nelson. The Brest treaty was not ratified until in March.
Mr. EoBiNs. But it was signed.
Senator Nelson. This was before it was signed?
Mr. EoBiNS. You are quite right. I have made a misstatement. It
w^as sent just after the failure of the Brest negotiations, but before
the signing of peace.
Senator Nelson. The first one. There was a preliminary negotia-
tion. At first the war went on and they got within 50 miles of Petro-
grad before the final treaty was made. Those are the facts.
]\Ir. EoBiNS. That is the fact.
Senator Nelson. And that was ratified by this soviet you have
f^efcribed in Moscow in the manner you have indicated. Now, m
th'At connection you have described how Trotsky stayed away. Do
B0LSHBVIK PEOPAGA]Sri)A. 811
you not tliink that he was posing in that case? One of the two
leaders was for the treaty and the other stood back. Was not that for
a, purpose, to have an anchor to windward ?
Mr. EoBiNS. It may have been, Senator. But I think the actual
facts of the situation do not yield to that view of it. That might be
a matter of opinion.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think, between the two, Lenine is the
most conscientious
Mr. EoBiNs. Decidedly so.
Senator Nelson. Eevolutionist, more so than Trotzkj'?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes. I would say that, because of fundamental dif-
ferences in character. Lenine is a patient, steady person. Trotzky
is a great orator, a prima donna.
Senator Nelson. Lenine is a real Slav ?
Mr. EoBiNs. Yes.
• Senator Nelson. And the other is a Hebrew?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes, sir.
Senator Steeling. One question I want to ask Col. Eobins is this:
I understood you to say that after the Brest Litovsk treaty it was
apparent that Count Mirbach's economic mission would fail, and I
do not understand how it could. It would seem to me that that
would give Count Mirbach's mission or any German economic activi-
ties a free field.
Mr. EoBiNS. Let us consider that. Throughout the entire Soviet
Russia it was stated that this was a robber peace forced upon revolu-
tionary Eussia at the point of the bayonet; that they were trying to
steal their land and their resources. They had gone down to fight
•in the Ukraine; they were fighting the Germans up in Finland, and
the whole authority of the Brest-Litovsk situation was an authority
against soviet Eussia.
Senator Sterling. Yet Lenine favored it?
Mr. EoBiNS. Quite so, sir.
Senator Steeling. And it was on his advice that it was ratified ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Precisely, for the reasons indicated. But I do not
think that is a point, for the mass life in Eussia was bitter in its re-
sentment against German aggression and the terms of the Brest-
Litovsk treaty which was forced upon Eussia.
Senator Nelson. I want to call your attention to one fact that you
omitted in your story of the Brest-Litovsk treaty, and that is that
they had organized a Ukrainian republic or government of some
kind.
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes, sir.
SenEttor Nelson. And they had their representatives there?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. When the final treaty was made and the question
■was raised whether they should be allowed to sign the treaty sepa-
rately for their own republic in connection with the representatives
of Eussia, and either Lenine or Trotsky got up in the meeting
and said it was either one or the other, and they would find out be-
fore the day was over — one said it was all right to have the Ukrain-
ians sign the treaty on behalf of the Ukraine — in that they recog-
nized by their action that government as an independent government,
distinct from Eussia.
812 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Robins. Trotsky was the person.
Senator Nelson. Trotsky was the man who was present and got
up in the meeting and said it was quite satisfactory — I am not quot-
ing his words — satisfactory that they sign as representatives of the
Ukrainian Eepublic.
Mr. Robins. Moving on to the question of possible economic co-
operation, I wish to speak about the modifications in the enforcement
of certain decrees that followed the Brest-Litovsk ratification. The
fourth all-Russian Soviet indicated the possibility of cooperation
with the soviet government on a purely economic and nonrecogni-
tion basis.
And may I say to the committee, Senator, thnt the soviet was never
anxious for fonnal recognition, and all I have to do is state the facts
of their position to give you the reason why. They were leading an
international socialist revolutionary movement, a definite class war,
a definite economic materialistic, class revolutionary force movement.
They had to appeal to their comrades, as they called them, in all
other lands. The moment they made a treaty with any capitalistic
country, so-called, whether it was with Germany or the allies, they in
a sense injured their position and weakened the appeal of their social-
istic, revolutionary purpose and program. They could have been
said to have done what Kerensky had done but they had denounced
him for doing, making common cause with unpatriotic capitalist gov-
ernments. Trotsky's position was a sort of forlorn-hope position,
or hopeful, if you will, Horatio on the bridge, holding out against the
world. " Here we are, the leaders of the great proletarian revolu-
tion, and we will have nothing to do with the imperialist allies, noth-
ing to do with the Germany militarist autocracy. We are leading
a great revolutionary movement." That was the front held forth,
but the actual necessities of their economic life made them willing
to make real concessions to America to get what was necessary in a
sense for their economic existence, and you will find that conflict be-
tween front, as it were, and facts, at many points in the situation.
Xow, I want to bring out one or two other things. The decree
of repudiation was not passed until 45 days, or something like that,
after the decree had been introduced in the ,-oviet. It first came up
for passage three weeks after the decrees passed on the 7th day of
November. I regarded the passage of the decree -of repudiation as so
complicating the situation, so violating the necessary good faith be-
tween nations, that it was of great moment not to pass that decree.
I went out to see Trotsky and urged on him that the decree should
not be passed. He used his influence in the a!l-Russian soviet execii
tive committee to prevent the decree from being passed. He then
wont to Brest. It came up for consideration again while he was there.
It is one of the well-known tenets of the Marxian school — ^the repu-
diation cf debts. It came up and was about to be passed. I saw
Lenine, and it did not pass right away, but some days afterwards I
saw him and he said, " The decree of repudiation is going to be
passed."
Senator Sterling. Now, Mr. Robins, jus^ to make it plain to my
mind, that was a decree of repudiation in regard to what ?
]Mr. Robins. The national debt. He said, " Col. Robins, you say
that the allied governments will help the soviet government against
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 813
the central powers at all points ? " I said, " Yes, that has always been
my statement." He said, " What you say to me indicates that I have
five cards in my hands, when, in fact, I only have one. Four of the
cards are blank. Those blank cards represent cooperation of the
allies with soviet Eussia. All I have is the one card, which is the
unity of the revolutionary workers and peasants of Eussia. They be-
lieve in this formula as one of the things that every revolutionary
government ought to do." He said, "We are going to pass it." I
urged on him what it meant' agaiflSt economic help from America,
atid was most insistent. He finally turned to me and said, " We are
perfectly willing to take care of the American debt and the English
debt, but we will not take care of the French debt." "Why; just
because it is bigger ? " He replied, " That is not the only reason.
That debt comes out of the loan of the French bourgeois bankers to
the autocracy, which has kept that autocracy alive 30 years longer
than it would have lived without financial support from France.
What you are really asking me to do is to pay back the money loaned
by the French bourgeois to keep the cossack whip and sword over our
people for 30 years, and the workmen and peasants are not willing."
Senator Nelsok. Did you not know that he was lying then — was
misstating the facts ?
Mr. EoBiNS. I did. He was overstating.
Senator Nelson. Most of the money that went into that loan was
money of the French peasants, and not of the bankers and higher
classes.
Mr. EoBiNS. I rather think, sir, that a large proportion of that had
been loaned by the bankers, in the first instance, and placed with the
peasants afterwards, and it had become a sort of savings of the peo-
ple. But his argument was an argument that ran in ^Russia.
Now, when that decree was passed it was passed under the circum-
stances indicated, and I felt that we could always get around that
decree; that is, while they might not formally repeal it, they would
allow America to really pay the French debt from the great resources
that were in Eussia; and talking with some of the members of the
soviet, we led up to that, and they said that they felt that would be
possible, if there was economic cooperation, later on.
One day, about the 20th of March I think it was, a Mr. McAllister,
of the International Harvester Co., the head of their enterprise in
Eussia, came into my office in Moscow where I was then working with
the Eed Cross and conducting my task there and serving the country,
making daily communications to the ambassador. He said, "We are
having trouble at our factory at Lubertzslty." I said, " Have you a
factory at Lubertzsky? " He said, "Of course we have." I said,
"Are you making anything up there? " He said, "We are making
agricultural machinery. We have 5,000 or 6,000 harvesting machines
on hand. We have 3,000 more ready to be assembled and we Avill have
a thousand more by the time the crop is ready." " Have you been
carrying on business since the Bolshevik revolution?" He said,
"Yes; and our inen in the factory have done better than they did
under Kerensky." I said, "Why" are you not happy, then?" He
said, " They are extending that rule to the office, and to the assem-
bhng of raw materials a-nd to distribution, and there is no value in the
workingmen's control of those things." I think that is true. I think
814 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
that is what has happened where the decree has been carried to the
full length.
Senator Steeling. Did he in that connection speak of the loyalty
of the workmen and the good treatment they had been accorded, and
that that was one reason why the factory was still doing busiAess?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes; and I said, " Now, what you want is to have the
enforcement of this decree stopped ? That is what you want ? You
Avant to be given a reprieve for the moment? You want to have that
ultimatum raised or the time extended? " He said, '" Yes." I went
to Lenine and I said, " Now, there is a capitalistic enterprise, an
American capitalistic enterprise, doing business in Russia for the
purpose of making money, but in your formula, for the purpose
of exploiting Russia. But it happens, commissioner, to be delivering
the goods, to be manufacturing a product of prime economic neces-
sity for an agrarian people — that is, agricultural machinery. Your
decree, if it is enforced at this time, will wipe out that organiza-
tion. So far as I am advised, the International Harvester Co. is the
best producing organization for agricultural machinery in the world.
They have the best brains not only for producing but also for mar-
keting, I hear. I am not going to argue the case with you. You have
got to have cooperation from America. You can not get a ton of
space in any vessel in an American port and you can not get a dollar
of interim credit between the time of shipment and until the raw
material to pay for it comes back. You can not get a ton of space
in any American ship for manufactured material if it can be success:
fully maintained in America that a going concern making a primary
product for the economic life of Russia 18 versts from Moscow can
not continue to produce because of your socialistic decrees. I am not
going to argue. I will simply leave it to your own judgment." The
fact was, a representative from the soviet council went down there
and conferred with the representatives of the harvester company, and
Mr. McAllister came back to my office and said he had a perfectly
satisfactory arrangement with them in relation to the enforcement
of the workmen's decree, and that everything was going on satisfac-
torily. When I left Russia that was the statement of those gentle-
men to me, and I brought in information for the International Har-
vester Co. and turned it ovei' to Mr. Edgar Bancroft, who met me at
the train at Chicago on my way to Washington, urging cooperation
and extension of credit and the possibility of doing business under
the Bolshevik Russian government six months after that govern-
ment had been in operation.
I wish to state further that in the day's work there were con-
stant modifications of these decrees that showed the possibility of
doing work with the soviet government, in my judgment. One was
in relation to the nationalization of banks, ancl affected the National
City branch banks in Russia. In each one of these instances I talked
with the responsible managers of business enterprises and in most in-
stances they said they could continue to do business. I said to Mc-
Allister, " McAllister, working out the future of manufacturing in
Russia i^ possibly the biggest job left on the map, is it not, for a
manufacturer ? " He said it was. I said, " I will agree with you that
trying to run a factory in Bolshevik Russia is a hell of a job, if you
will excuse the profanity, but is it not the job that we have to engage
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. ^ 815
in. McAllister, suppose you left Eussia ; in six weeks who would be
running your factory ? " He said that some German would ; and I
said, "Certainly, because he is the only one that has got the mind and
that it would mean serving the German economic control if he left. I
said, " I am going to stay on and meet what comes. Won't you ? " I
said exactly the same thing to Mr. Stevens, and both of those men
were of that mind before I said anything about it. They agreed that
there was this possible relationship of service that we ought to carry
out in the Eussian situation.
I now move to another question.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Eobins, may I interrupt you a moment? What
do you know as to the development at the plant of the International
Harvester Co. subsequent to this conversation that you refer to with
McAllister?
Mr. KoBiNS. Subsequent to the conversation? If you mean imme-
diately after it would be two months — I remained in Eussia for some
time, and subsequent to my leaving Eussia I do not know what trans-
pired. I left Eussia in May and Vladivostok the 1st of June, and at
that time they were in agreement with the general position I hate
stated.
Mr. Humes. Do you know anything about the contributions that
have been assessed or the taxes that have been assessed against that
plant since that time ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Not since that time.
Mr. Humes. You are not familiar with that ?
Mr. EoBiNS. No.
Senator Nelson, Would you mind giving us information about the
various decrees that this government of Lenine and Trotzky auT
nounced? I would like information about their program and form
of government.
Mr. EoBi>fS. I shall be very glad to go into that later, if I may.
Why were the formulas, the hard, stark Marxian socialist formulas,
powerful in Eussia? Were they powerful? I make the statement
that they were. I make the statement that I found more men, work-
ingmen and peasants, who said over those formulas, in proportion to
those active in general affairs, than I ever found of one culture any-
where else, and I have been fairly vigorous and out in the open all
of my life, and know this particular labor and economic struggle
reasonably well. It was, I think, for this reason. For 60 years prior
to the revolution of March 17 the structure of the Eussian Govern-
ment had remained practically in statu quo at a time when the struc-
ture of all the other governments, even of China, was being modified
into more liberal and tolerable machinery of government. The Cos-
sack whip and the Cossack sword, the power of the autocracy, held it
absolutely static. Little efforts of educational enterprises, like that
of Tolstoy on his estate, for peasants, when extended in any impor-
tant direction were denounced as revolutionary and the leaders were
imprisoned or killed. Little economic organizations among the work-
ers in the Donetz coal basin, endeavoring to help the coal miners and
their families, were denounced as revolutionary and their leaders
were imprisoned or killed. Free speech, free press, right of petition,
and the discussion of government were denounced as revolutionary
and the leaders were imprisoned or killed. All those normal streams
816 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
of progi-essive life and thought that would have moved out and fer-
tilized the Russian social system were dammed up and forced back
into a turgid current, into subterranean and dangerous channels, and
men said over and over in garrets and cellars, in forests, and in
Siberian prisons, "When we get power, we will pass this decree and
it will settle that; when we get power, we will pass that decree and
it will settle that ; when we get poAver, we will pass this decree and it
will settle the other thing," and the hard, metallic formula was said
over and over again until men could say it backwards without miss-
ing a word. Never having had a chance to try this indoor formula
against the outdoor facts, they could not know any difficulties in its
application to life. Practical men all know that there never was an
indoor formula devised that fits outdoors, that will not break
up and require modification when applied to reality; but
the Eussian peasants and workingmen did not know, never had
had a chance to try out anything in practice. Therefore they be-
lieved in their dogmas. There was faith in the whole revolutionary
cultiire. Why was it socialist? It was socialist because that ap-
pealed to the coUectivist Slavic mind. I do not want to pretend to
have wisdom that I do not possess. I am not wise in these things,
but I do know certain human reactions to a degree. The Russian
peasant moves and thinks collectively ; they act as a village ; they move
and think in groups; they act collectively; cooperative associations
run with wonderful ease in the Russian life. They are not individ-
ualists; they have not the sense of personal responsibility and initia-
tive that has been given to the Anglo-Saxon genius. Their natural
collectivism made the socialist formulas and methods popular. The
materialist antichurch side of it was also popular, and popular not
because the Russian is not a religious-minded person, because he is.
I have high regard for religion; I believe that the personal, social,
individual control and social sanction that lies in a genuine religious
life is of first consequence to civilization, and I believe that no demo-
cratic institution can survive without it. I went to Russia and
during the Kerensky regime I tried to find some center of moral
power, some center of religious restraint and enthusiasm, that
would hold this wild life, with the bit in its teeth, in the relig-
ious institutions of the land. I went to the great sybor or confer-
ence of the Greek Church at Moscow, and I met the procurator
of the Holy Synod and other leaders, metropolitans, and bishops,
and I avow this testimony, and the Senators can find it if they
wish, that I have worked steadily with the religious forces in
this country, have done such work as John R. Mott said had not
otherwise been done in the universities of this country, for a distinct
religious sanction, and I bear this testimony with regard to my
Russian experience, that I never found anybody there who thought
that the church in Russia could exercise moral restraint and social
power, either inside or outside of the church. It had lost its credit
absolutely. It had become associated in the revolutionary movement,
in the minds of peasants and workingmen, as a class institution. For
instance, here is a peasant walking under the most holy gate into the
Kremlin with me. He takes off his hat. Another crosses himself and
kisses an ikon. I say to them, " You are religious? " " Yes." " You
believe in God and in Jesus Christ?" "Yes." " You believe in the
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAKDA. 817
church? " " No ! " The church has been the spy system of autocracy
for 200 years. It was that resentment against the organized churchi
that made them accept, as it were, the materialistic philosophy. Why
did this philosophy have power in the villages? Nine per cent of
the Russian people are city proletariat, and are educated in the
formulas of revolutionary socialism. They are in the cities. Forty
per cent of that 9 per cent goes back twice a year to the villages, ati
planting time and harvest time. They are the persons who have been*
away, who have had experience. They go back to the village and
the village people gather around them and they hear their talk, and
their talk is of the revolution, of the good time that is coming.
Their talk is in the terms of the formula of social revolution. For
that reason there was this widespread agreement in the formulas
running through Russian life. These revolutionary formulas had a
real power and a tremendous significance at this hour of Russian
upheaval. These formulas had. been talked and cultivated and
quoted in Russia by people of the better classes, even by many who
in the Hour of their realization repudiated them. Madame Bresh-
kovskaya, great old spirit that she was, for 40 years in the villages
and the cities said to the peasants, " The land is yours ; you should
not pay rent to the landlords, and barons"; said to the workingmen,
" The factories are yours ; your labor produces all. You should con-
trol the mills and mines." She had distributed thousands of copies
of the communist manifesto and Karl Marx's Das Kapital, and
when the hour came and the masses demanded the fulfillment of
her promises, she, trying to exercise restraint, bravely and heroically
spent her entire leadership and capital in trying to restrain the ,
realization of the very things that she had led the peasants to de-
mand. And that explains why this social revolutionary group and
Kerensky were absolutely bereft of power and leadership. This old
woman was the greatest figure in Russia, and she could have com^
manded more soldiers when I went there than any other one person,
and she lost her influence because she constantly refused to recognize
the demands that she had taught the peasants and workers to make.
The same thing was manifest among certain representatives of the
American Government in Russia. For years I have been in the, open
fighting socialist doctrines, and certain men said that I did not have
intelligence enough to be a socialist, which may be true, but I had
heard one of these men to whom I refer down in Washington Square,
in Greenwich Village, in New York, sitting with other high brows and
uplif ters, telling the wonderful gospel of Karl" Marx ; the class strug-
gle, that that is the real principle pf the whole social process; the
economic interpretation of history, the iron law of wages, the law of
diminishing returns ; that that is the whole thing in social progress.
He said that in comfort and in ease in Washington Square; but
when responsibly engaged by the American Government in trying
to protect American interests, national interests, if you will, allied
interests, if you will, when these formulas came down the Nevski
in the form of bearded, red-blooded peasants and workingmen with
bayoneted guns and said, " This thing that you taught we are going
to do, and we will push out of the way your Kerensky government
and all the others," then these gentlemen threw up their hands and
said, "Oh, my God.; that is not socialism ; that is German agents,
85723—19 52
818 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
thieves, and murderers!" It was nothing in the world but the
realization in the time of strain, in the only way they will ever be
realized, of those. formulas they had taught in thvi ease and comfort of
the parlor in Washington Square. And the movement from class
struggle to class terror is perfectly understandable and foreseeable.
If I believe that only one class has any right, if I believe it has pro-
duced everything and that the other class is nothing but a bunch of
parasites, if that class gets in the way in time of strain, I will stick
a bayonet into it.
Senator Sterling. Is it simply because that is the doctrine of the
Bolshevists that she objected to it?
Mr. Robins. The only point is that she cultivated it for 40 years.
Senator Sterling. And she never believed that it would come with
the excesses and the atrocities that characterized it when it did come ?
Mr. EoBiNS. In other words, she did not believe that a revolution
would be a revolution. She believed that it would be a perfectly nice,
orderly thing, that would leave us in the leadership, we nice people;
but revolutions come eating and drinking, and if you create a revolu-
tion, then, in the day of judgment, you ought not to be heard towhine
about it. That, in my judgment, explains the sweep of the revolu-
tionary formula in Russian life. And may I say this, even at the risk
of being misunderstood: I have fought in the open all of my life.
If I had lived under a state such as Lenine and Trotzky lived under,
if I had lived under the Cossack whip and sword and had seen men
and women by the thousand sent to Siberia without trial, if I had
known the church as the church was known in Russia, as the spy
system of autocracy among the poor, then I believe I should have
been opposed to the state and the church. I thank God that I knew
the state where my little county could meet in convention, in demo-
cratic fashion, and run the show, for I live in that part of the country
where possibly are preserved in their purity more than anywhere else
Anglo-Saxon institutions, south of Mason and Dixon's line. I re-
member the church as the little white church on the hill, where we
went to hear the man speak that the people chose to have there, who
taught us the old simple doctrines of Christianity, and I believe he
was highly serviceable and not a betrayer of liberty and justice, but
rather the friend of both; But I would like to have you really see the
Russian situation and understand the lines of this movement, so that
we can combat it eflfectively and not on false grounds.
Senator Nelson. I would appreciate your statement much better if
yOu would outline to me a plan of government as outlined by their
decrees. Then I would be very glad to hear your discussion of it,
but you have not given us that yet. You have simply told us about
the decree where they canceled all foreign debts — all indebtedness of
the country. Now, if yoti will tell us the rest of the plan of govern-
ment, we can better understand what you are proceeding to say. You
have not done that yet.
Mr. Robins. Quite true. I rather assumed that the Senator Iniew
those decrees; that there had been so much discussion about it, it was
all in the mind of the Senator. I spoke of a decree of all lands to the
peasants^-distributing the land ; the decree of all control of industry
in the workingman ; the formal decree of the control of the factories;
the decree offeriixi?' seneral democratic ispiicA fa the world ; the decree
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. : 81 9^'
tkt'prQvidM for the control of government to ,be in the soviet— of all ,
poi^er in the Soviets. There were other decrees of similar character, .
but they are all accessible, and to go into a detailed statement about
that would take so very much time that I thought that probably that
had all been covered in previous discussions before this committee, but
I will return to it again, if the Senator has any questions that he de-
sires to ask.
May I suggest, Senator Overman, with a kindly, well-intentioned,
generous government, like our Government, wanting really to
serve Russia, seeking really to have her better her condition and
free all of the people everywhere, why it is that we failed to connect
in that Russia story ? And ma}' I suggest to the committee that you.
will find several lines of intelligence that will give you leading in the
matters I will now discuss? One of them is the mission sent to Russia
with the Hon. Elihu Root at its head. I regard Mr. Root as the ablest
man on international questions in America. I do not believe that we
could have chosen a man who by intent and past experience and in-
tegrity of character was more calculated to serve wisely America in
that situation; but I relate simply the fact of the reaction to his.
appointment as I found it there. You may loiow that he had at-
tacked at one time in this country a very important public person,,
and you may know that as a result of that attack editorials, the most ,
brilliant possible of their kind, had been published for successive
weeks, accompanied by cartoons, speaking of Mr. Root as the jackal
of privilege, as the watchdog of Wall Street, and all that sort of thing.
They had been run in the public press. Probably the German agents-
in America, immediately upon his appointment, gathered these up
and sent them over, and they appeared in pamphlets in Russia, trans-
lated in to. Russian, with the cartoons and the words changed to Rus-
sian synonyms, so that even friendly papers said, " How is it possible
that the great democratic President should send over to Russia to
help make the world safe for democracy — ■to revolutionary Russia —
theiman who has spent most of his time, according to what we hear, in
trying to. make America safe for plutocracy ? " I think it was thor-
oughly unjust and unfair, but none the less it was a real situation^
and it was charged on the basis of that propaganda that Mr. Root
was:there for the^purpose of getting Russia for Wall Street, for this,
that, rand the other special capitalist interest, just as it was charged
against me, and with just as little truth.
Then there was another fact of importance. There returned to-
Russia irnmediately at the beginning of the revolution great numbers
of Enssians, from America,- immigrants, both Gentile and Jew, and
they .represented two classes. They represented genuine, honest men,
who had met America at America's worst — and America's worst, when
we are honest and frank with ourselves, is evil. I know and you laiow
that.. I havff spent some of my time trying to help iron these evils. -
out;. ;I know that 97 per cent, or at least 90 per cent, of America. is
sound and true and competent and will ultimately take care of all
bad spots, but there were and are bad spots. Men came back to Russia
and, spoke of the steel mills of Pennsylvania, spoke of the 12-hour
day, spoke of the 24-hour shifts every two weeks, spoke of the seven-
dayrWeek, spoke of those things of the nonunion coal mines of West;
Vitginia,- of the tenement sweatshops, of the- political system of our,
820 BOLSHEVIK PE0PAGA2iIDA. '
great cities, and the political police court with its corruption ; inter-
preted America as being a capitalist's heaven and the workman's hell.
That was perfectly false, but it carried influence, because those men
spoke the language, and they came back with that interpretation; and
man after man, when I was fighting against the rise of Bolshevism,
said, " We do not care for your democracy ; we do not want political
democracy ; we are going to have a real economic revolution ; we did
not depose our Czar to get 20 czars ; we are not going to have a czar
of oil, a czar of coal, a czar of the railroads." You know the stuff;
we are familiar with it. It was that playing upon the situation that
made the Eussian revolutionary movement go from a democratic en-
terprise onto a fundamental economic socialist revolutionary plane,
if I know anything about it. To this group were added the agitators
who were the paid agents of Germany or the doctrinaire socialists of
the destructive groups, such as the I. W. W.
There are two or three other influences that ought to be in our
minds if we are to know and understand the play in Eussia. I have
spoken of the 7 per cent, sincere, honest, and interested — selfislily in
some instances. But that 7 per cent had all the contact in the foreign
capitals, all the contact with the normal lines of ambassadorial and
mission life, for they were the only people you needed to Imow in the
old regime. They had the language and the contact, they were the
people that furnished us with ideas ; and then, second, after the decree
of repudiation, there was the perfectly understandable position of
France in Eussia. It was summed up at one time by a representative
of France there in a discussion with me, when the question of inter-
vention was in point. I said to myself : " It seems to me that inter-
vention is a mistake and will ruin our interests here, and it will turn
European Eussian people and resources over to Germany and make
European Eussia a German province, and I am against it for the time
being. But, I said to myself, '' Suppose I am wrong." I sought a con-
ference with this French representative to whom I referred, and he
said this to me when we put the map on the table and discussed in-
tervention. Have you done that? It is 800 miles across Manchuria
until you get to Siberia. There are the Chinese Eastern Eailroad, the
Upper Amur Eailroad, and the Amur River, three lines of communi-
cation to control, 650 miles to Lake Baikal, with the road around
precipitous mountain cliffs on either side, with 32 tunnels already
mined ; then 4,000 miles across Siberia with one line of railroad open
on both flanks, and 800 miles across the Urals to the European Eus-
sian front, before you will divert a single German from the western
front. This French representative said to me, " I know it is not prac-
tical, but it must be attempted." Then I said, " Why not get Russia's
raw material and handle this economic situation here and win the
war on the western front ? " Then this gentleman said, " What is it to
us if the allies win the war, and France loses the savings of a hundred
years ? " That was the heart of the French position in the Russian
situation. There was the third line of influence. It was this.
There came a time when the Bolsheviki were organizing Soviets in
Turkestan and distributing documents carrying the general proposi-
tions of no annexations, no indemnities, and self-determination of
nationalities. Mr. Lockhart came to me one day with a cablegram from
the British foreign office and said, "Here is more trouble," and
• BOISHETIK PBOPAGAIIDA. 821
the cablegram was to this effect, " We are advised of the organization
of Soviets in Turkestan. It is only a short distance across Afghan-
istan to India, and if the Mahometans in Turkestan begin to discuss
self-determination it will be only a short time until the Mahometans
in India will begin to discuss self-determination, and it may greatly
complicate the situation for the British Empire." There were
genuine complications of this character, movements for certain pur-
poses in certain positions at certain points in the play. We have now
in front of us the general situation.
May I now speak of the reason why I hold the judgment, as I do
hold it unhesitatingly, that Lenine and Trotzky were not conscious
German agents ? I started to work with them and dealt at all points
on the basis of uncertainty, question, suspicion, but delivery of each
specific situation and task. One of the persons whom I came in con-
« tact with first was Zalkind, assistant commissioner of foreign affairs
in the soviet government. When Trotzky went to Brest-Litovsk, all of
the affairs that I had to deal with the soviet government about had to
pass through Zalkind. I early became convinced that he was either a
German agent or certainly a vigorous enemy of the allied cause. I
waited for some real situation. I did not know whether he suited
Jjenine or not. If I had found he had suited him I would have simply
gone on with that much more of the facts in front of me, but I wanted
to know. I did not go to Lenine and say, " I am suspicious of your
assistant commissioner of foreign affairs. I think he is a bad fellow.
I think he is a German agent." I waited for a situation of definite
fact. The situation came. I was called to the American Embassy one
day and shown a letter transmitted by Zalkind in the absence of
Trotsky, as acting commissioner of foreign affairs, in the briefest
form transmitting a bitter, virulent resolution of an anarchist group,
denouncing the American ambassador and the American Govern-
ment— a clearly unfriendly act. I asked the ambassador to let me
have that material. It was taken and laid on Lenine's desk; Trotsky
was away. He was asked, " Commissioner, is that what you want ?
Does that meet with your approval ? Here is an open, definite, direct
insult to the American ambassador and the American Government by
the responsible minister of your foreign office." He looked it over
and said, " That must be a provocative " ; in other words, an effort to
provoke trouble by false statements and acts, that was always present,
in the Russian situation — ^provocation of one thing and another. You
hear it constantly and see it again and again. He was answered,
" I do not think so. I know Zalkind's signature. I think it is gen-
uine, Commissioner. Would you mind calling him up on the tele-
phone? " He called him up on the telephone and Zalkind admitted
the transaction, and the commissioner then and there told Zalkind
to make a formal apology to the American ambassador.
I was pleased. Two hours afterwards I called up the American
Embassy to find out whether-the apology liad come over there, and
the ambassador said, " No ; there was not any apology. On the
contrary, a representative came here from the foreign office of the
soviet government and said that there was to be a demonstration of
anarchists in front of the embassy to-night, and that the government
was going to protect us; had ample power to protect us ; was going to
822 -BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. .
send down a special machine-gun corps, or something of that sortj to
protect us."
Here was a lying camouflage of special protection, based upon an
unfriendly act. I went out to the embassy, supposing that this man
had talked to the ambassador. He had not. The ambassador
thought he had talked with his private secretai'y, Mr. Johnston. Mr.
Johnston was out. We waited until Mr. Johnston came back and
found he had not talked to him but had talked to Mr. Bailey, the first
secretary of the embassy. When Mr. Bailey came in quite a good
deal of time had then elapsed, and we got a statement made by Mr.
Bailey, dictated and written on the stationery of the embassy, to mfe,
without mentioning anybody else, of the facts that had occurred.
That was taken out and laid in front of Lenine after midnight that
night, and we said, " This is the way your foreign office has followed
jour instructions for apology." The next morning the Izvestija
<;arried the line that Zalkind had been removed as assistant
commissioner of foreign affairs. I saw Lenine, and he said,
^'This man has some relations with our people of influence. If
he is out of Russia, are you satisfied ? " I said, " Entirely so." He
said, " We are going to send him to Switzerland." I said, " Good !
You can not send him too far for me." He ^^as removed. In my
judgment, he was not removed for the German interest, and it seemed
to me another indication of the facts of the situation.
We went on then. I have spoken to you about the anarchist situa-
tion in Petrograd. Now let me speak of the anarchist situation in
Moscow.
It is now after the ratification of the Brest-Litovsk peace. It is
along in April. Anarchist organizations, financed, in my judgment,
by German agents, are developing more and more, until important
allied officers tell me that the anarchists are running Moscow. I say,
" No ; I do not think so. I think the Kremlin, where Lenine is, is
running Moscow." Finally I, who had worked so steadily in the
situation, began to be, I suppose, definitely objectionable. I had
recovered certain property in certain quarters, taken by the anarchist
clubs which were masquerading as anarchists when they were really
thieves and robbers, in some instances at least.
Senator Steeling. Colonel, may I ask whether the Bolshevik
government was doing anything at that time to repress the anarchist
movement ?
Mr. Robins. Nothing particularlj' serious, I guess.
On a certain day I am in the headquarters telegraph office at
Moscow, sending my daily communication to the American am-
bassador over the direct wire. A furore starts and people run up the
stairs. I go down the stairs and find a group of 10 or 12 anarchists
with bayoneted guns surrounding my automobile and the guns
pointed at my chauffeur, telling him to move on. I open the door of
the automobile and get in and sit in with the others — there are a
number of anarchists in there — and through my interpreter begin
debating the matter with them — arguing the matter with them. They
say that they have a requisition to take my automobile. WelJ, as
there were a good many Government requisitions I did not know but
that it was possible that the requisition was on the square. : I ask^to
see the requisition, and they refuse to show it to me. i ask theni then
BOLSHByiK I^OEAGANDA. 823
•to take the automobile to the headquarters of the Petrograd soviet and
there get a test of the matter.
We started, but when my chauffeur started to drive down a cer-
tain direction toward the soviet office they pushed a couple of guns
against him and started him the other way. I then said, " Well, we
will leave this situation and make another move at it." I did not want
to go to the anarchist headquarters in the automobile, even if the
automobile went, and they said I could not get out of the car; but
we opened the door, my chauffeur stopped the car, and I stepped off
the car, and they did not shoot us, but the man who was on the
running board turned to me and said, " Sprechen sie Deutsch ? " I
said, " No ; I speak English."
The car was taken to the headquarters of the anarchists. I went
that afternoon to the foreign minister, Tchitcherin, and made a
simple statement of the facts. I said, " I know this is a rough game,
and this is probably just done for my comfort to make me quit the
play, but I want that automobile, and I want a show of definite
-power in the situation. There are those who say that the power
-is over there at 9 Duvorskaya and those who say that the power is
in the Kremlin. I have been saying it is in the Kremlin, and I want
to know where the power is."
I was promised my automobile that afternoon. The afternoon
came, but not the automobile. I went to see Derjinski, of the Com-
mittee on counter revolution and sabotage. He said, "I will get
your automobile." Later on he called up and said that he could not
get it until the next day. There seemed to be backing and filling.
I went to see Trotsky and talked with Trotsky about it. I went to
see Lenine and talked to Lenine about it. I said, " Now, I do not
give two raps about the automobile, but I want to know where the
power is in Moscow. I have said it was in your hands. If it is over
here with the anarchists, I know where that leads back to. It leads
back to German control, and I am going to know."
Finally Trotsky asked me to come down to his headquarters, and
I went down, and he said, " The real situation about this anarchist
business is as follows: The Central Anarchist Club was organized
in March, 1917, under Kerensky's government. Kerensky and the
old Duma never dared to attack them, because they participated in
taking over the power from the Czar. They have grown stronger.
They helped us — the Bolsheviks — in our hour of revolution, and there
are members of the Petrograd soviet who are tender on this anarchist
situation; I agree with you that they are a menace; I agree with
you that they are thieves and robbers; I agree with you that they
have got Grerman money ; but we are holding elections this week out
ia the various factories, and the mensheviks and others have charged
us with being brutal and with ruling with the bayonet all the time,
and we do not want to meet this situation with force until after the
'elections."
Well, quite frankly, I understood that argument. It was- very
normal to me. I have seen other things set aside until elections are
over. [Laughter.]
Senator Nelson. You have seen that in this country, have you not?
■ Mr. EoBiNS. Even in this country. Senator; arid I said to him,
^^' Well,. I do not care about a few days, but I want a definite.' expres-
824 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
sion of power in this situation, so we can know where we are, or I am
going to cable my Government that there is a real question as to who
is running this show." Three days afterwards, the last election hav-
ing taken place, I was called up on the telephone, and he said : "At 2
o'clock to-morrow morning," which would have been a certain Friday,
" we are going to move against the anarchist centers. There are not
only the 13 centers that you reported on, but there are 26 centers, and
they have a sort of organization, and we are confident now of what
they mean, and we are going after them." That morning at 2 o'clock
cavalry, 4-inch cannon, and infantry surrounded 26 centers in Moscow
and its environs, palaces that had been fortified with machine guns,
etc., and gave them five minutes to surrender. In some instances
they surrendered. In some they began shooting at once, and when
they did the soviet forces answered with machine gun and cannon.
Every center was taken by about 6.30 in the morning. In some in-
stances they threw smoke bombs down into the cellars to smoke them
out. Some 14 persons were killed, some 40 persons were wounded,
some 600 prisoners were taken captive, and a large amount of goods —
jewelry, rubles, stuff of one sort and another — was found in these cen-
ters and confiscated, and certain machine guns, new, of a new pattern,
not found elsewhere in Russia, of German make, were found in those
palaces.
Now, this was another demonstration of power against what I
thought was a definite German interest and what I now believe to
have been a definite German interest.
The time came when I was instructed to leave Russia to report to
the Government of the United States.
Senator S^^eling. Colonel, there is one interesting thing we would
like to know. Did you get your automobile ? [Laughter.]
Mr. Robins. I got my automobile, unscratched, sir.
I wanted the Government to act; either organized cooperation or
organized opposition. Drifting was ruinous to all interests, of Amer-
ica, Russia, and the allies. My later cables will show that I kept urg-
ing on the Government either organized cooperation or organized
opposition, so that we could know where we were in the situation. I
believed that the best plan was organized cooperation, for reasons
that are now pretty well known to the world. I did not share the view
that there was a vast mass of noble people lying outdoors, peasants
who wanted the barons to come back, workingmen who wanted feudal
masters to come back to the factories, and other people who wanted
the grand dukes to come back. They were not there, if I knew any-
thing about Russia. And then this idea that if you sent in one divi-
sion, then the great Russian mass would rise up and would begin to
roll like a snowball, and everything would be happy, never for a
moment lived in my mind.
When I got ready to come out representatives of the allies in Russia
said, "How are you going; by Murmansk?" I said, "No; I am
not going by Murmansk. That road is built over the icebog. It is
beginning to get warm. It may thaw, and I may be marooned 300
versts from the port." " Oh, you are going out by Archangel ? ''
" No ; I am not going out by Archangel. It is three weeks before the
ice is out in Archangel." " Well, you are not thinking of going by
Siberia? " "I am going by Siberia." " Why, don't you know that
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 825
the wild bands of marauders, demobilized soldiers with rifles, robbers,
and thieves are running all up and down over Siberia, confiscating
everything in sight? " " No," I said ; " I not only do not know it, but
I. do not believe it." " Well," they said, " don't you know that the
armed war prisoners are going to take control of the Siberian Kail-
road under the soviet ? " I said : " On the contrary, the investigation
made by Capt. Hicks, of the British mission, and Capt. Webster, of
the American Red Cross, exposed that false statement thoroughly."
I have that report here. Let me advert to it a moment. Some
weeks prior to this time there had been coming out constantly a
general statement about armed war prisoners in Siberia planning to
take the Trans-Siberian Railway and stores for the central powers.
I did not believe it, gentlemen. I did not believe that any people who
had recently won their own soil by giving their own blood for it were
going to turn it over to some foreign force to take it away from
them ; but I said : " If it is so, it is so. What I believe is of no conse-
quence " ; and I called, of my mission, William B. Webster, and said
to him, " You have never been in sympathy with the cooperation
policy that I have been working with the soviet. You have the con-
fidence of the American Embassy, through your splendid work in
relief of war prisoners for a year prior to your coming into our
service in Siberia. You know the Siberian game. I am giving you
power and money and resources to send you to Siberia to investigate
war prisoners. I want you to find the facts. If there are so many
armed war prisoners, in numbers that are dangerous to the allied
cause, you say so, and I will back you through the piece. Come
, back here with chat, come back here with mere talk, and make a report
that does not rest on fact, and I will follow you to the end of the
road in opposition. Now," I said, " go to it."
I went to Lockhart, and I said, "Lockhart, I had a talk with
Trotsky this afternoon, and said to him that there was continual
rumor about this armed war prisoner business in Siberia, and if it
was a real thing I was going to know it; and he laughed and said,
'What do you want? ' I said, ' I want to send men into Siberia, and
I want you to give them the frank and power of the soviet and I
want to investigate that situation.' " He gave a special train and
gave full power to those men, Capts. Webster and Hicks. I said to
Lockhart, " I want you to send Capt. Hicks, because Capt. Hicks is
the ablest man on your staff, anti-Bolshevik, was wounded on the
French fr6nt, and will probably find the facts. He is a trained
military man," as Mr. Webster was not.
Those two men went. They spent six weeks from Ekaterinburg
to Chita. They made their report. Their report is here. I file it
with the committee. On that report I was satisfied of the actual
conditions in Siberia. When I started out I said to Lenine, " Com-
missioner, I am going out bv Siberia. There are a great many
provincial Soviets. I should like to have a letter from you, saying
that I am to be given free passage and protection everywhere." He
wrote that letter. I have it. I went 6,000 miles across Russia, the
largest contiguous territory recognizing one authority in this world.
"We crossed 15 provincial soviet jurisdictions.. At the first impor-
tant town at every new jurisdiction the train was met by a platoon
of soldiers and a commissar of the local or provincial soviet. They
826 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
inspected the train ; they confiscated what they said was contraband,
and arrested what they said was counter-revolution.
I had this letter of Lenine,, this autograph letter with the seal
"of the council of the people's commissars. In every instance I
" met this group of inspecting officers at the platform. I said : " Who
is your commissar? Will you come in and sit with me a moment?
Then, if you want to inspect this car, all right." I had seven
persons on that car. I had more papers than had been brought
out from Russia since the revolution up to that time. I had cer-
tain documents for the American Government under seal. I had
certain documents for other governments under seal. I had five rifles
and 150 rounds of ammunition, given to me, put in the car when I
sent the car to Jassy, in Roumania, as I told you before luncheon, one
of the 32 cars sent down there in the first instance, when things were
very stormy. They were still with the car. They permitted me to
violate the decree against carrying arms ; they permitted me to move
my car from one train to another; they permitted me to violate the
decree about food ; they permitted me to do the things necessary to
get out in the speediest possible fashion. I crossed the 6,000 miles, and
I was never inspected a single time. In every instance, when the
commissar came to the train Lenine's letter was sufficient. Even
at Khabarovsk, which is 4,500 miles away from the farthest range
of the Red Guards from Moscow or Petrograd up to that time —
when I got to Khabarovsk, which is away up on the upper Amur,
as you will see when looking at it on the map — they read this
letter and gave to me the right to inspect the fleet of the Bolshevik
power on the Amur River and other particular courtesies, based sim-
ply on the letter of Nicolai Lenine. Not a shot was fired. I did not
fire a shot nor hear one fired. I did not hear any question of the
soviet power during the 6,000 miles, and I passed on that 6,000-mile
journey in soviet Russia in only a few hours longer time than was
necessary under the old regime.
Under those circumstances the unity and control of soviet Russia
over Siberia as well as European Russia and central Russia at that
-time was definite. It was subsequent to that time. Senators, that the
Czecho-Slovak movement began, when Siberia was taken finally from
soviet control, or taken for the time being, at least, from soviet control.
Is thei-e a menace in Russian Bolshevism ? A fundamental menace,
gentlemen, in my judgment; a menace so much more far-reaching,
going so much deeper, than has sometimes been suggested by its bitter-
est opponents, that I think it well that we should take high ground
and really know the thing we deal with. For the first time in the
history of the human race there has been a definite economic revo-
lution, an attempt to realize the stock formulas of Marx in a socialist,
economic materialist, class control by force.
Senator O^tirman. Right there, I should like to hear you express
.yourself as to what ground we should take if it is a menace to this
country.
\ ,. Mr. Robins. I will, sir.
. I regard the soviet program as economically impossible and morally
wrong. T regard it as carrying class, materialist, force formulas be-
yond the range of theory, to where those formulas produce class terror
and economic ruin. I think we had in Russia the most extraordinary
B01,SHEVIK PB^pAGAJirpA. ,827
^laboratory revelation, if it had been left to work itself out, of the
. failure and the wrong of the Marxian program, that was humanly
.possible. ■ . . '
Nicolai Lenine, sitting in the Kremlin, said to me, "The Eussian
revolution will probably fail. We have not developed far enough
fin the capitalist stage, we are too primitive, to realize the socialist
state ; but we will keep the flame of the revolution alive in Russia until
it breaks in Europe. It will break first in Bulgaria, and the Bul-
'.garians will cease fighting. It will break next in Austria, and the
Austrians will cease fighting. When you hear that the workmen's,
soldiers', and peasants' soviet is in command of Berlin, remember that
the little man in the Kremlin told you that a proletarian world revo-
lution was born."
He said that to me in April of 1918. He said to me, " We chal-
'lenge the world." I said, " Yes? '' He said, " Soviet Russia, and the
control of the producers, challenges every social control of middle-
class, bourgeois, political democracy as well as autocracy, and will
bring them all into judgment." " Well," I said, " some contract ! "
He said, " You think that America is immune." I said, " Yes; I do."
He said, " Your Government is entirely corrupt. Col. Robins." I
said, " Commissioner, I am sorry, but you are mistaken. I know the
•corruptions in my country, but I also know district after district
where the free citizens, after discussion, elect the men they choose to
elect, and they are their honest representatives. " " Oh," he said, " I
do not mean grafting. You mistake me. I mean that your Govern-
ment lacks integrity. Your political social control of politics lacks
integrity." Now, if you get lost here, I am glad, because I got lost.
I am not wise when they get into these realms. I want to get down
to the ground again. I got out where I was beyond my depth, biit I
wanted to get before you what was in his mind. He said, " You are
electing men to your Congress and your Senate in America now on
large, expansive ideas of Democrat and Republican, but that is not
what they are elected on. They are elected on hidden economic in-
terests." I said, " That is not true." He said, " It is true."
Senator Overman. Was that Trotzky talking now ?
Mr. Robins. No, sir; this is Denine. He said, " It is not genuine."
He said, " If you were going to have the proper representation from
Pennsylvania, you ought to have the producers' representation. In-
stead of having a lawyer who will really serve Mr. Gary or Mr.
Schwab or some other interest, you ought' to have Mr. Gary and Mr.
Schwab in the Senate. They are the producers of steel. You ought
to have the producers of transportation and the producers of coal
representing you." He said, " That is what we are doing. They libel
us by saying we are only putting workmen in the soTiet." He said,
"You know so and so," naming a certain engineer from, the Donetz
coal basin. "We are putting in the producers, but we are not put-
ting in the parasites. We are not' putting in anybody who simply
owns stock, and simply has ownership. We are putting in the pro-
ducers. We are going to challenge the world with a producers' re-
piiblic. The Donetz coal basin will be represented by producers of
coal; the railroad system of Russia will be represented by producers
<)f transportation; the postal telegraph^y prodiicers, of that com-
munication, and so on through." He said, "We challenge "every
828 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
political society to-day in exactly the same way that the French
revolution challenged every political society of its time. It was the
bourgeois, capitalist, middle-class control against the old feudal sys-
tem, which was moribund and worn out. The French Revolution
was overwhelmed, but it destroyed every feudalism in Europe. We
may be overwhelmed, but we will destroy every moribund political
social control in the world."
Now, Senators, there is the genuine thing. If you get the menace
of your Russian revolution on the basis of German agents, theft and
murder, and all that sort of thing, you get a wholly unsound view of
the actual scope and power and menace that there is in it. I believe
that its decree of workmen's control will destroy production in Rus-
sia. I believe that its class theory makes in the end for the class ter-
ror and the destruction of life and people without regard to right.
I believe that its materialist program challenges the Christian con-
science of the world ; and I believe that when we understand what it
is, when we know the facts behind it, when we do not libel it nor
slander it or do not lose our heads and become its advocates and
defenders, and, really know what the thing is, and then move for-
ward to it, then we will serve our country and our time. I believe in
political democracy. I believe in the Christian conscience. I believe
they are challenged as they have not been challenged in the past
periods of the world's history, and I believe that America alone can
meet that challenge to the nations of the world. I believe it, sir, be-
cause class control and the betrayal of great sanctions by class domi-
nation has broken the credit of every other nation in the world.
The war is over and we can now speak some truth that we could not
before have spoken. I have not spoken before on this situation. The
power of the German militaristic autocracy is crushed. Until it was
crushed it was the supreme duty of every man to do his part in the
war, and no man could do or say aught to lessen the capacity of every
free people in the world to win the war against the German power.
Over in England, the land of my fathers, I think there is the ablest
European statesman of recent times, Lloyd-George ; and yet the Eng-
lish Government was so uncertain of the power of the law that when
Sir Edward Carson and the Ulsterites challenged the English Gov-
ernment, as they did challenge it when Lloyd-George was there, with
a liberal majority behind him, they did not enforce the public law of
England against it. The. other day, with an overwhelming Tory
majority behind Lloyd-George, they hesitated and neglected to en-
force the law of the military and public statutes against Belfast
Soviets, against the strikers in Liverpool, and against mutinous sol-
diers at Dover. Why ? Because there is an uncertainty of the faith
and credit of the national power. Let us be honest with ourselves.
The religious sanction of the Church of England has become a class
sanction, so much so that large groups have chosen the economic
socialist class, materialist control, and are following it to-day. The
challenge of the Russian soviet by the English Government can not
be met, in my judgment, successfully to-day.
We know France. Old heroic, splendid Clemenceau will survive
that assassin's bullet. His fame is safe, but his cause is dead. Under-
neath the French social order to-day is that growing socialist class
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 829
materialistic pressure, with the Christian sanction lost out of the
common life at many points.
You know what Italy is. It is a powerful class group masquerading
as a government over a volcano. America alone can meet this chal-
lenge. Behind the American democratic, political, social control
there are enough men, women, and children who live a decent, con-
tented, successful life to bind with power the institutions of our Gov-
ernment, so that whether it is a Wilson or a Taft or a Eoosevelt that
is President, there is a majority oTsuch numbers and faith in support
, of our Government that there can not be any question of its genuine
authority and sanction; the mass of the people will fight for it, suffer
for it ; if need be, die for it.
Behind the Christian sanction and conscience" in America there is
an uncorrupted faith that still continues with abiding power. We
can meet that challenge. We can raise these forces into united action.
You can be instrumental in rallying these forces against the real chal-
lenge of the Russian situation, understandable as it is in the light of
Eussian history, coming out of the Russian story, out of its terrible
past. The evils here in our country most of us will acknowledge will-
ingly, but we know there is energy enough in the institutions we have
to meet them on the square. But, Senators, mere force is an old failure
against ideas. I am one who would use the force of the public power
to meet that man or that group of men who conspired by force and
violence or sought by violence and force to overthrow our Government
or to deprive others by these methods of legal rights or property. I
would meet this challenge at all times and places with unhesitating
and sufficient force to maintain the public law. But I would never
expect to stamp out ideas with bayonets. I would never expect,
sirs, to suppress the desire for a better human life for men, women,
and children, no matter how ill founded in political fact and political
experience, with force. The only answer for the desire for a better
human life is a better human life. I believe that our institutions fur-
nish that better human life for more men, women, and children than
any other institutions in the world. I believe that whatever is wrong
can be ironed out within the Constitution and the law. I believe that
we have the means of meeting this Russian challenge when it is really
miderstood and known.
' Senator Sterling. Suppose, Colonel, that the manifestation of
the idea is through force and through atrocities, and tlirough great
excesses against society and law and order, would you meet it with
force?
Mr. RoBEsrs. Absolutely.
Senator Steeling. Why, certainly.
Mr. Robins. Yes; but there is a large expanse of ideas and pur-
poses in the situation which can be met only by knowing what the
thing is we are meeting, what its conditions are, what it came from,
what in the nature of things we can expect from it in its development.
Senator Nelson. I gather from your statement that you are in
the condition of this old lady_ that was mentioned — ^that is, you be-
lieve there is a good deal of virtue in the Bolshevik doctrine when it
it called for, but you do not believe in its practical application ?
Mr Robins. On the contrary, I do not believe in the doctrine at
all.
830 BOLSHEYlk PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. I rather got the impression that yon did. • s
Mr. Robins. That is one of the difficulties that I have been in sine?'
I came back from Russia. If I told the truth, as I have tried to do
in this presence under the pains and penalties of an oath, and did'
not lie and slander folks, and did not say that they are German
agents and thieves and murderers, criminals utterly, then I am a
Bolshevist. And I can not do that. I have got to try to tell the
truth. There are people ^ho believe that this is the great gospel.'
You have had several of them in here as witnesses. My idea is that
their wheels are not running around accurately. It may be mine that '
are not running correctly ; but a fellow has to use the brains he has '
got and do the best he can with them. [Laughter.]. I refuse to libel
either side of this situation and controversy. I think that the truth
lies where I have been trying to open up the situation.
There is just one thing that pleased me thoroughly when I got
back from Russia, and that was a cartoon in the New York Tribune,
by Darling. It was a picture of a man being carried forcibly down,
the street. You could see that they were taking him right along.
It was rough stuff. His eyes were blacked and his collar was unfas-"
tened, and the men that were carrying him showed some signs of
punishment themselves. A bystander butts in and says, " What are
you so brutal with that fellow for? What are you doing with him? '
where are you taking him? " They say, " You stay out of this'
thing. This fellow is incurably insane." " What is the matter with
the poor fellow ? " " He thinks he knows all about the Russian situ- '
ation." Now, that is a perfect statement of the situation, in my
judgment. ~\Vhen I have said this, you can see that I do not think'
that I know all about it. Then I say this, also, that if I do not know '
more about it than any other allied representative — even though that '
may seem arrogant — I wasted my time. I had the best window or Out- '
look of any allied representative in Russia. I worked for three months, -
sincerely and honestly, constantly, with Kerensky, and I worked;
for six months with the revolutionary soviet government authorities,'
and I was trying to keep my feet on the ground all the time and to '
see facts, and not to be stampeded by rumor or the unfounded ;|
opinion of others, and I tried to serve the allied Governments and
the Russian Government and people from day to day, and I alti ready
to meet the day of judgment on what I did. I doubtless inade mis-
takes, as all people do. I doubtless made misjudgments. But on the'
whole, the history of the situation has vindicated my position.
As soon as I came out I put the facts as I understood them before '
the Government. I hoped the Government would not enter into the
enterprise of intervention. I believed that at that time, in the situ-
ation and under the circumstances, present and prospective, it was^
doomed to fail. I thought that economic cooperation would save the ,
raw materials and economic powet of Riissia for the allied cause. ^
Intervention was decided on; As soon as it occurred T went to niy
place in the South, so that I might not be constantly under the pres-
sure of spealiing on the Russian question. ' You know from thefamfe
that I arx-ived back in this country I wag front-page news, and yaa:
know that up to this time there hasTseen nb single authorized state-
ment from me, written or spoken. I have tried ^;o keep' faith with
the obligations of the situation as they existed. I went down there •
BOLSECEVlk ' IpeopagAnda. ' 8 31'
and t^uried myself in the South, because I said that even to tell the
truth a,bout Russia now is unfair to our Governnaent and the cause of
the allies. I did not speak. I have been censured and condemned
as cowardly because I would not speak. When certain docimients '
came out people wanted me to tell what I knew or thought about
them, and have clamored for me to do so, but I have refused, and I
have taken my share of abuse.
When the armistice was signed I said, " My duty is to see that no
more American boys and Russian men and peasants are killed bs-
cause of false interpretation of this Russian situation," and I came
back and tried to find out what the policy of the Government would
be, and we worked to get light on our policy in Russia and failed ; we
seemed drifting helplessly in the situation; and then 'certain Sen-
ators of the United States asked that we might be advised about our
Eussian policy, and the effort was made to get it out into the open ;
and now at last I have been privileged to meet here with your ex-
traordinary courtesy and to make the statement that I should like
to make, in this official group. I have told the truth as nearly as I
Iniow it. I will now meet the questioning of the committee and of
counsel to the best of my ability. I thank you.
Senator Overman. Maj. Humes, have you any questions to ask?
Mr. Humes. Mr. Robins, with a view of a clearer understanding,
perhaps, of several of the statements that have been made, I would
like to ask you some questions. You have, on repeated occasions re-
ferred to the 7 per cent and to the 93 per cent. Are we to under-
stand by that that it is your impression that the Bolsheviki are 9B
per cent of the people of Russia, or is the line between the 7 and the
93 per cent simply a line between the great masses of the people and
those who were connected with the former government of the Czar's
regime ?
Mr. Robins. Rather the latter, Mr. Humes, but with this effort to
clarify.
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Robins. Men have said to me, "Robins, you do not pretend to
say for a moment that the mass of the peasants care about those
formulas or are for them : that they have any real articulation of mind
about them?" I said, "No; I would not say that. I would say
that of the peasant gi^oup, of 84 per cent, there were not more than
5 or 6 per cent that were conscious at all of the formulas. Those
persons are, however, the leaders of the masses. What I would mean
is this, that. in Russia. there was practically 93 per cent who would
either work with the Bolsheviki and their program or would not,
worl? against it; that they were inert when they were not actively
with it, and that the leaders believed in the formulas and carried .
the mass of the people with them."
Mr. Humes. Are we to understand you, then, as saying that;
prpbahly not over 3 per cent of the 93 per cent are conscious of the'
cause they are advocating?
Mr. Robins. No, sir ; I said about 5 or 6 per cent of the '84 per '
cent who are peasants were conscious, with the formulas in their
minds,, and that this 5 per cent were the lea,ders of the groups in. the -
Soviets who carried the masses with them. Kiner per cent of the.
832 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAKDA.
remainder of the Russian people are proletarian workers in the* cities
and mills and mines.
There are perhaps 90 per cent of that 9 per cent who are formula
men; that is, are conscious socialist revolutionists. You see, the
revolutionary proletariat in the cities practically embrace the work-
ingmen in the factories to a very large degree, and that group are
taught these formulas and are very largely conscious. You will find
here and there a group that is not, but the great mass were conscious
of the formulas.
Senator Overman. Assuming, that to be true, as you say, that 93
per cent are in favor of these formulas, more or less, and they stand
for them ; yet what per cent of the Russian people favor the admin-
istration as carried out by Lenine and Trotzky — what we call the
Bolshevik government, as it is?
Mr. Robins. It would be hard to say that. May I go away from
that question to what I think will be to your minds an informing
fact, and to every .mind here ?
Lenine issued at once the decree for the land distribution, which
was the most important single thing in the mind of the peasant mass.
The thing that the Russian peasant wants more than anything else
is land. Lenine issued this decree, but with extraordinary wisdom,
it seems to me, did not distribute the land on the basis of superior
wisdom at Moscow, but he arranged that the distribution should be
made by the local Soviets in each considerable division or division
of considerable size and homogeneity. In these Soviets the ques-
tion of how to divide the lands taken from the landlords — ^it was
not all taken from landlords. A hundred and thirty-odd million
was taken from the state and special Czar lands.
Senator Sterling. And church lands?
Mr. Robins. And church lands. They said, "We will distribute
it in this way," and they adopted their local method of distribution
after discussion, and by final majority vote in the local Soviets made
the actual distribution to the peasants of the community. On that
decision they hold their title to the land through the soviet, not
through the soviet at Moscow but through their local soviet.
Now, Senators, they have cultivated the soil for a year, for one
season, and they have eaten the fruit of their own labors, from land
that they now call their own ; that is, from land which they had
the right to cultivate without paying any landlord rent. They do
not care anything about the actual title in fee. What they want is
the right to cultivate it and not pay rent to a landlord. They have
done that and they have eaten the fruit of their labor. The land is
theirs, through the soviet. Will the peasants of Russia fight for
the instrumentality, the government or power, that has given them-
the land and that guarantees their title? I simply leave that with
you as a reason why in every one of the localities where the reaction
has started it has been defeated, not by foreign rifles, not by rifles
from Moscow or Petrograd, but by the local rifles of the peasants
fighting for the local soviet, which meant the land; and whether
Germans come in from the Ukraine against the Red Guard revolu-
tionary forces or Ukrainian Rada battle against the soviet power
or whether the White Guards come down from Finland, or whether
it was in Siberia or wherever it was, you found the local community
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 833
arrayed against the effort to overthrow the soviet; not that they
had any great enthusiasm for the formulas as spoken at Moscow,
possibly; not because they thought that they had administered
things any too well ; but because " this is where we get our land " ;
and, sirsj that is the power of the soviet; and also it is because I
had sensed that thing that I risked my opinion and position against
great authority that the soviet would endure and last away beyond
the period given for it, stated for it as the longest term of life by
those studying the facts from an intelligent viewpoint of the old
order but not getting contact with the present facts and people
outdoors.
Senator Overman. Eealizing that is true, Mr. Robins, and I have
no doubt you are stating what you believe to be true, I can not under-
stand why it is that we find it testified here by eyewitnesses that there
is this reign of terror. If that be true, how do you account for this
reign of terror?
Mr. Robins. I would account for it by this statement, that cer-
tainly up to the time I left Russia the violence that took place or was
alleged to have taken place, and I have read many accounts since I
got back, very largely is false. I went through the situation, I had
my eyes open, I tried to get facts as I went along. I had to act and
to put other people's lives in the issue. I was trying to know the
facts. Up until I left Russia there had been no such thing as any
general terror in Russia, in my judgment.
Senator Nelson. I want to ask you a question in that connection.
Mr. Robins. Yes, Senator.
Senator Nelson. Do you know anything about how the so-called
red guard — ^you know what I mean by that
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Senator Nelson (continuing) . Was organized, and what elements
helped to organize it ; what it was composed of ?
Mr. Robins. The red guard was in the main composed of working
men in the industrial cities, and they were factory operatives and
laborers.
Senator Nelson. Did it not include many criminals?
Mr. Robins. Doubtless there were some criminals among them.
Senator Nelson. Were there not a great many Germans among
them?
Mr. Robins. Very few, in my judgment.
Senator Nelson. Did not Germans help to organize it in the be-
ginning?
Mr. Robins. Not at all ; no, sir.
' Senator Nelson. In your judgment they had absolutely nothing
to do with it?
Mr. Robins. In my judgment nothing.
Senator Nelson. In that you differ from almost everybody else.
Mr. Robins. I am sorry it is so, but I have to report the truth as I
saw it.
Senator Nelson. Did you ever see the red guard take possession
of buildings, there, and turn the occupants out and occupy them ?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Senator Nelson. In Petrograd ?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
85723—19 53
834 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. Did you see them confiscate the property and
furniture of people who lived in those houses ?
Mr. EoBiNS. I did.
Senator Nelson. Did you see them stand people up and shoot
them?
Mr. EoBiNS. No, sir.
Senator Nelson. You never saw anything of that kind?
Mr. Robins. I never saw anybody shot. I know that people were
shot, but I never happened to see anybody shot.
Senator Nelson. You knew that the red guard killed a good many
people, did you not ?
Mr. Robins. Yes; I knew they killed some people, Senator.
Senator Nelson. But you think they were rather moderate in that;
is that your view ?
Mr. Robins. At the risk of great misjudgment, may I say this,
that up to the time I left Russia the thing that was constantly in my
mind, again and again, was the lack of vindictiveness, was the lack of
actual destruction of life and property, under the circumstances. If
it had been America, if it had been any other land I knew of where
a mass mob, as it were, had taken poWer like that and had the rifles
back of them, I should have expected vastly more of destruction.
Senator Nelson.. Your view is that they were very moderate?
Mr. Robins. That is, up to the time I left there.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Robins. The wonder to me is that the people, after all these
years, when they had taken the bit in their teeth and were running
wild, should not have destroyed more people and property.
Senator Nelson. When did you leave Russia ?
Mr. Robins. I left Vladivostok the 1st of June.
Senator Nelson. Nine or ten months ago ?
Mr. Robins. Yes ; I had six months of Bolshevik rule.
Senator Nelson. We have had good Americans here who have been
over there on business, and who were put in prison, and who saw men
from time to time led out, with every evidence that they were killed
and disposed of. You have seen nothing of it ?
Mr. Robins. . No, sir.
Senator Nelson. What part of the country did you percolate in?
Mr. Robins. I percolated pretty well all over.
Senator Nelson. You went down into the Ukraine?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Were you in Kiev ?
Mr. Robins. No, sir.
Senator Nelson. Were you at Samara ?
Mr. Robins. No, sir.
Senator Nelson. Were you at Perm ?
Mr. Robins, No, sir. I was at Ekaterino-Slav and Kharkov, in
southern Russia ; in Siberia twice — across twice — in Petrograd and
environs, Moscow and environs, and Vologda.
Senator Nelson. Did you go down the Volga or the Dneiper or the
Dneister?
Mr. Robins. No, sir.
ISenator Nelson. Were you in Little Russia or White Russia?
Mr. Robins. I was in White Russia.
BOLSHEVXK-PKOPAGANDA; 835';:
Senator Nelson. Did you not confine most of your work and opera-
tions to the big cities— Petrograd and Moscow ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes.
Mr. Nelson. And get your impressions from that ?
Mr. Robins. To a very considerable degree ; but I went twice pretty
well all over Russia.
Senator Nelson. Did you go to the country and interview . the
peasants in their mirs ?
Mr. Robins. I went into the country and interviewed them in their
fiTOUpS.
Senator Nelson. What is the difference? You know the system
of land distribution that prevailed, of the mirs ; the communal sys- .
tern? That was the right to use the land, was it not?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That was assigned by the mir, always ?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That was the system that prevailed under the.
Czar's government, was it not?
. Mr. Robins. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Wherein does this present system of the soviet,,
this Trotzky and Lenine government, differ from that? Does not
the state take hold of the land and own it, and does it confer any
other right upon the man that cultivates it than the right that the
peasants got; in the inirs— that is, simply the right to use the land ?
Mr. Robins. In the main- — -
Senator Nelson (continuing). With no title? They are not even
tenants hy lease. Is hot that true ?
Mr.'RoBiNs. In a way. The distribution was made in that way by
som6 of the Soviets.
.j'Sehator Nelson. So that that is simply an application; of the mir
system, that has prevailed in Russia for years, and years, by this new
soviet go.vernment to all the lands of Russia ?
-Miv Robins. That is it, very largely.
Senator Nelson. They have confiscated it.
Mr. Robins. Very largely. ; '
Senator Nelson. They have confiscated the crown lands and the
church, lands and the lands of the big proprietors, and if you read
their decree literally they have confiscated the mir lands, too.
Mr. Robins. Very true.
Senator Nelson. And made them State lands?
;-Mr. Robins. Very true.
■Senator Nelson. So that it is practically, impossible now under
their decree for a Russian peasant to acquire title to a foot of land.
Is not that true ?
' Me. Robins. I would not think that was quite true, sir.
■ Senator Nelson. I mean to acquire a fee title to it?
Mr. Robins. I think there were certain local Soviets that distributed
the fee, but very little in relatibn' to'the total, and very small quan-
tities in each jurisdiction.
Senator Nelson. That may have been the case in the past.
';MxEoBiNS. No ; I mean now,.
Senator Nelson. But no.w,,under this decree, all the land in Russia
isnationalized, is it not,, and made the property of the State ? That
is the way the decree reads, is it not ? :
836 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGA^STDA.
Mr. KoBiNS. That is the theory of the national decree.
Senator Nelson. Is not that the way the decree reads?
Mr. EoBiNs. The national decree, Senator.
Senator Xelson. All the lands are in the government, and nobody
else can get any interest or title in those except the men that cultivate
them, and they can only get the use of the land so far as they cultivate
it. Is not that the whola of. it?
Mr. Robins. That is the general decree. •
Senator Nelson. Now, would you like to have that system applied
to America or any other country ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Under no circumstances at all. I would do my best
to prevent it.
Senator Nelson. Would it not be more of an encouragement to a
Russian peasant to say to him, " You can get title to your little farm,
build your house, and cultivate the land, and make a farm of it, and
you will become the absolute owner " ? Would not that be more legiti-
mate and encouraging?
Mr. EoBiNS. It certainly would be to us.
Senator Nelson. And why, then, if you believe in that doctrine,
do you preach in favor of the soviet gospel?
Mr. EoBiNS. I have never preached to anyone, in a single instance,
either in Russia or America or anywhere or any time, in favor of the
soviet form of government.
Senator Nelson. Now, I got this impression. I will tell you the
impression that you have left on my mind.
Mr. Robins. Yes, Senator.
Senator Nelson. The impression from your whole talk is that our
Government has made a mistake in not entering into some kind of
an alliance with this new government, the Bolshevik government, of
Russia ; that at all events, to use your own terms, they ought to have
entered into an economic alliance with it.
Mr. Robins. That is absolutely right. Senator. That is it.
Senator Nelson. Now, you think our Government has made- a
great mistake in not entering into association and cooperation with
this soviet government? That is your theory, is it not?
Mr. Robins. Within the terms as stated, absolutely so.
Senator Nelson. Yes. That is your theory, and you think our
Government ought to cooperate, then, with them in carrying out
their land program and their socialistic program?
Mr. Robins. Not' at all, Senator. It does not follow, at all.
Senator Nelson. What should we cooperate with them in, do
you think — simply in introducing a new government into the
country ?
Mr. Robins. In a measure, Senator.
Senator Nelson. That would be your cooperation? All you would
want our Government to cooperate in would be in sending American
goods there, and you would not want our Government to cooperate
with them in establishing the principles of the soviet government in
their land system ?
Mr. Robins. Absolutely right.
Senator Nelson. So that, boiled down, all there is in your gosptel
of cooperation is simply this, that we should cooperate with them m
order to build up our import trade into that country? Is not that
the sum and substance of it?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 837
Mr. Robins. As I have stated to you, my object was, at the time
1 started, to prevent raw materials from going from Russia into the
central empires ; to keep Russia from being dominated by Germany,
jmd to let our Government and the allies get the benefit of the Russian
economic situation.
Senator Nelson. Do you think that the peasants there and the
proletariat, who were connected with this Lenine and Trotzky gov-
erniHfint, were Tworrying o^^er the importation of sugar and coal aiid
dJ and textiles from this country, or werjs t-hey worrying over the
land system and taking and distributing the land, and taking pos-
session of the factories and the banks and attempting to run them 'i
Mr. Robins. Their fundamental desire was for land; but, Sen-
ator
Senator Nelson. Do you think you could have made an impression
upon the Bolshevik doctrine by preaching your gospel of American
importations ?
Mr. Robins. I think we did make an impression on it. I think
that the modification of the decree in the Harvester case and the
modification of the decrees in the case of the two banks shows that
there was an actual helpful influence in the situation.
Senator Nelson. To sum up your doctrine, if I understand you
right, our Government ought to cooperate and associate with them in
order to build up our foreign tracle connection with that country,
but you do not believe that our Government ought to cooperate with
them in any manner in establishing the socialistic land system or
industrial system ?
Mr. Robins. Absolutely right. Senator. That is the situation, in
so many words.
Senator Nelson. So that you would limit your cooperajtion en-
tirely to building up American trade with their country ?
Mr. Robins. Yes; and preventing Russian people from starving
to death.
Senator Overman. You have observed, I suppose, that there is a
good" dear of Bolshevik propaganda in this country for the overthrow
of our Government and you think that it ought to be stopped where
it is?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Senator Overman. You have said that. How would you stop it?
I want to get your views on it.
Mr. Robins. I think if this committee makes a report on just what
Bolshevism is, on what the soviet program is; if the report of this
committee is circulated and makes clear to the minds of America what
is involved in this class materialist economic force — social control —
that the American public mind, everywhere understanding it, in vast
majority would repudiate that whole program. I think that if we
answer to whatever there is of economic wrong in our own situation
by intelligent legislation through Congress and the several States; if
we answer the economic wrongs which fester and make centers of
resentment and indictment against our institutions, make breeding
spots, we can meet and answer the agitation and unrest. Take
the I. W. W. All these troubles between them and the regular trades-
unionists are the result of industrial sore spots. The troubles with
the I. W. W. sprout and grow always on the basis of some economic
'838 .BOLSHEVIK PtlOPAGAlfDA.
wrong in some place that has been left over, as it were, like the lum-
ber camps or the copper mines, etc.
Senator Nelson. May I ask you there — this is very interesting is
there a kinship and resemblance between the I. W. W. and the
Bolshevik doctrines?
Mr. EoBiNS. In some of the doctrines, yes, sir; undoubtedly so.
But, Senator,. if we meet by a real, intelligent reconstruction policy
these left-over spots, and take from the workman's table the specters
that I as a workman knew, the fear of unemployment, accident, and
sickness, which can be protected by intelligent systems of pensions
and insurance, and safeguai'cl old age and premature death — if those
three fears are banished from the workingman's table — we will have
laborers and their families implicated in the security and permanence
of the Government, because the Government is bacliing him at thase
points. Then you have given him a situation in which this land,
being for him thoroughly worth living in, is worth dying for and is
worth protecting at all points.
Senator Overman. You mean, legislate for the betterment of the
workingman.
Mr. Robins. Yes, sir ; and the general social situation, whatever it
may be.
Senator Overman. What would you advise in legislation of pains
and penalties to stop this propaganda system in America, or would
you do it by jjublicity? How would you correct that evil? You
admit it is an evil.
Mr. Robins. I would study that evil. I do not think, for instance,
that a law against carrying the red flag in a procession is very eifec-
tive. I think they would take a green flag very soon. I think it is
superficial, and this sort of hysteria does no good.
Senator Overman. I agree with you that far. But what would you
think of a law preventing the carrying of the red flag where there is
an organization to overthrow the Government. Would you stop the
caixying of a red flag if it was inspiring people to go and overthrow
the Governmenf? I am asking you that because there is a bill now
pending for that purpose.
Mr. Robins. I would prefer not to do it that way. Senator.^ I
should be doubtful of any real result. If there was any organization
anywhere that was directed toward the overthrow of the American
Government by force, every man who recommended the overthrow of
the Government by force I should arrest, indict, try, and convict.
Senator Overman. The first section of the bill is one prohibiting
the carrying of the red flag by any association of people who are
organized for the purpose of overthrowing the Government by force,
and the second section is to punish anyone along the lines you sug-
gest.
Senator Nelson. Here is one side of the question about carrying
the red flag. Where a procession of men carry a red flag, arid they
are not repressed by law, people will resent it and take the law into
:4heir own hands, and it will lead to a breach of the peace. That has
occurred frequently during the period of the war here where men
-carried such banners, or where they were in processions opposed to
-war. People would resent it and take the law into their own hands.
rNow, to my idea, where men carry flags, if it is simply a social mat-
BOLSHEVIIi PKQPAGANDA. 839
ter, it is. only a flag, but where they carry a flag and indicate that they
want an upheaval and overthrow of the Government by force, in that
case, because of its tendency to lead to a breach of the peace, on that
account I think it ought to be suppressed.
Mr. EoBiNS. It might be so while the war was on, but now that the
war is over the feeling would be less, would it not?
Senator Nelson. I do not know. I have in my room a mass of pub-
lications with red covers and in red type, circulars and papers
preaching the Bolshevik doctrine, the most radical form of it, a re-
volt against this Government in America by force, by violence, by
men who do not believe in the Government, by men who call the
laboring men in this country nothing but serfs and slaves of capital-
ists, and all that. Now, do you believe in the free circulation of that
kind of literature in the mails ?
Mr. KoBiNS. Of course not.
Senator Nelson. Let me tell you another thing. We have now a
law on our statute books prohibiting the sending of poison by mail.
If we have a law against what I would call — it may be a bad expres-
sion— ^physical poison, why should we not have a law against the
sending of moral poison, the kind I have stated ?
Mr. EoBiNS. We ought to have. Senator. The only question in that
legislation is. Where do you draw your line between legitimate propa-
ganda of ideas and the protection of the commonwealth? I believe
that wherever there is an appeal to force in this country to overthrow
the institutions of this country with that kind of printed material or
by the spoken word, whatever it may be, it is clearly within the law,
and should be suppressed by the law. But our doctrine is rather clear
in our past experience that we are careful about constructive con-
spiracy and constructive crime in order to protect the liberty of
speech and of the press.
Senator Nelson. You are undoubtedly right.
Mr. EoBiNS. And therefore we say, as it nas been said in the Su-
preme Court, that we will allow a man to make a public statement,
to make a speech, and we will not suppress the publication of it, but
if it has the result that having made a public statement or having
published a statement, there do come from it results that are crimi-
nal, then we reach back and fine or imprison that person responsible
for the criminal result. That has seemed to be a sound method in our
working out of our principles, so that anything that takes from that
principle of freedom is taking away something of the right of the
free people.
Senator Nelson. That supposes that the crime may be committed,
and you would only punish the criminal after it has been committed.
Mr. Robins. Quite so.
Senator Nelson. We have a principle of the old common law that
if a man threatens to kill you, you need not wait for him to attack
you, but can appear and have him put under bonds. Why should we
not meet the evil before it has been accomplished? Why should we
not repress it ?
Mr. Robins. Only for this reason. If you had bureaucratic offi-
cials enforcing general repression, so much under their own wills may
be done that really limits the freedom of speech and of the press.
We have preferred in the past to take those evils that flow from this
840 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
misuse of liberty as less evil than would be the restriction of the
liberty and freedom of the press.
Senator Nelson. We have four classes of laws on our statute books.
One relates to what we call fraud propaganda — frauds attempted
through the mail. Then we have the repression of lotteries.
Senator Overman. And poison.
Senator Steeling. And obscene literature.
Senator Nelson. Then we have those laws relating to obscene
literature of all kinds, and then we have those in regard to poisons
and drugs of all kinds that are deleterious. We have four classes
over which the post office has jurisdiction. Now, I have not kept
much track of it, Mr. Robins, except in one case, as to the oldest one
of the laws, that in respect to frauds. I have seen the great value
of the Post Office Department in protecting our people against these
villainous frauds that are perpetrated by educated and intelligent
scoundrels.
Now, there is another thing I would like to hear your views
of. We had a witness here yesterday, a Scotchman by birth, brought
up in England, who claimed to be a Presbyterian and to have affili-
ated with the Quakers. He was a pacifist and a conscientious
objector, and he made this statement, and I want to see your views
on it. He said there was more humanity in the soviet government
and their plan of government than there was in Christianity as it
existed in the world. What do you think of it ?
Mr. Robins. I will absolutely dissent from the whole thing.
Senator Nelson. How ?
Mr. Robins. I disagree absolutely.
Senator Nelson. I thought you would.
Mr. Robins. I have no sympathy. Senator, with the pacifist non-
resistant position. I laiow nothing more alien to what I think is
necessary to preserve our real institutions. I believed so much in this
war that while we were drifting I went to Canada and stumped
Canada for recruits before our country went into the war.
Senator Overman. Have they suppressed the press over there — the
Bolshevik government — have they suppressed the press or any of the
newspapers over there?
Mr. Robins. They did, yes. Kerensky suppressed the Bolshevik
papers, and as soon as the Bolsheviki got in power they suppressed
the Kerensky press, and the press of the privileged class was cut off
for a while.
May I bring to your minds a matter which will show the soviet
situation better than anything else, a matter which happened on last
Easter Sunday in soviet Russia? From time long past it has been
a rule — I think it was a decree secured by the church — that when-
ever there was any publication, periodical, or paper published on
Easter Sunday it should begin with a headline in Russian that,
translated, means " Christ is risen," as a recognition of religion. On
the first Easter Sunday in the soviet republic, I was challenged by
this — and it gave me a sense of the whole setting more than ahnost
any one incidental thing that had happened — ^by the fact that all the
papers of the dead church, all the papers of the dead state, all of
the papers of the dead social order, that were there published on that
day had the Russian Avords, " Christ is risen " at the top, and every
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 841
one of the soviet papers had this headline, " One hundred years ago
to-day Karl Marx was born."
The absolute issue was drawn between a betrayed state, a betrayed
church, a betrayed social order that had brought injustice and oppres-
sion to folks' lives until they were ready to turn to this gospel of
Marx, of this very materialistic economic gospel, believing that it was
really greater than the Gospel of the Gallilean, and I know of no
single instance that affected me more with utter sorrow and regret,
^nd the wonder of how far it would go, and the desire that we might
not be permitted to develop that class cleavage in my own land.
Senator Nelson. Do you know anything about Mr. Sisson and the
papers he got there ?
Mr. Robins. I knew him real well.
Senator Nelson. Who was he, and what was his mission over
there?
Mr. Robins. He was a gentleman who was sent by the Government,
from the Committee of Public Information, to find out what we
were doing, or trying to do, to stabilize the' Kerensky government ;
but when he got there the Bolshevik government had come into
power.
Senator Nelson. Did he get hold of those papers that have been
published ? I refer to those papers
Mr. Robins. Yes, Senator ; and if it is the pleasure of the committee
I will speak about them. But I understand that Mr. Sisson is not
in this country, and it has always been my practice to " give a man a
chance for his white alley."
Senator Nelson. I do not want you to go into his character. I ahi
not after that. Do you know about those papers that he captured
there and turned in to our Government ?
Mr. Robins. Yes ; but even if I make a statement and do not refer
to him personally, if I refer to the facts of this matter it would re-
flect, inevitably. I feel not disposed to do it, for a variety of reasons,
yet I will do exactly as the committee desires. Probably the com-
mittee has not spent much time on those papers.
Senator Nelson. I do not think we have spent any time.
Mr. Robins. Would it not rather be a more severe judgment, pos-
sibly, and condemnation, 10 years from to-day for it to be true that
anybody should go to Russia
Senator Nelson. Perhaps so.
Mr. Robins. And be there — ^he was there for four months and he
saw this wonderful thing transpire, of 180,000,000 people trying
to throw off this oppression of centuries, with the bit in their teeth,
brutal and all that, yet struggling from the darkest tyranny toward
freedom, even though blinded by the unaccustomed light, and he got
the cooperation of that government at certain important points, and
then left that land denouncing that government, and all he got out
of that wonderful experience was certain documents and a German
agent theory of the first fundamental economic revolution.
Senator Nelson. It might be better, as you say, not to ventilate it
now. Let me ask you another question : Do you not think there is
danger, an existing danger and continued danger, of the commercial
and industrial invasion of Russia by Germany ?
Mr. Robins. Yes; precisely.
■842 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. And do you not think that danger will continue
as long as the present disorganized state of government prevails
there ?
Mr. EoBiNS. You have put your finger on one of the continuing
reasons why I to-day think that an intelligent commission should go
into Eussia to deal with the situation, because of this very economic
vacuum which exists at the top of the economic life of Kussia. This
vacuum will be filled either by us or by German intelligence and
cooperation from Germany, and in that event the central powers will
run that show in a very great way for a long time; or else we are
gQing to run it. Which shall it be ? I would like for us to run it.
Senator Overman. You think Germany will run it instead of us?
Mr. KoBiNs. I would like
Senator Overman. Your idea is to have a commission go there now
and look into the situation to preserve our economic position ?
Mr. Robins. Exactly so.
Senator Nelson. You know the plan and the program covered by
the 14 points of the President involves the establishment of Poland
as an independent government? You know that?
Mr. Robins. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. In order to establish Poland they would have to
take Austrian Poland, Russian Poland, and German Poland and give
it all to one state, would they not?
Mr. Robins. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Is not that apt to breed a good deal of friction
both on the east and the west?
Mr. Robins. I think it would breed a good deal of friction on the
west, but not much on the east.
Senator Nelson. You think the Russian Bolshevik government
favor an independent Poland?
Mr. Robins. I should say yes, sir, on theory, provided it be a gen-
uine Polish unit. Their doctrine of self-determination has been ap-
plied even in the Ukraine. It was applied in Siberia; It was applied
in Finland. Thejr are committed to it. Individuals might oppose it,
l)ut the soviet mmd in Russia believes genuinely, in my judgment,
in self-determination of nationalities.
Senator Nelson. So they would be in favor of the independence of
Finland ?
Mr. Robins. Yes, sir ; in my judgment they are in favor of the inde-
pendence of Finland, but are not in favor of the domination of Fin-
land by Germany or an-^^ foreign land for imperialistic purposes.
Senator Nelson. But German influence has been expelled from
there. The Germans were backing the Red Guard there.
Mr. Robins. No, Senator; the White Guards were opposing the
Red Guards. The White Guards were backed by Germany.
Senator Nelson. Now, they have organized a government — I for-
-get the name, but they have organized a government now — under
Gen. Mannerheim, who is at the head of the present government for
the independence of Finland and is anti-Bolshevik, and one of the
problems connected with independent Poland is the question of giving
them an outlet at Danzig. What do you think about that matter?
Danzig is on the "line between east and west Prussia and those coun-
tries, east and west Prussia, are mainly settled by a German popu-
BObaHEYIK PROPAGANDA. 843
lation, and to give the Poles, an outlet by way of the Vistula River
at Danzig, do you not think that is apt to create a great deal of
friction?
Mr. EoBiNS; I should. think' it. might, but I do not have intimate
knowledge enough to have any opinion of value there.
Senator Overman. These officers, what became of. them? Have
ihey all' been killed ? ' ' .; :■
Mr. EoBiNS. Who?
Senator Overman. I mean the Russian officers.
Mr. Robins. Many of them are emigrants out of the country, and
probably a very great number have gone back into the soviet and
are now leading the soviet troops, have accepted the soviet situa-
tion. I read at oiie time a statement from the soviet war depart-
ment that there were so many major generals, and so many other
officers — 7,000 officers in all of the old regime — now engaged in lead-
ing the soviet forces in Russia to-day. Based on the best infor-
mation I have been able to get there is much truth in this statement.
For instance, here is this young man who was our interpreter, who
was a Cossack soldier of noble birth, a splendid young man, who
joined the soviet later on, saying, " That is the only thing in Russia,
and I am now with the soviet."
May I say that the fear of foreign domination that grew up in
Russia after I left there is quite an understandable thing? If there
is one thing more definite than another in Russia it is the resentment
and fear and the age-long hostility to the yellow race. White
Slavic Russia, Christian Russia, had fought the Tartar through gen-
erations, had fought the Mongols, and had been menaced' by the
Japanese as they thought again and again. They said, " Will the
great, free democracy of America get behind the heathen yellow dogs
against Russia ? " I do not agree with that designation, but it was
frequently used in the Russian press. When we started in with in-
tervention, they said we were trying to get markets in Russia. They
said, " I told you so. They are coming to back these Japanese ; im-
perialist robbers; American soldiers and flags behind Japanese flags
and bayonets, and are trying to rob Russia." Then they also said
that the allied forces were invited there by the Russian bourgeois.
Therefore a terror began against the intelligent and propertied
classes, and naturally a number of those were killed by a terror that
was wholly rmnecessary, and some of the best men in Russia prob-
ably were killed.
Senator Nelson. But do you not know that it has been testified to
by a number of witnesses that they have a great many Chinese in
the' Red Army ? It has been testified to.
Mr. Robins. I have seen the statement. It may be true ; but there
were not any up to the time I left.
Senator Nelson. I will tell you where they got them. They got a
lot of Chinese as laborers to Wild the Murman railroad, that rail-
road up to Murman and the Kola Peninsula. They had a lot of
Chinese laborers then and they were left in the country, and they
have incorporated a large share of those laborers in the Red Guard.
Mr. Robins. It may be so, sir, but I would question it.
Senator Nelson. It has been testified that they have a lot of
Chinese in the Red Guard.
844 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Sterling. You left European Russia in May, 1918, I be-
lieve ?
Mr. KoBiNS. Yes, sir.
Senator Sterling. You have described conditions up to the time
you left. Colonel?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Have you kept track of conditions since vou
left?
Mr. Robins. As near as I could, but ■without any real assurance as
to the accuracy of such information as I have got. May I illustrate it?
I was here and met Senator Hitchcock and some other Members of
the Senate and was talking, when a gentleman came into the con-
ference where we were and put a paper on the table, and he said:
" What have you got to say to that ? " What he meant was the head-
line of the paper. You may remember that the last part of June or
the first part of July it was reported that Lenine and Trotzky were
fleeing toward Murmansk from Moscow, and that the soviet govern-
ment had been overthrown, and Kaladines was coming in with one
division at one gate and Korniloff with one division at another gate
had captured Moscow and overthrown the soviet. " Well," I said.
" all I have got to say is this : The last two people in Russia I would
expect to run away would be Lenine and Trotsky, and the last direc-
tion that they would go would be Murmansk, because they would be
hung as soon as they got there. As to the rest of it, Kaladines killed
himself on the porch of his home at Rostov on the Don three months
before I left Russia, and KornilofI was killed by his own soldiers about
30 days before I left Russia, so I doubt their leading any divisions
anywhere. With these modifications, the report is probably true."
Senator Steeling. What is your opinion with regard to the condi-
tions, first, in regard to the power of the Bolshevik government?
Does it possess a greater or less power than it had at the time you
left?
Mr. Robins. All that I can get, and I have dealt as best I can
with what intelligence I have, tells me thafthe so\aet government is
stronger, especially since foreign rifles came in and it has been able
to capitalize the national spirit to protect itself agaiiret foreign
invasion.
Then I think probably they have modified a good many of their
decrees. I do not care what a man's formula is, if he must get out and
feed and clothe the people, he will modify his formula or give place
to somebody else.
Senator Sterling. From the accounts you have received, have dis-
tress and starvation increased since you left, in Peti'ograd, Moscow,
and elsewhere?
i\Ir. Robins. I think they have increased in Petrograd; probably
not in Moscow.
Senator Sterling. Do you Icnow what the population of Petrograd
is normally ?
Mr. Robins. About 2,000,000. The war brought it up to something
like 3,000,000. What it is now I do not Icnow.
Senator Sterling. After the Bolsheviki moved in there, the popu-
lation decreased gradually, did it not?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 845
Mr. Robins. I am sure it did, because they organized committees
for sending people back to the villages. Here was the situation:
Millions of people came up to the cities from the larger villages as
the result of a foolish policy of Kerensky and the Czar's Govern-
mentjwhich was to pay a larger or smaller amount for sustenance to
the wives of families of soldiers in the army in relation to the cost of
living in the different localities, without restriction upon residence.
It varied on a sliding soa-le; In the cities they got more ; so the
peasants left the villages, where they should have stayed, and came in
in large numbers to Petrograd and Moscow. The Bolshevik govern-
ment at once began an effort to demobilize those people, and try to
get them back to the villages, and the police in some instances took
them out by force. There was a considerable diminution in popula-
tion in the first few months.
Senator Overman. Did many of the bourgeois leave from fear ?
Mr. Robins. Great numbers, sir.
Senator Steeling. The population was actually diminished more
than one-half?
Mr. EoBiNS. I do not know the proportion. Senator. It was dimin-
ished a great deal.
Senator Nelson. You have kept track of Russia since you left? Do
you not think that if they had the means of distribution, by boat,
water and rail, there would be enough bread — enough wheat — in
the whole country to supply themselves with, if they could distribute
it and divide it up ?
Mr. Robins. Surely, Senator.
Senator Nelson. There is no need of importing anything there?
What they need is transportation ?
Mr. Robins. Transportation and manufactured products. As soon
as we sent troops out into Siberia it prevented them from getting any-
thing from that section, and as soon as the Ukrainians shut off the
supply from Odessa two great fields of food supply were cut off.
Senator Nelson. One of the greatest fields of supply is southern
Russia — the Ukraine and the black belt. That is the great grain-
producing country.
Mr. Robins. Quite right.
Senator Nelson. And they have there, unless it has been destroyed
in this revolutionary condition, a good supply of grain, if it could be
distributed.
Mr. Robins., I think so. Andthe Jast.crop in Siberia is the best
they have had in years.
Senator Nelson. Yes; Siberia is good. And in Siberia they have
more dairy products than in the Ukraine.
Mr. Robins. Yes, sir.
Senator Steeling. Do you know how successful the authorities at
Petrograd, for example, were in supplying the people of Petrograd
with food supplies ?
Mr. Robins. There was a failure everywhere, Senator. This eco-
nomic breakdown was the most significant underlying fact in the
Russian situation; but I think following the Bolsheviki revolution
there was more grain in Petrograd than under Kerensky.
Senator Steeling. Do you know of their efforts to procure food
from peasants?
846 BOLSHEVIK propaganda:
Mr. KoBiNS. Yes.
Senator Steeling. Do you know of their taking food by force from
the peasants ?
Mr. Robins. In some instances. But, Senator, there is an illumina-
tion of that event. There was and is in Russia, in the peasant villages
what is called the "fist," the peasant, speculator in grain, who buys
at a low price from the grain-growing peasants and stores it for a
higher price. The taking of gTain by force was in the main from
these speculators, and in that they had more or less the laughing
cooperation of the other peasants. In other words, the working
peasants had got theirs, and when the speculator was exploited, there
were only one, two, or three, or half a dozen men in the village friendly
to the " fist," the poor peasants were rather pleased that he was
forced to give up the hoarded grain.
Senator Overman.: Is it not true that these peasants refused to sell
wheat on account of the value of the money ?
Mr. Robins. I imagine they did; and they tried to make distribu-
tion in kind by barter, instead of money payments.
Mr. Humes. Col. Robins, that is the point I want to get to: Are
you familiar with the financial system of the government and the
theory upon which they are manufacturing money — the use of the
printing press so freely ?
Mr. Robins. I knoAv something about it, Mr. Humes.
Mr. Humes. Have you any decree or decret that has been issued
on the subject of issuing paper money ? I have been trying to locate
something on that subject and have not been able, as yet.
Mr. Robins. I think I have among my papers some such decree, and
if I have, I shall furnish it to you.
Mr. Humes. Can you tell us in a general way what the regulation
of the government is or the decree of the government on that subject
is? In other words, has an unlimited supply of money been provided
for, or is there a limit?
Mr. Robins. I think it is limited by the printing press and the
paper. But may I say to you, Mr. Humes, that the real intelligence
of an informed financial mind could be gotten from some of these-
gentlemen of the National City Bank, as I do not know and do not
pretend to know finance intimately, and really I have not followed it
with any real intelligence.
Mr. Humes. They have not any decree on the subject?
Mr. Robins. I should think they have.
Mr. Humes. I thought maybe you would have that.
Mr. Robins. I think I have, and I will turn it over to you.
Mr. Humes. Their theory is that all it is necessary to do is to print
the money and put it in circulation. It is based on no reserve or
guaranty of any kind ?
Mr. Robins. No; I would not say that it is, so far as I know; but L
want to recognize my own ignorance. The gold in the state bank'
and the platinum resources were always looked upon, in every confer-
ence I had with the government in relation to the financial situation,
as security for purchases abroad when it came up. • I never had any
direct conference in relation to finances, but where it came up they
said, " For foreign trade we have got to preserve our gold and plati-
num resources, and certain other valuable raw materials, and in the
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 847"
domestic situation we are going to use money of this kind for a while."
But Lenine had planned premium or token money that was to repre-
sent an exchange of products. Whether that was ever put into effect,.
I do not know. It certainly was not up to the time I left Eussia.
Mr. Humes. That Avas based upon products? It would simply be
issued representing products, but not based upon the products as
reserved to redeem the money ?
Mr. EoBiNS. I will not be able to say about that.
Mr. Humes. Is that not correct ?
Mr. Robins. I do not know that I know enough about it to answer
intelligently.
Mr. Humes. Have you any idea about the amount of paper money
issued by the government?
Mr. Robins. No, sir; I have seen all kinds of estimates. I think
there have been great quantities.
Mr. Humes. A moment ago you referred to the fruit of the toil
of the landowner or the land cultivator under the one year of
Bolsheviki rule. Is it not a fact that the fruit of his year's toilwas
either his grain, or a considerable amount of that paper money with
which he could buy nothing, and that consequently he was without
all of the other necessaries of life, with plenty of money but nothing
to buy for that money ? Is not that the position that he has found
himself in?
Mr. Robins. Well, Mr. Humes, the fruit of his toil was, of course,
his grain. If he sold it for rubles, then the fruit of his toil was
rubles. If he sold it for products
Mr. Humes. What sort of products?
Mr. Robins. Factory products; for instance, thread, cloth — large'
quantities of thread and cloth. Large quantities of that stuff were ■
sent down to the Ukraine and the grain districts for exchange for
wheat and meat in cooperation with the soviet.
Mr. Humes. About when was that?
Mr. Robins. In April and May.
Mr. Humes. For how long a period did those mills continue to
operate ?
Mr. Robins. Well, some were operating when I left Russia. How
much longer I do not know. ;
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that about the only factory that is
opferating at this time is that of the International Harvester Co. ?
Mr. Robins. I do not think that is a fact. It certainh^ was not
when I left Russia, and I have understood from such information :
as I have been able to get that there are more of them. For instance, '
the munitions factory
Mr. Humes. I want to include the munitions factory with the In-
ternational Harvester factory. Is it not a fact that there are only ;
two in operation ?
Mr. Robins. I can not say as to that, sir.
Mr. Humes. The munitions factory was being operated by the
Government prior to the revolution.
Mr. Robins. I could not answer. I do not know, sir.
Mr. Humes. Therefore' the organization of that plant was a Gov-
ernment organization eren before the revolution, so it was in a:
different situation. , : ■ ,
848 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. EoBiNs. If it was taken over by the Czar's government I am
not so advised.
Mr. Humes. Tliat is the testimony introduced here.
Mr. Robins. It is probably true.
Mr. Humes. What other decrees have you in your possession?
Mr. Robins. I am not sure. I can not answer that.
Mr. Humes. Will you furnish us with all the decrees you have?
Mr. Robins. Yes; everything I have you may have, in relation to
decrees.
Mr. Humes. At the time you left Petrograd what became of the
supplies of the Apierican Red Cross?
Mr. Robins. You mean, when I .first left Petrograd?
Mr. Humes. Into whose hands did they fall when you left Petro-
grad and went to Moscow as a Red Cross officer ?
Mr. Robins. Let me get what you mean. Do you mean when I
left Russia or when I left Petrograd to go to Moscow?
Mr. Humes. When you ceased to handle Red Cross supplies.
Mr. Robins. I never ceased while I was in Russia. I was in com-
mand of the American Red Cross organization after my appointment
in November, 1917, at all times until I left Russia.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that the Bolshevik Government seized
more than a thousand barrels of pork from the American Red Cross?
Mr. Robins. The fact about the supplies is this — this is the thing
that is being said. We brought down from Murmansk, Senators,
four hundred thousand and odd cans of milk for the babies in Petro-
grad, we brought down a considerable amount of groceries, and we
brought down some medical supplies, and we stored them in a large
warehouse in Petrograd, and put a Bolshevik guard around them,
and we never lost a pound. In transit down from Murmansk two
cars — possibly four, I would need to refresh my memory — of salted
beef
Senator Steeling. May I interject a question right there.
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Were the allied forces at Archangel or on the
Murmansk coast at that time?
Mr. Robins. Not in any force.
Senator Steeling. There were allied forces there at that time ?
Mr. Robins. No, sir; not at first. About March there came down
from Murmansk a request to the soviet foreign office that it cooper-
ate with the Murman soviet and that the Murman soviet be per-
mitted to cooperate with the French and English. Lenine ordered it
to cooperate with them, and it did. But I think our stuff was
brought out before that took place. In January, when we started
to bring down our stuff, Gen. Poole of the British economic mission
said that it was perfectly impossible to move anything from Mur-
mansk; that even if anything could be started it would be stolen
along the road. Maj. Ward well was sent out and brought down
everything, brought down practically all of our stuff, with less
than 1 per cent loss. Some of it was thrown out on the shore and
was stolen, but some of it was brought back. We brought it down to
Petrograd and had it distributed under guard, through the local
Soviets of Petrograd, to the babies of Petrograd, finishing the distri-
bution along in May, starting some time in February.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 849
One car of meat was separated from the train along the line, but
was later returned in good order.
Senator Sterling. Was Maj. Ward well one of your Red Cross
staff?
Mr. Robins. Yes; Maj. Allen Wardwell was in charge of transpor-
tation from Murmansk. Maj. Wardwell took command when J left.
Maj. Thomas D. Thacher was secretary of the mission and had
charge of distribution — was in general charge under my comniand.
Mr. Humes. It is a fact, is it not, that there was a very considerable;
amount of stores in the possession of the American Red Cross that
had ,l]eei^| intended, for Poumania, ?^
Mr. 'Robins. Yes, sir. ^ '.,- . ,1 , .' ,•,,,
Mr. Humes. What became of that ? , ;
Mr.,PpBii^S- The Roumanian supplies that were in tho possession
of the Red Cross in our warehouse and under our protection had been
sent down to Jassy. There came a time when the representative of
the Red Cross in Jassy thought we should not send more supplies
down, that there was a question of hi& being able to handle and dis-
tribute theni, and so on, and when there came, during a certain period,
a breach between, the soviet government of Russia and the Rou-
manian Government, under an order from Trotsky the stuff was
held in our warehouse to await final liquidation of the conflict be-
tween Roumania and the soviet government of Russia. In the
deyelopinent of that situation there was a conflict of authority in
Eoumania between a Bolsheviki group, a revolutionary group, and
the old authority, the court group, the king and queen, and so on. In
the conflict of authority, the debate going on, this stuff was held
pending final settlement. After the situation in the Ukraine had de-
veloped into a German situation, and any supplies that were sent,
down there had a better chance of reaching Germany than anywhere
else, I was in no eagerness to have the stuff so sent, and it finally was
evacuated, if I am correct — and if I am not correct Maj. Allen Ward-
well can correct me; he knows the exact situation— it was sent to
Moscow and distributed there, and it was thought that that was a
better distribution against the German power than to send it into
what would probably be German hands.
Mr, Humes. "^Vere thoge supplies turned over to the Bolshevik
government ?
Mr. Robins. They were taken by the Bolshevik government.
Mr. Humes. They were taken by the Bolshevik government?
Mr. Robins. Absolutely.
Mr. Humes. During the time the Red Cross headquarters were still
in Petrograd — during tbe time that you had a supply depot there, at
least^was there any demand made by the American colony or any
appeal made by the American colony for food ?
, Mr. Robins. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Did they succeed in getting food ?
Mr. Robins. They did.
Mr. Humes. Is it or is it not a fact that it was represented to the
American colony when they were seeking food that the Red Cross
had no supplies in Petrograd but had sent all their supplies to
Moscow ?
Mr. Robins. No, sir; it is an unqualified falsehood.
85723—19 54
850 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. Are you acquainted with Dr. Simons?
Mr. Robins. I know Dr. Simons; yes, sir.
Mr. Humes. Did he ever make an appeal in behalf of the American
colony — ever appeal to you or any of your representatives?
Mr. Robins. I think that he made an appeal that he and his organ-
ization- should be used for distributing supplies, not only for the
American colony but for others, and we, knowing the situation and
acting in full knowledge of what I thought was the situation, re-
fused to allow him to be the medium of distribution. 1 believed that
our own organization was better.
Mr. Humes. Did he not at that time make^an appeal to you for an
issue to the American colony because of their dire want ?
Mr. Robins. No ; he did not.
Mr. Humes. And was it not represented to him at that time that
all the supplies of the American Red Cross had been moved to Mos-
cow, and that there were no supplies in Petrograd available?
Mr. Robins. It was not. so far as I know. I was in Mo.scow i)roh-
ably at that time.
Mr. Humes. Col. Robins, you say that the slogan of the present
government is the rule of the class, an appeal to the class?
Mr. Robins. I so understand it.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that that appeal is made by not to ex-
ceed 5 to 10 per cent of the people representing the Bolshevik party
or government, as you term it, and that the rest of the people that
acquiesce in the Bolshevik rule are simply acquiescing because of
the terrorism, and because of fear ; and do you not think that the Rus-
sian officers that you speak of and others who have become a part of
the Red Guard have joined the Red Guard as the only means of get-
ting food and the onl}' means of getting a living?
Mr. Robins. I do not think that any of the supposititious state-
ments of fact in that series of questions are true.
Mr. Humes. Then you do not believe the testimony that has been
produced here by a great number of very reputable witnesses ?
Mr. Robins. I have not heard their testimony.
Mr. Humes. As to their experiences and observations in different
parts of Russia.
Mr. Robins. I have not read their testimony, and do not know
what they said.
Mr. Humes. Do you know whether it is the fact that families of
persons serving in the Red Guard are held as hostages in order to
insure the conduct and loyalty of the soldier?
Mr. Robins. I do not know it at all, sir.
Mr. Humes. Do you say that that condition does not exist ?
Mr. Robins. I do not know. But I say that it did not exist up to
the time I left Russia, within my knowledge.
Mr. Humes. It has been testified here that on one occasion 20
prisoners were taken out of the prison in Moscow and shot with-
out a trial, and simply for the purpose of making room for some
26 prisoners that they had no place to incarcerate. That statement
has been made by a gentleman who says that he was present and saw
the occurrence. Do you question the correctness of that statement?
Do you think that that was untrue?
Mr. Robins. I do not know anything about it. It ought to be true
if he was there and saw it.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 851
Senator Overman. I do not think that is the way to ask the ques-
tion.
Senator Hiram W. Johnson. I am not a member of the committee,
but I want to submit that in any court you would not be permitted to
ask the witness concerning testimony concerning which he knows
nothing, whether the testimony of a certain witness is true or not ; not
that it needs to be suggested so far as you are concerned here in this:
committee.
Mr. Humes. Col. Eobins, I understand you to say that during all of
your experience in Russia you saw nothing of terrorism.
Mr. Robins. I saw no organized terror, Mr. Humes. That a revo-
lutionary situation should bring violence and killing of people is
inevitable. I happened to see nobody stood up and shot.
Senator Sterling. Did you hear, Col. Robins, of men being taken
from prison under Red Guard escort, and, without any chance to
be heard, and without any formal charge being made against them,
shot?
Mr. Robins. I heard that. Senator Sterling, and in every instance
where I investigated it it proved to be false. I heard that the women
of the women's battalion had been violated in a certain barracks after
they had surrendered. I had it investigated, and, on the word of no
less a person that Madame Turcova, it was repudiated absolutely.
The air was full of rumors. If you chose to believe those, you could
hear and believe anything, Senator.
For instance, they arrested the head of the Russian Red Cross, a
nobleman. They arrested the secretary of the Russian Red Cross.
They were going to be shot overnight. I had heard that they had
been shot. I went to the govei'nment and asked for their release.
They showed me the evidence that purported to show that this pai'-
ticular secretary of the Russian Red Cross had sent Russian Red
Cross supplies to Kaledines and the leaders of the counter-revolution
at Rostov, where there was an organized headquarters of the counter-
revolution. I said, " Suppose that is all true. These men are Red
Cross officials. I ask you, as the representative of the American Red
Cross, to release them." They were both released. I have their
letters of appreciation for my intervention.
Senator Sterling. On the other hand. Col. Robins, we have the
testimony of a witness here — apparently a most credible witness —
who was in two different Russian prisons and talked with the men who
were led out to be shot, and I think injbqth insta,nces,. but certainly in
one — I am not quite sure as to both, but certainly in one — the man
knew the hour at which he was to be led out to be shot, and begged
that he might converse with the witness who testified to the fact
until his time came, in order that he might pass hours that would
otherwise be unendurable.
Mr. Robins. Well, it may have all been true. Let me say, gentlemen
of the committee, I will not be put in the position of defending vio-
lence or crime wherever it has occurred. Let me say that I speak of
the facts as tljey come to my mind. Let me give another instance.
Why do I feel that there is a question in regard to these widespread
stories of violence, and so on? I heard it all while I was there. It
went on in the way of statement and counter-statement before I left.
It did not differ greatly from the stories I hear here. I think there
was a much more serious time after intervention than before. I think
852 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
we can understand why. But a certain Eussian colonel named Kol-
pishnikoff is arrested and put in jail. He is found to have cablegrams
that on the face of things indicate cooperation for service and relief
to reactionary coujitery-revolutionary forces at Rostov on the Don.
This colonel was an excellent person, in my j udgment. He was in favor
of Korniloff, as most intelligent officers of that group were at the time.
There came to Petrograd a request from the American Red Cross in
Roumania asking that the American Red Cross in Petrograd send
down to Rostov on the Don 80 automobiles or 60 automobiles and cer-
tain supplies and money to get them down there. It so happened
that at that time Rostov on the Don was the center of a counter-
revolutionary movement. I immediately cabled back, or telegraphed
back, to the chief of the mission in Roumania that I could not fulfill
his request. He wired the American ambassador and sought to get
Kolpishnikoff and his automobiles, and probably a hundred thousand
rubles, sent through the aid and cooperation of the American em-
bassy to Rostov on the Don.
Now, the colonel of the American Red Cross in Jassy was doing
the very best he knew how. He conceived the scheme that if things
got too hot in Jassy he would send his unit, with the queen and some
of the court, out to Rostov and then 700 miles across a mountain
range to Mesopotamia, where they would be with the British front.
It was quite a fantastic program, but it was sincerely believed. When
it reached me, what it meant in European Russia and Petrograd was
support to the counter-revolution whose center was Rostov. Of
coux'se I could not move with that play, and refused my cooperation.
Then it was planned to go out surreptitiously, and this particular
Col. Kolpishnikoff said he could break by the Bolsheviki all right;
that he would bribe his way through in the good old prer evolutionary
fashion. Well, they let him get his train practically well loaded,
and doubtless had him followed with the very excellent secret service
that they have, and when he got ready to leave they arrested him and
took the paper off the wall in his apartment, translated all of his tele-
grams, translated everything in connection with it, and it looked as if
the American Red Cross in Petrograd, working with the American
Red Cross in Jassy — which they believed in Petrograd, by reason of
false statements, was under the bourgeoisie influence or the royal in-
fluence, etc. — as if the American ambassador and myself were involved
in an effort to aid a counter-revolution movement ; and tliere had been
enough counter-revolutionary activities in certain quarters, of the
allies, in Russia to lay the foundation for the belief that it was general.
This man, Col. Kolpishnikoff, was arrested and thrown into Peter
and Paul. They got what they claimed, under their method of judg-
ment, was "the goods" on him. They attacked the American am-
bassador. It so happened that certain communications in his pos-
session at the time seemed to exonerate me from complicity in the
situation ; but, none the less, it was threatened that our headquarters
were to be raided and that the members of our mission were to be
arrested, and it seemed as if it was the end of the play, and they
stopped me from sending certain supplies to Jassy by reason of this
alleged plot.
I went up to see Lenine. This is the thing that I referred to some
time earlier as a time when I had a showdown with Lenine. I went
to his office. I went where I usually could go at once, to his inner office.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 853
and was not permitted to go. I stayed there two hours, cooling my
heels, and then I thought it was time to leave and I started to walk
out, and the two red guardsmen walked to the door and crossed
their bayonets, and I decided I would stay. I sat down for a while,
and finally I looked at my watch and I said in the few Russian
words I had, something about " It is now the time for my appoint-
ment," and walked through the little passageway, as it were, or
hallway that was the exit from Lenine's private roof. You went
in this way and came out that way. Well, I thought I would walk
around that way and see if I could get in to Lenine. I turned the
knob of the door and the door opened and I was in Lenine's room,
and he was sitting at the desk and he scowled at me when I entered
unannounced, the only time he had seemed ugly. I walked up to
his desk and I said, " Commissioner, I expect that you do not wish
to see me. I do not wish to make any explanation now, but a full
explanation in regard to the American ambassador and the Ameri-
can Red Cross can be made. I know that the face of the papers,
from your interpretation, looks bad. Commissioner, I have told you
the truth and I shall keep on telling you the truth. I know exactly
why and how I am walking around the streets of Petrograd under
Bolshevik rule in Russia. I know that at any time you want to
you can press a button and call a platoon of soldiers and send them
down there to the hotel Europa and they will take me, dead or alive,
to Peter and Paul and stand me up and shoot me if you say so ; and
it is a long way from the Atlantic Ocean to the Neva for an Ameri-
can gunboat, and that is the only answer. Now, commissioner, I
have told you the truth ; first, because I like to tell the truth — on the
whole it is the simpler way around, and if I am going, to meet
trouble I like to meet it at once and get done with it — and I have
told you the truth for a further reason. I have a profound regard
for my good health. Now, if you wish me to give you a state-
ment about this, I will be only too glad to do it at any time
and I think I can satisfy you " ; and I turned around and walked
out. It was on the basis of that situation that finally the American
ambassador was absolved from all suspicion in the matter and we
went on doing business in the situation. It was subsequent to that
time, three months, that this man Kolpishnikoff, who was supposed
to be a definite counter-revolutionist and who stayed in Peter and
Paul a number of months, was released by the soviet government.
Senator Nelson. That Russian colonel?
Mr. Robins. That Russian colonel. I do not know whether any-
thing ever happened to him afterwards, but I see here Mr. Johnston,
the secretary of the ambassador, who will probably know. It was
incidents of that sort, like the incident in relation to the head of th?
Russian Red Cross, a nobleman who was released on my request, and
who came to me with profound expression of his appreciation, and
other situations of the sort, that made me feel and act and think as I
have felt and acted and thought.
Senator Sterling. Col. Robins
Mr. Robins. I want to say one other thing, though. There seems
to be some question — I do not know what may have been said before
this committee — in regard to Red Cross supplies in Russia and in
regard to the distribution of Red Cross supplies ; but I make this de-
liberate statement : That everything done in relation to the American
854 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Red Cross I was responsible for ; that every member of the American
Red Cross unites with me in judgment as to the wisdom of the action
at that time. Maj. Allen Wardwell and Maj. Thomas D. Thacher
are conservative lawyers of privilege and position in the city of New
York. Other members of that mission are of similar character.
When I got ready to play this hand through after the Bolshevik
revolution and was told that I waw to be commander of the mission, hy
the then commander, I said to him, " These are the men I want to
stay in." He said, " I will order them to stay in." I said, " No, sir.
I want no man staying in this game because of military authority that
orders him to stay. I want him to stay because he wants to.'' He
said, " What are you going to do ? " I said, " I am going to ask each
one of them whether he wants to stay, and if he says he wants to star
he is going to stay."
I took them one at a time into nij^ room and said to them something
like this : '' I have been working with you three months. You know
something about the situation. I have got the authority to have you
stay. I will not exercise it. You are free to go if your obligations
at home are such that you feel that you ought to, or for any reason
at all. I can not tell you what is going to happen in this game.
Nobody can. I can tell vou this, that while I am in Russia the Red
Cross will ring no backing bells. We will stay with the situation.
At no time when there comes difficulty will there be any question of
our personal survival. That is of small moment. If we can take
care of ourselves, we will do it. I will ask none of you to do anything
that I will not do myself. I am going to give you no foolish orders
if I know it, but we are going to stay with this thing through to the
end. If you do not like that outlook, leave." They stayed.
The hour came when it was very perilous, in the opinion of many.
I remember one time when it looked as if we were through with the
play quickly. I said to them, coming into the room where they were,
when machine-gun fire was going on in the streets, " I hope we will all
get killed," and they looked at me as if I was crazy. I said : " I mean
it. Fellows, we have had the greatest privilege ever given, almost, to
men, to see this tremendous hour, to share in it, and not only to
share in it but to deal with it ; not to believe the lies and slanders and
stuff, and not to be buncoed by it, either, but to do our level best day
by day. If we ever get out of Russia alive and go to living an ordi-
nary, humdrum life in America, it will be so infernal dull we will
wish we had been killed " ; and the group stayed through, and every
one of the group agrees with me at this hour — I do not mean in all
points, but I mean in every substantial way— and every one of them
played the hand through.
If there is any statement about supplies of the American Red Cross
let it be said that the American Embassy knew of the facts, and the
American Embassy at no time suggested that there was anything being
done with Red Cross supplies in any way unsatisfactory or against
the American or allied interest in Russia. We will meet the full issue
on that, and I challenge anybody who has made a statement to meet
that situation in the open, and not in some secret way.
Senator Sterling. Let me say. Col. Robins, that one witness here
testified in regard to Col. Thompson's activities, and he gave to Col.
Thompson a very high character, indeed, in the management of the
Red Cross work while he was there, and I think the committee — ^I was,
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 855
anyhow — were impressed with the truth of that witness' statement in
regard to Col. Thompson.
Mr. Httmes. I do not want you to misunderstand my inquiry,
Colonel. I asked you with reference to some thousand barrels of pork.
My information is that during the closing days of the work of your
mission that quantity, or approximately that quantity, of pork fell
into the hands of the Bolsheviki, either by force or otherwise, and it
was regarding that that I was inquiring. Did it or did it not fall into
their hands?
Mr. EoBiNS. It did not; and the verification of the facts, with all
the circumstances, is within reach of the committee through Maj.
Allen Wardwell, who was in charge in Petrograd at the time.
Mr. HtiMES. Now, as I understand, the avowed purpose of the Bol-
sheviki is not only to rule Russia, but to overthrow by revolutionary
means this Government, as well as all other governments ?
Mr. Robins. Every government in the world.
Mr. Humes. And I do not understand you to favor the formal rec-
ognition of the Bolshevik government.
Mr. Robins. Correct.
Mr. Humes. I do not know that you have declared yourself on that,
but I gathered from your testimony that you do not favor such a
course.
Mr. Robins. Correct.
Mr. Humes. But you do favor economic support ?
Mr. Robins. I do. «
Mr. Humes. In other words, through economic support you would
sanction and encourage and support a further development and
strengthening of a government whose avowed purpose is the over-
throw of our Government. Is that correct ?
Mr. Robins. Well, now, Mr. Humes
Mr. Humes. Does not that necessarily follow ?
Mr. Robins. No ; it does not follow at all. You have got there
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact
Mr. Robins. Well, won't you let me answer this first, now ?
Senator Hiram W. Johnson. You have a right to answer.
Senator Overman. I am going to let him answer.
Mr. Humes. Let me state the question in another way. Is it not a
fact that the economic strengthening of the Bolshevik government,
the building up of that government, the furnishing it with more raw
materials, with more material things, would make it possible for them,
financially and otherwise, to carry on a stronger propaganda and a
stronger agitation and a stronger warfare against our Government
than they could carry on if they did not have the economic support
that you favor ?
Mr. Robins. Well, now, I think I have got your question, and I
do not agree with it at all,- and I do not think it is a statement of a
sound fact. I agree rather with your chief and mine, as a citizen of
this Government, that the best answer to Bolshevism is food. I
think, sir, that economic misery, as I have tried again and again to
say in this statement, the paralysis of' the economic life in Russia,
and the misery that grew out of it, and that whole setting, just as in
Germany — Mr. Humes, if the Germans are hungry enough, if there
is economic misery enough, the Gernians will be Bolsheviki. That
is inevitable, in my judgment. That is just what I say in regard to
856 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Russia. I believe that the reorganization of Eiissian life economically
the beginning to give substantial hope here and there, beginning to
recreate the property interest and the stake in life, would begin at
once to disorganize Bolshevilc power and the adherence to the
formulas. I believe the matter should be dealt with on that basis.
And wherever there was a little situation — an oasis, as it were, sepa-
rated from the general situation — where they were getting along
fairly well, and people began to have a property interest in life, a
hope in life, the formulas had less power. I believe that the best
answer to Bolshevik Russia is economic cooperation, food, friencUi-
ness on the part of America, the relationship that we could bring
about that would help us, help Russia, and operate in this country
to weaken the authority and power of Bolshevism.
Mr. HuaiES. On the assumption that there is this need for food,
that conclusion might necessarily follow ; but you a few moments
ago made the statement that the peasants, who represent 84 per cent
of the people of Russia, by reason of the productiveness of the soil
and their having acquired the ownership of the land had enjoyed the
fruits of a new era during the last year, and that therefore this want
and this starvation that you now refer to did not exist ; and I think
that I was justified in drawing that inference from your statement.
If they are not hungry, if they have plenty of food, why is it neces-
sary to take food to Russia? The information that this committee
has had up to this time has been that there was want, that there was
privation, that tfitere was suffering there.
Mr. Robins. Well, now, where was that, Mr. Humes? Was not
that in Petrograd and Moscow — in the cities rather than in the
country ?
Mr. Humes. No; that was all over the country, even among the
peasants.
Mr. Robins. Down in the Ukraine and in Siberia, where the
grain is?
Mr. Humes. Even among the peasants ; that the peasants were not
raising any more than they needed for their own personal use, and
were raising no grain to furnish to the rest of the population of
Russia. Your statement to-day has been that 84 per cent of the
people are living in a new era; that they are satisfied with the
fruits of their first year of possession of the land. If that is true,
and that degree of contentment and joy exists among 84 per cent of
the people, I do not see that the same necessity for the economic
answer to Bolshevism presents itself.
Mr. Robins. Well, I am sorry that I have made myself so unin-
telligible to you, because your interpretation does not seem to me to
rest upon what I said, and certainly it does not rest upon what I
meant to say.
Senator Ovekman. Col. Robins, will you be here to-morrow?
Mr. Robins. I will, sir.
Senator Overman. It is late, and I think we had better adjourn
now.
Mr. Robins. I shall be very glad to be here at 10.30 if you wish.
Senator Overman. Thank you.
Mr. Robins. I will be here, Senator.
(Thereupon, at 5.40 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee adjourned
until to-morrow, Friday, March 7, 1919, at 10.30 o'clock a. m.)
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
FRIDAY, MARCH 7, 1919.
United States Senate,
Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, D. G .
The subcommittee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., in room 226, Senate
Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman). Nelson, and Sterling.
Senator Overman. The committee will come to order. Now,
Major, if you have any other questions you want to ask Mr. Robins,
proceed with your examination.
TESTIMONY OF MR. RAYMOND ROBINS— Resumed.
Mr. Humes. Colonel, in order that we can understand your view-
"point — and possibly I have been too obtuse to catch it — I would like
to ask you with regard to the degree of contentment that you have
said existed among the peasants. It is my recollection that you said
yesterday that the peasants were so contented with their first year's
possession of the land and with the fruits of the first year of Bolshe-
vism, that they could not be shaken in the faith ; that they felt that
it was a new era, a new life that they had entered upon. Did I
understand you correctly in that regard ?
Mr. EoBiNS. You did not, Mr. Humes. What I said was in answer
to a query, to one of the members of the committee — I think it was
Senator Overman — in which I suggested that the prospective strength
of the soviet government rested -back upon the fact that there had
been a distribution of the land, which was what the peasants had
desired above any other one thing in Russia ; that under this distri-
bution they had raised a crop, the last year's crop; that they had
enjoyed the fruits of their labor on land that they now called their
own, without paying any rent for that land ; and that the title to this
land and the right to use it free of rent came to them from the soviet ;
and I suggested to the inquiry of the Senator that they would prob-
ably defend — or I asked him whether it would not be apparent that
they would defend — the soviet through which they held the title to
their land.
Mr. Humes. Yes. Do I understand, then, that you are discrimi-
nating between the soviet as an institution and the Bolsheviki, as we
frequently term the present Russian government?
Mr. Robins. I should always seek to do that, Mr. Humes. The
soviet is a form or framework or method of Slavic deniocratic
social control, exactly as the Constitution of the United States is a
857
S58 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
framework or method or form of political democratic Anglo-Saxon
social control.
Senator Nelson. Mr. Robins, will you allow me to interrupt you
there ?
Mr. Robins. Yes; certainly.
Senator Nelson. Is it not rather an evolution from the old mir I
Mr. Robins. I think it is an evolution from the old mir; decidedly
so.
Senator Nelson. It is an evolution from the old uiir system of
government ?
Mr. Robins. I believe that to be true.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Robins. Mr. Humes, the particular party that invests that
framework of government as the directing officers, and the particular
party program that for the moment is the government program, is
Bolshevik in Russia; but the soviet might easily endure with the
Menshevik party taking control from the Bolsheviki and using the
same framework of government; as in the United States we have
a Republican party with Republican principles investing the frame-
work of our Government at one time, and at another time we have
the Democratic party investing the framework of the Government;
and if the socialists were to get command of the American Govern-
ment by popular vote, they would then invest the framework of the
Government. I think, therefore, we should in careful thinking
always distinguish between the soviet and the Bolshevik party; but
for the purposes of description and in general speaking, we might
easily interchange Bolshevik and soviet, because the Bolshevik party
for the hour and in the present have taken possession of, have in-
vested the soviet framework.
Senator Overman. Right there, I want to understand your view-
point. I want the facts. It is not like this country, because they
have no framework, no constitution ; but the Bolsheviki are the con-
stitution and the framework and everything else ; is not that so ?
Mr. Robins. Senator, I would not think that that was wholly so.
There is this soviet form which the Russian mass — the peasants and
workingmen — have adopted as a framework. "All power to the soviet,"
which was the cry on which Lenine and Trotzky took possession of
the government in Russia, was not "All power to the Bolsheviki."
They really, discreetly — or rather cunningly, with real political judg-
ment— saw that the people liked their self-governing Soviets; saw
what the Senator suggested, that the old mir that they were familiar
with was the thing that the people wanted ; that this new constituent
assembly idea was largely an importation of the intelligentsia ; doing
what in this country we do partly by having a written Constitution.
As one peasant leader said to me, " Our all-Russian soviet is our con-
stitutional assembly, and the decrees passed in there are our consti-
tution. "We are more like the British Parliament, where there is no
fixed constitution limiting the enactments of the people, than like
your America, and it suits us better." Somebody said that to me in
discussion about it, I constantly urging a constituent assembly, con-
stantly urging it, largely out of my ignorance, because I like the Gov-
ernment that I had been used to ; and I think we found, in course of
time, in Russia, that there was this definite framework that had
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 859
grown up out of their historic past, which the clever political minds
of the Bolshevik leaders fell upon as the way to get into power ; and
so I think there is really something there in structure as well as the
actual Bolshevik domination.
Senator Nelson. Mr. Eobins, the only plan of government they
have now is those decrees issued there at Petrograd, issued by the
central soviet ; is not that so ?
Mr. Robins. That is the national control, Senator.
Senator Nelson. Yes. Well, that is simply certain decrees pro-
mulgated by what you might call an oligarchy right there ; it is not
the product of anything in the nature of a constitutional convention ?
Mr. Robins. Let us look at that and see if that is a correct defini-
tion. Here is tlie all-Russian National Soviet Assembly, the dele-
gates elected from various local provincial and trade groups through-
out the nation.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Robins. There being several kinds of classifications of dele-
gates, as it were. That national convention elects an executive com-
mittee of 250 to 300 members.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Robins (continuing). Which sits, as it were, as a permanent
parliament in between the sessions of the national convention. Every
decree that is passed has to be approved by the executive com-
mittee of the permanent parliament of the national, the all-Russian,
soviet, and it is promulgated by statement of the council of the
people's commissars. All three actions are required ; in other words,
first the national assembly; second, the all-Russian executive com-
mittee of the national assembly; third, the council of the people's
commissars; and until the decree has been approved and issued
through the council of people's commissars, it is not a decree, and
they consider it and speak of it there as beng a definite enactment of
the representatives of Russia, and
Senator Nelson. So that those decrees, then, according to your
vieAv, are at present the constitutional form of government there,
adopted in that way?
Mr. Robins. Yes. If you will look back over the record. Senator,
you will find that in the Fifth Russian Soviet, which met, I think,
some time in July, 1918, there was passed a definite general frame-
work, the so-called constitution of the soviet.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Robins. It was published in this country, and doubtless it is in
your record.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Robins. That outlined certain structural framework, but the
whole government, as I seemed to see it, was, as it were, in flux —
in movement. Just as the old village mir was growing up here, just
as the revolutionary councils in the cities were being fused, just as
you found territorial delegation districts and then found craft dele-
gate districts, you found that there were a number of methods, as it
were, being slowly fused into a general type ; but it was a movement
toward conscious revolutionary mass control, or so seemed to me
to be. «
Senator Overman. I am interested to get this. You describe' this
as a party rather than a government. Is there any way possible for
860 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the people of Russia to get rid of Lenine and Trotzky without a
revolution ?
Mr. Robins. I should say so, absolutely, sir. I should say that
the moment that any considerable mass in Russia wants to get rid
of Lenine and Trotzky, they can do it. I remember now Lenine
saying to me one day in the Kremlin, shortly after he had come from
Petrograd to Moscow, I telling him some of the reasons why there
was such bitter prejudice against his government, and among them
the use of force and the charge that they had simply changed dic-
tators— that from dictator Nicholas, from dictator Czar, it was now
become dictator Lenine — "Ah," he said, " are you familiar with the
philosophy," said he, " of the dictatorship of the proletariat " ; and I
confessed total ignorance. He said, " To take over the institutions
of existing bourgeois capitalist society it is necessary to move by
force. As soon as you have overcome the force of the existing order,
then 30U revert back to the democratic method."
Senator Overman. In what way could they go about getting rid of
Lenine and Trotzky?
Mr. Robins. Just a moment.
Senator Overman. Pardon me.
Mr. Robins (continuing). He said, "They say that I am a dic-
tator, and I am for the moment. I am dictator because I have be-
hind me for the moment the will of the mass of peasants and workers.
The moment I cease to do their will they will take the power from
me, and I would be as helpless in Russia as the Czar was." And I
believe that is so ; that the reason that their power has held has been
that for the time they expressed, as between the old experience of
the past and the new experience, a larger expectation of hope and
opportunity for the mass of the peasants and workers of Russia than
they had before; and as long as that expectation holds they will
support Lenine. When it ceases to hold, their rifles and their power
will be against him, and he will pass from the scene.
Senator Overman. You say "their rifles." That is what I say;
how are you going to get rid of them except by revolution?
Mr. Robins. Senator, I do not know that you can, except bythe
development of the soviet membership. For instance, here is a
Fourth All-Russian Soviet called to ratify the peace, called at a time
when there is a debate between even the two wings of the dominant
party, between Lenine and Trotzky. Lenine calls it, and he goes
down to the old holy city, the center of the old order of church and
state and industrial and commercial power, to meet this assembly
in the hour of greatest strain and confusion, and he has the one
great clear program. He stands up there, when they said that
peace could not be ratified, and it was ratified. In other words, he
IS indorsed by the delegate body because he wins through knowledge
of the facts of Russian life and interpretation of their desires.
Then they meet again in July. Again the executive committee, or
the mass, indorses Lenine.
The theory of the soviet government, as I understand it to be,
is that every three months it must meet — it can be called oftener, but
every three months the All-Eussian National Soviet must meet-^-and
that in that delegate assembly all the acts of the executive committee
and of the council of people's commissars and the actual commissions
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 861
as people's commissars go back, as it were, to fhe national assembly,
and the national assembly has to reelect the council of people's com-
missars and to reelect the national executive committee, and has to
indorse their actions in the interim; so that at any moment there
was a majority of delegates elected to the National soviet with a
program for the National All-Russian Soviet in opposition to
Lenine and Trotzky they simply would not be reelected, and other
persons would be elected in their stead. It was stated at this Fourth
AU-Kussian Soviet that Karolyn, one of the leaders of the left, was
to be elected in Lenine's stead. It was childish talk, but I think
any time there is a change of mass leadership they have two methods
of changing, either by the constitutional method, if I may use the
word " constitutional," in relation to such a system as exists in
Eussia, or by the exercise of powers of force that exist in Russia.
There were demobilized 12,000,000 soldiers, and they were demobil-
ized largely armed, and all over Eussia, in the villages, are peasants
w'ith their arms, and not a few machine guns, in practically every
important village in Russia, as the result of the demobilizing, with-
out any real control by force from the center. That happened at the
time the break-up was going on two months before Kerensky's gov-
ernment was overthrown; so that, in every village in Russia where
they wish to exercise power against the soviet control, there are rifles
and machine guns, and if you have men to man them in sufficient
numbers they can take command of things.
Senator Steeling. Let me just ask, have you been out among the
villages where these peasants live, and have you seen these rifles and
machine guns in the hands of the peasants ? Do you know that they
are there, from your personal laiowledge and observation ?
Mr. Robins. What I know about that is this: I know that there
Were in the villages around Ekaterinoslav, in southern Russia ; I know
that there were in the villages around Karkov ; I do know that there
were in all these villages where we stopped as we came out through
Siberia. Further than that I do not know of my own personal knowl-
edge ; but I do know that every revolt started from anywhere, whether
supported by foreign rifles or supported only by local and bourgeois
interests in Russia, has been repelled not bj^ the power of rifles sent
from Moscow or Petrograd, but by the power of the local peasant
revolt against the eifort to return to the old order.
Senator Sterling. Now, Colonel, do you not know that the peasants
in many places along the Volga, and when the Czecho-Slovalis were
there, were powerless as against the Bolsheviki ; that they wanted to
assist the Czecho-Slovaks, wanted to rise up against the Bolsheviki,
but they had no arms, and the Czecho-Slovaks or the allied forces
furnished them arms in order that they might join in a Russian peo-
ple's army to assist the Czecho-Slovaks ?
Mr. Robins. No; Senator.
Senator Sterling. Is not that a fact?
Mr. Robins. No ; I do not think that is a fact. I have heard it, of
course, a number of times.
Senator Sterling. Do you know Col. Lebedeff ?
Mr. Robins. I have heard of him. Do you mean the ex-minister of
marine ?
Senator Stejrling. Yes. He is a man of good repute?
862 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. EoBiNs. Yes.
Senator Steeling. You know of nothing to the contrary?
Mr. Robins. No, sir.
Senator Steeling. Have you read his book ?
Mr. Robins. No, sir ; and, primarily, I would not expect to get from
any representative of the old order in Russia a fair judgment upon
the revolutionary workmen's and peasants' revolution in Russia.
Senator Nelson. From what source would you get it?
Mr. Robins. I would try to get it
Senator Nelson. From these academic fellows, from these peace-at-
any-price fellows, and conscientious objectors?
Mr. Robins. No, sir ; I would put those on the left hand and the
others on the right. I would try to get in between there. Senator.
Senator Nelson. Now, I gather from your whole statement that
you are rather of the opinion that Lenine and Trotsky are the men of
the hour for the Russian people at this time ?
Mr. Robins. No ; Senator, I do not think you would get that, unless
we qualify it so that we really know what we say, if we mean to say
that is the total result it would be wrong. The question you asked,
Senator, might involve the assumption that I thought that they were
right in their program. I do not think so. If what you inquired
was, did I think that they represented the revolutionary mind in Rus-
sia and were the best interpreters of that revolutionary class con-
science, socialistic revolutionary mind, I say yes, absolutely, that they
are the incarnation of it.
Senator Nelson. Do you approve of that revolution?
Mr. Robins. I do not approve of their program. I am glad for the
Russian revolution and the overthrow of the Czar.
Senator Nelson. Without any circumlocution about this matter,
do you believe that our Government ought to recognize the govern-
ment of Lenine and Trotsky over there now ?
Mr. Robins. No ; I should say that in the present situation, before
any recognition of the government takes place there should be a
careful investigation by competent and unbiased men, if it is pos-
sible, to find out just what the present facts in Russia are.
Senator Nelson. But suppose you were the investigator, and you
went over there, would you recommend, from your knowledge of con-
ditions there and of the character of these men, that our Government
acknowledge that government of Lenine and Trotzky?
Mr. Robins. Senator, I would not recommend it at this moment.
If I went ovei' there and found a state of facts that seemed to show
that they were supported by the mass of the people, that they had
stabilized at certain points, that there was a reasonable expectation
that they would be the power of Russia for a considerable period of
time, I should recommend recognizing them and working with them.
Senator Nelson. What is your opinion on that point? Are they
of that character?
Mr. Robins. I certainly do not know. I tried to indicate here yes-
terday that after I left "Russia, constant rumor that came out, con-
stant conflict of testimony, left me, in regard to what was actually
going on in Russia, in very real doubt at this present time. I do not
believe it is possible to have a sound judgment. I should like to see
an inquiry made. I should like to have seen a conference held. I
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 863
should like to see a mission go in there and get a real statement of
the actual situation.
Senator Nelson. Then, as at present advised, you are not prepared
to blame our Government for not recognizing the Bolshevik govern-
ment of Lenine and Trotzky.
Mr. KoBiNS. You mean recognizing at the present moment?
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Robins. Absolutely, I would attach no blame.
Senator Nelson. Do you not believe, if that system of govern-
ment should prevail in Russia, with their gospel and their creed
and their mode of operatiouj that they would attempt to spread it all
over the world — to internationalize it?
Mr. Robins. Largely, I think they would.
Senator Nelson. Would you not regard that as a menace to other
civilizations, to our country and to England and to other civilized
countries ? Would you not regard it as a menace ?
Mr. Robins. I tried to make plain yesterday that I regard the
formulas, the challenge, of the Bolsheviki program as the first chal-
lenge and menace to all political democratic governments of the
world.
Senator Nelson. Now, then, why do you want to nurse it in
Russia ?
Mr. Robins. I am not wanting to nurse it in Russia or anywhere.
I would like to tell the truth about it.
Senator Nelson. I gather the impression from your statement, in
the aggregate, that while j^ou do not believe in that system of govern-
ment, you are lather in favor of the operations of Lenine and Trotsky.
Mr. Robins. Not at all.
Senator Nelson. You decribe Trotzky as a very fine man.
Mr. Robins. Oh, I beg your pardon.
Senator Nelson. Oh. yes. You said that he was highly educated, a
very able man, and an orator, and all that.
Mr. Robins. He was all three of those things, but I have known
men who were those three things, whose character and principles I
would be bitterly opposed to. I would like to tell the truth about men,
and about movements, without passion and without resentment, even
though I differed from men and from movements. I think that that
is the essential thing, if we are going to get the truth about it. And
there is in this whole Russian situation so much partisan bias. If
this will suit your thought of what I am meaning, I am perfectly
willing that the Russian people should have the kind of government
that the majority of the Russian people want, whether it suits me or
whether it is in accord with my principles or not.
Senator Nelson. I thought so. And your idea is that the Russian
people, if they want a Bolshevik government full-fledged
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Senator Nelson. As it is to-day, ought to have it?
Mr. Robins. Absolutely.
Senator Nelson. So that, boiled down, your mission here is, your
first intention is, that the Russian people, if they want a Bolshevik
government, ought to have it?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
864 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. And your next point is, you believe the Eussian
people want that kind of a government?
Mr. Robins. At the time I left Eussia I believed the majority of
the people were for that government.
Senator Sterling. And yet on yesterday you condemned Bolshe-
vism in the severest terms.
Mr. EoBiNS. And I do this morning.
Senator Steeling. And you consider it one of the greatest menaces
to government and law and order and civilization ?
Mr. Robins. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Steeling. And yet you want to see it work its way out ia
Russia?
Mr. Robins. Senator, what I want to see is this
Senator Sterling. Just let me add this. Instead of excusing the
acts of the government as your testimony seems to do, would it not
be better, and would it not be more in accord with patriotism and
with good government and real love of order and humanity, to dis-
courage rather than to say, " Here, this is a movement which has its
foundation in certain great abuses," and let it go on^'ust let it go
on, although you know that it would be a menace to the rest of the
world by its establishment in Russia. It seems to me that there is an
inconsistency in the position you take — first condemning it and treat-
ing it as a menace and so regarding it, but trying to find excuses for
its existence.
Mr. Robins. I do not want to make excuses. I would like, however,
if I could, to tell the actual truth about it. You know perfectly well
that two views have been expressed in America. Here is the view of
certain gentlemen who believe in the present soviet government and
who think they ought to extend their principles over the world. Then
there is a group of people who speak of the whole movement as a
German agent, thief, and murderer movement. I do not believe that
either is a sound position. I think that to know what has actually
happened in Russia is of the very first moment, for us and for our
country to deal with it honestly and fairly, rather than in passion or
on a statement that is not true — that that is the sound way to combat
it. I think to know your disease, just how it came, the circumstances
of it, and then to apply the cure — the intelligent cure rather than the
unintelligent cure — is the sound way of dealing with' the situation.
Senator Nelson. And what is the cure that you prescribe ? The cure
is that if the Russian people want that style of government they should
have it. That is the cure. You do not propose any missionary work,
to go over there and convert them from the error of their ways, but
you say if they want that form of government we ought to let them
have it. That is the cure that you propose.
Mr. Robins. On the contrary, that is. not quite it.
Senator Nelson. You are not consistent.
Mr. Robins. I try to be. On the contrary, there was a cure advo-
cated and presented and attempted by the American Government. It
was the cure of intervention. Senator, that cure strengthened and
deepened Bolshevism in Russia and created a sense of resentment
against the use of armed force to overthrow a democratic movement,
so called, a revolutionary movement in another land, that made a
revolt of troops in England and questionable situations in Canada
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 865
and questionable situations in France. Senator, that was the wrong
way to deal with Bolshevism. That sti'engthened Bolshevism in
Kussia, and that extended Bolshevism, because it had been treated un-
fairly, in the thought of men's minds who like fairness and justice.
It created a resentment and a bitterness in this country on which Bol-
shevism could live and grow.
Senator Overman. Eight there let me interrupt you. I have been
delighted to hear you and have your expressions, and I have been
very much interested myself, and I have no doubt the whole country
is; but suppose that after hearing all the evidence the committee
should find it to be a fact that red-handed murder is everywhere,
that they are looting everybody's homes, that there is no govern-
ment there, and all is chaos and anarchy, that the people are starv-
ing to death, the little children are dying everywhere ; in the interest
of humanity would you say that this Government ought to keep its
hands off and let them go on with that sort of government ?
Mr. EoBiKS. Senator, if you had the facts that you could rely upon
that that was the actual condition, then probably the civilized world
should take action; but I would warn those who would reach that
conclusion to be careful of their facts.
Senator Overman. I do not say that we are going to reach that
conclusion.
Mr. EoBiNs. To be careful in the testimony submitted.
Senator Overman. I agree with you; but suppose it is true. You
have been away from there some time. Suppose the overwhelming
evidence is that that is the condition, then would you favor this Gov-
ernment intervening ?
Mr. EoBiNS. I would favor civilization saving any people that were
absolutely being murdered and starved and ruined by a power that
was held up by bayonets over there, when they have no remedy except
for somebody to come in and liberate them by force.
Senator Nelson. You leave the impression upon my mind from
your whole statement that your mission here is to have our Govern-
ment keep its hands off from the Bolsheviki over there and let them
have their own sweet will about everything. Is not that what you
are here for, and what your mission is?
Mr. EoBiNS. I have not any definite mission of that sort.
Senator Nelson. Is not that the drift of your evidence and of your
conduct ?
Mr. EoBiNS. You can judge of the drift of it. I am against the
use of American arms and American men in Eussia against the
Eussian revolutionary government, on a false judgment of the facts
in the case.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. EoBiNS. I believe that is a betrayal of American principles, of
the principles upon which this Government was founded, and a
violation of the whole constitutional method of our land.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. EoBiNS. I believe that such exercise will raise in this country
and in other lands the feeling of class resentment and throw men
toward the class cleavage and division, which is the supreme menace
of the age.
85723—19 55
866 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Steeling. Now, it seems to me that you either do not know
the facts in regard to some atrocities of the Bolshevist government,
or else you are diligent, a little, in trying to excuse it. Let me call
your attention to a statement made by Col. Lebedeff in regard to one
particular atrocity. He says:
The uprisings in Yaroslavl and Meirom were temporarily successful ; but in
most places the half-armed people were mercilessly slaughtered with artillery
and machine guns.
I want to say that that statement may be taken in connection with
your statement that the peasants in all the villages were thoroughly
armed, had their rifles and machine guns. But here is this further
statement :
In one instance —
Says Col. Lebedeff —
in the village of Senenikha the Red Guard shot about 100 young peasants and
forced old men to dig graves for their sons, killed in the presence of their
families.
It seems to me that Col. Lebedeff was in quite as good a position
as you ever were to know the situation.
Mr. KoBiNS. When did he leave there ?
Senator Steeling. Because he was there during the time of the
movement of the Czecho-Slovak army, and you left about the time
that that movement began. You left European Eussia in May ?
Mr. Robins. Yes; May 14.
Senator Steeling. And it was in the late spring and summer of
1918 that this Czecho-Slovak army movement was, and that was
during the time when they held about 200 miles along the Volga
front.
I want now' to call your attention to another thing. You spoke
against intervention. You are against it?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes.
Senator Steeling. I want to call your attention to a statement of
Lord Milner with reference to the reasons for intervention. He says :
The reason why allied, not merely British, forces — indeed the British are
only a small proportion of the total allied troops — were sent to Russia, is that
the Bolsheviki. whatever their ultimate ob.iect, were in fact assisting our
enemies In every possible way.
I think you made some statements in your testimony that prac-
tically admit that ?
Mr. EoBiNs. No.
Senator Steeling. German propaganda.
Mr. EoBiNS. There was German propaganda, but on the contrary
I wish now to state that the commissioner of Great Britain said,
over his signature, that the Bolshevik government — that Trotzky
himself — had helped the allies in specific instances that he indicated.
Senator Steeling. But the Bolsheviki were officered to a great ex-
tent by German officers, were they not*
Mr. EoBiNS. Not while I was in Eussia.
Senator Steeling. Have you learned that they subsequently were?
Mr. EoBiNS. I have heard so. But I heard that large groups were
officered bv German officers when I was there, but it was not true.
BOLSHEVIK PK0PA6ANDA. 867
Senator Sterling. A part of the Bolshevist army was made up
of released German prisoners.
Mr. Robins. A very small portion.
Senator Steeling. Others were Lettish.
Mr. EoBiNS. There were some Letts.
Senator Steeling. Quite a contingent of the Bolshevist army were
Lettish, were they not ?
Mr. EoBiNS. I do not think so.
Senator Steeling. How about Chinamen who had been helping
build the railroads ?
Mr. Robins. While I was in Russia I never saw an armed China-
man in the Red Guards or in the Bolshevik forces.
Senator Steeling. Were you in that region — the region of the
railroad extending north to Archangel ?
Senator Nelson. The Murman coast?
Mr. Robins. No ; I was not at Murman.
Senator Steeling. Let me call your attention further to what Lord
Milner says. He says it was owing to their action that hundreds of
thousands of German troops were let loose to hurl themselves against
our men on the western front, and it was owing to their betrayal that
Eoumania, with all of its rich resources in grain and oil, fell into the
hands of the Germans. He says it was they who handed over the
.Black Sea fleet to the Germans, and who treacherously attacked the
Ozecho- Slovaks when the latter only desired to get out of Russia in
order to fight for the freedom of their own country in Europe. Do
you deny the fact that they did treacherously attack the Czecho-
slovaks?
Mr. Robins. I do.
Senator Steeling. Did they not assure them of safe conduct?
Mr. Robins. Do you wish me to make a statement in regard to the
Czecho-Slovaks at present? I know the development in part of that
situation, and I would be glad to do it.
Senator Steeling. I would be glad to have you answer the ques-
tion, whether they assured the Czecho-Slovaks safe conduct through
Eussia?
Mr. Robins. I think they did.
Senator Steeling. Was their promise kept to give them safe con-
duct?
Mr. Robins. I think the promise was not kept on the part of the
Czecho-Slovaks or on the part of the soviet govermnent.
Senator Steeling. Did they not disarm the Czecho-Slovaks?
Mr. Robins. No.
Senator Steeling. On the Volga front?
Mr. Robins. There was some disarming of the Czecho-Slovaks.
Senator Steeling. And they were afterwards attacked, were they
not, and attacked under the orders of Lenine and Trotzky; and it
was supposed that Lenine and Trotzky had their orders from Ger-
many to not let the Czecho-Slovaks pass through Eussia?
Mr. Robins. Now, will you let me make a statement about the
Czecho- Slovak situation?
Senator Steeling. Yes.
Mr. Robins. And first let me say this: I refuse iiow and at all
times to be put in the position of defending atrocities, murders, or
868 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
any kind of violation of law, or of the rights of persons or property.
I did not defend it at any time. I do prefer to understand the situ-
ation rather than to denounce it. I do prefer to see the reasons that
lead up to extraordinary situations rather than to reason from those
situations back into an ordered and normal life. Since I came to
America I have found a bitterness, a resentment against the revolu-
tionary development in Eussia because of violence and anarchy and
arbitrary conduct — a great deal more resentment against that than
I found in my country here against bloody Monday under the Czar,
and that long line of tyranny and abuse, and the use of the Cossack
whip and sword over Eussian peasants and workers that went on for
generations. I find that the atrocities of the Bolsheviki, terrible and
wrong and to be opposed by all intelligent and honest men, create
more excitement and interest than the atrocities of the Czecho-
slovaks when they take a Bolshevik village and stand up and shoot
the Bolsheviki without trial. The whole situation is full of a bitter-
ness of wrong, of crime, of mad movements that have gotten away
from reason and intelligence and law and order.
I would like to get to the heart of the whole situation, not to be the
advocate of one side only, one group of feeling. I would like to have
America's Senate committee, with the great responsibilities it has,
comprehend the Eussian revolution, the facts of it, its development,
and what it now means and presages to the world, and then to make
answer to the American people, so that there can be organized in
America the intelligent conscience in both parties, in all parties, to
make our Government at all points correspond to the growing pur-
pose and need of the times, to answer that condition to which the
President referred when he spoke of " this tide that was moving in
the hearts of men." It is moving in the hearts of men, and mere re-
sentment and passion will not answer it.
I would like to see the Christian forces of America organized to
meet the challenge of the materialist, class conscious, socialist gov-
ernment of Eussia with the real answer of a serving church, as I
would like to see our Government answer with a serving state — the
only effective answer; and, gentlemen, just merely taking Col. Lebe-
deff, who was a minister of Kerensky's government, who was thrown
roughly out by the Bolsheviki, who naturally feels the resentment of
his situation — taking his testimony on the one hand and not taking
the whole situation — will not lead us to the truth.
I would like to get and I believe that you can get the truth of the
Czecho-Slovak situation also. What is it? The Czecho-Slovaks were
60,000 as good soldiers as there are in the world — patriotic men, men
who were forced to enlist by the Austrian power when they did not
believe in that power, when they wanted to have free Bohemia. They
allowed themselves to be taken prisoners in groups. They were taken
prisoners in twos and tens and in hundreds. Thej' came into Eussia.
They were armed and equipped by the Eussian Army. They went on
to the Ukraine front and they held it in splendidly courageous fash-
ion. Then the Bolshevik revolution came over ; bread, land, and peace,
under the conditions I spoke of yesterday. They, the Czecho-Slovaks,
^vere in resentment against any armistice; and why? Not only be-
cause of patriotism, not only because of honor, but because they
wanted free Bohemia ; and bread, land, and peace for Eussia did not
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 869
bring anything for the Czecho-Slovak soldier for liberty in Bohemia.
It may have been bad for free Bohemia ; it may have put it furtherl
away.
Then, after the armistice was signed, they wanted to go to fight in
France, like courageous soldiers. It was agreed in conference in Mos-
cow that the Czecho-Slovak corps should go by Murmansk to Arch-
angel, with safe conduct of the soviet government, and in that event
they would reach the French front in three weeks instead of in three
months, as it would take the other way, with 6,000 miles across
Russia, with transportation bad and food bad, then across the Japa-
nese Sea, across Japan and the Pacific to America, and then across the
Atlantic to the French front. The reason they were not sent by Mur-
mansk and Archangel, if I know the truth, was because the French
interest in Russia had determined that the soviet goi'ernment should
be overthrown at any hazard. The Czecho- Slovaks were sent the long
way, through Siberia, and it was promised — and I saw the telegram
from the Japanese consul and the French consul at Vladivostok — that
as soon as they reached Vladivostok there should be transportation
for those troops. About 15,000 reached Vladivostok without the
firing of a single shot, in obedience with the safe conduct given by
the soviet government.
There was no shipping, and the word came back to Moscow that the
shipping was not there and would not be there, and there never was
any intention of taking them out, but, on the contrary, they were
being taken around through Manchuria and Siberia and were to aid
Semenoff to attack and overthrow the soviet in Siberia and starve
Moscow and Petrograd by controlling the Trans-Siberian Railway.
Then the local Soviets said, "What is this; are we sending Czecho-
slovaks out armed to come back and to overthrow our government?
If Trotzky is fool enough to send them out, we won't do it. At least,
we will disarm them." And they went down to the trains scattered
along the Trans-Siberian Railroad and demanded that the arms be
given up by the Czecho-Slovaks. They did not give them up, and
I do not blame them. I would not have given them up. Then a clash
occurred between an honest-purposed local soviet and the heroic-
purposed Czecho-Slovaks, and you have the situation that grew
out of those things, where the cards were not all on the table and
will not be until the passion of this whole situation dies out and
the truth is allowed to come forth.
Senator Sterling. In this very connection, may I read just a short
paragraph from Col. Lebedeff's statement ? [Reading :]
At the end of May I was sent to the Volga region and farther down to Uralsk
as a special representative of the anti-Bolshevist force-, to organize the struggle.
Right then the first encounter between the Ozecho-Slovaks and the Red Army-
took place, in Penza and Rtischevo. It was a result of Trotzky's famous order to
disarm the Czecho-Slovaks and to bar their way to Vladivostok. On June 8 the
Czecho-Slovak units approached Samara. In spite of Trotzky's order and the
opposition of the local Soviet the workingmen of Syzran decided to let the
Czecho-Slovaks pass. Part of the units proceeded to Samara. The majority
of the Czecho-Slovaks had reached Ufa when a new order came from Trotzky —
by all means to stop them in their march onward.
Mr. Robins. And that order came, as a matter of fact, after the
rumors had come back, and after there was a claim of actual fact
that the Czecho-Slovaks had turned back into the Semenoif forces,
870 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
and I know — I do not guess ; I know — that the}' had been transported
;is agreed and that the terms of the agreement were not kept by France
and Japan, for I passed over 6,000 miles, and passed train after train
of Czecho-Slovaks, sidetracked, in entire understanding of the situ-
ation" at that time. Fifteen thousand of them were in Vladivostok
when I got there. Then the movement took place, based on the fact
of there not being shipping there for them. That created the sus-
picion of bad faith. Subsequent to that Trotzky then changed the
order that he had made before from the basis of the transactions as
alleged, and ordered that thej' should not go forward. That I be-
lieve to be the truth.
Senator Sterling. Then you agree substantially with the state-
ment here ?
Mr. Robins. No; I do not agree with that statement.
Senator Sterling. You do not agree with the statement that
Trotzky issued the final order not to let them pass ?
Mr. Robins. Yes; but there is involved in that statement a pre-
judgment of why he did it, with which I do not agree.
Senator Sterling. Do you dispute the statement that the work-
ine-men of Svzran decided to let the Czechb-Slovaks pass?
Mr. Robins. I do not know the facts, sir.
Senator Overman. Now, see if I understand you.
Senator Sterling. Just to follow up the question that I was about
to ask before we got into this immediate Czecho-Slovak statement,
quoting again from Lord Milner, he says :
The allies, every one of them, were most anxious to avoid interference in Rus-
sia, but it was an obligation of honor to save the Czecho-Slovaks, and It was a
military necessity of the most urgent kind to prevent those vast portions of
Russia which wore struggling to escape the tyranny of the Bolshevik from being
overrun by them and so thrown open as a source of supply to the enemy.
I say nothing of the enormous quantities of military stores, the property of
the allies, which were still lying at Archangel and "Vladivostok, and which were
in course of being appropriated by the Bolsheviki and transferred to the Ger-
mans until the allied occupation put au end to the process.
I am reading this for the purpose of giving you the British view-
point as to the reason for intervention and the occupation of Vladi-
vostok and Archangel and the Murmansk coast with allied forces.
Mr. Robins. You give me the opinion of a British statesman of
very great character and quality, intimately known as the same Brit-
ish statesman that favored the overthrow of the free Boers in South
Africa and was recalled by a liberal government because of his
well-known support of autocratic and dictatorial methods in dealing
with other peoples for the advantage of English trade and commerce.
I ask that there be incorporated in the record, side by side with
the statement of Lord Milner, the very competent and careful an-
alysis of his statement in the Manchester Guardian, one of the most
important papers of Great Britain, where it takes the whole situation
and makes the other statement — ^the statement not for the particular
group interested, as Lord Milner has always been, simply in the com-
mercial advantage of Great Britain, but in the interest of the working
and labor people of Great Britain, which is a directly opposite state-
ment of conditions and facts.
Senator Sterling. I might say here that there is great room,
I think, for difference of opinion as to Britain's course in South
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 871
Africa and in the Boer War, and a great difference of opinion as to
what was the best for civilization.
Mr. Robins. I agree with you, Senator.
Senator Sterlikg. You will agree with that, will you?
Mr. Robins. I will. Senator.
Senator Sterling. And that there are many men who will say, of
course — candid men — that Great Britain's course was right in that
respect.
Mr. Robins. Sincere men say that; yes, sir.
Senator Overman. We have gotten a little far afield from what I
wanted to ask — what I was leading up to — that is, that I understood
you to think that Bolshevism is not only a menace to this country but
a menace to the world?
Mr. Robins. I do, sir. I think it is the first challenge of the age
to our social order.
Senator Overman. I so understood you. Now, that being so, would
you be in favor of this country recognizing a government that is
such a menace to the world?
Mr. Robins. Senator, as I understand that, the question of recog-
nition of a government does not rest upon the character of the gov-
ernment. If the government really is the government of a people, that
is all that any foreign government has any right to inquire into.
Recognition does not say that you approve of a government. Recog-
nition is simply the acceptance of a fact. " Here is a de facto govern-
ment. Therefore we recognize that for the purpose of inquiring into
it, and working with it, aiidj if necessary, ultimately opposing it and
going to war with it." The thing I would be opposed to. Senator,
was to blind ourselves to actual facts in Russia, not to deal with the
actual facts, not to inquire into them, but to prejudge the case and
deal with it on a basis that does not exist.
Is it not true, Senator, that intervention in Russia, as adopted last
July, rested upon a view of something as really existent in Russia that
is now known not to have existed ? Is it not true that Madam Botch-
kareva and others, perfectly sincere and honest, said to the govern-
ment, " The whole of Russia is just waiting for this thing, this inter-
vention by foreign troops. The whole of Russia will rise as one man."
We have Jbeen there how many months. Senator ? How many foreign
rifles in how many ports of Russia are there? And yet what has
happened ? The people rose to resist, just as we would resist foreign
aggression. We get the word that the Red army is stronger. We get
the word that behind the Bolsheviki now have come the Mensheviki
and the other social revolutionists of the right, saying, " We must
protect our fatherland against foreign invasion." My whole conten-
tion is, Senator, that we are dealing with the disease in a wrong way,
because we do not know what the disease is, as yet, and that our reme-
dies are not calculated, when we get the facts in front of us, to cure the
disease we are trying to combat.
Senator Overman. This great old heroine, as you call her, who was
here — certainly a patriot and a heroine — who fought the Czar for 32
years, and suffered in prison that long, has testified before this com-
mittee, saying " For God's sake, come over and help us. Our people
are dying and they are starving; and so far as I am concerned give
872 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAlirDA.
me the old regime of the Czar rather than the Bolshevik rule." Are
we to pay no attention to her testimony ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Not at all, Senator. You are to consider her testimony
and consider every other bit of testimony that you think is credible
and sincere, and out of the sum of that testimony and out of the use
of your ovrn intelligence you are to make a report to the American
people. I ask you, Senator, is it reasonable to believe that two men,
just two men, standing against a government that is in power, by
whatever means — German agents or otherwise, any way you please —
shall take over power, that they shall absolutely absorb a whole
national domestic culture and life, that they shall hold it for 14
months, that they shall hold it against foreign rifles, that they shall
hold it against suffering and misery and terror of all kinds, and still
hold it, and that it rests only on the foundations that have been indi-
cated by some of the testimony here? I submit, Senators, it is not
reasonable. I submit that there is more behind Soviet rule and the
revolutionary government of Russia than has been suggested in a great
deal of the testimony before this coromittee.
Senator Overman. Could we have a better witness than this woman
that you have praised so highly ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Senator, I should say you could have a better witness.
I should say that any person who has spent 40 years in organizing a
revolutionary movement, with great consecration and character, who
has gone to village after village and said to the peasants, " You ought
to have the land; it is yours; it does not belong to the landlords;
you ought not to pay rent for it"; who has gone to workingmen
and said to the workingmen in factories, " The factory^ belongs to
you ; your labor has created everything here ; listen to this gospel of
Marx, of the producers' rights as against the parasites " ; who has dis-
tributed among them the communist manifesto — ^you know the formu-
las of the communist manifesto; it is the very foundation of class
socialism — who has distributed among them " Das Capital," the Bible
of the socialists, translated into Russian ; and then, when this thing,
this genie, this Frankenstein, has been raised up by 40 years of cul-
ture, this splendid old woman finds herself there in Petrograd trying
to bolster up her friends, Kerensky and his government, and finds that
this thing is a little radical for the allied cooperation, and Kerensky
has to have loans from America to hold on, and then she begins and
spends all her credit, all that she had, which was a very great credit,
and these peasant revolutionary people said, " Why, the dear old
grandmother told us this, and now she tells us ' No ' ; she must be get-
ting old " ; and then, when they do this thing that she had urged upon
them to do and her government is thrown out, and she is a refugee and
is in great terror that really in my judgment was not founded on
fact — -I saw her a number of times during this period, knew where
she was; the soviet knew where she was — I was very much con-
cerned for the old lady. I knew her and honored her when
she was doing various things that might tend to stabilize the
Kerensky government and oppose the Bolsheviki, and I finally said
to Lenine, "What is your disposition toward Madame -Bresk-
kovsky?" "Why," he said, "We have not any disposition toward
her. She belongs in the picture gallery." I said, " She believes that
the Red Guard will kill her if they find her." He said, "Absurd!'
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 873
He said, " If you want a platoon of soldiers to protect her you can
have them, if you want to put them around her." He said, " The
only danger she is to us is that she might get run over and killed, and
if she did it would be charged against the soviet government." He
then seriously said, "We will not allow her to be taking part in
counterrevolutionary activities. If she starts a counterrevolution,
and they try to use the past credit of the old woman, we shall, if nec-
essary, imprison her." But there was absolutely no disposition to
bother her at all as long as she was not used as a counter revolutionary
force against the revolution. And if you ask for what I really think
to-day. Senator, I would say that one of the most pathetic things
in the world to my mind at this moment is that this splendid old
woman, with her great record of revolutionary service, by reason
of personal pique, by reason of a very terrible situation and discour-
agement, has turned so that she can unconsciously be used against
the revolutionary movement in her own land that she helped to
create and which seems to me to be fact at this hour.
Senator Overman. In the course of our investigations, in addi-
tion to this dear old woman we have had American officials here — for
instance. Dr. Huntington, whom you have praised, and we have had
Dr. Simons, and we have had the officers of the National City Bank,
and we have had the officers of the Harvester Co., all corroborating
this old lady in what they say as to starvation and red-handed
murder among those people. Now, that is the testimony we have.
I suppose, you have read it. Are they to be believed ?
Mr. Robins. I have not read their testimony. Senator. So far as
I know, the persons that you have suggested are reputable witnesses.
I do not know, sir. The committee is free to judge of that.
Senator Overman. The committee wants to be fair ; it wants to be
impartial, and it wants to be just. We have your testimony. Of
course, we have great respect for you as a man of character and
ability and honor, and with you Miss Bryant and two or three
others ; but en the other side here are Government officials, and these
other people coming over here, who corroborate this old lady in what
she says. We ought to pay respect to her and her testimony. The
question before us is how to get at these facts. Of course, we want
to get at the facts, and I do not know of anybody else that can give
us the facts except these parties and yourself and others. You really
left there — and do not know what occurred afterwards — a consider- ,
able time before these people left, and they speak of conditions as they
saw them, and you speak of the conditions as you saw them. What
transpired after you left you do not know ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Absolutely right. Senator.
Senator Sterling. Col. Eobins, if you will permit me, it seems to
me that there is this difference between you and Madame Breshkov-
sky, and your two viewpoints. Madame Breshkovsky, of course, is
called the grandmother of the revolution, and she surely is a heroine.
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes, sir ; she is entitled to it.
Senator Steeling. She is entitled to be called that. She spent 32
years in prison or in exile, according to her testimony.
Mr. EoBiNS. That is absolutely true.
Senator Steeling. She was the leader of the socialists— the revolu-
tionary socialist forces— and fought all these years to overthrow the
874 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
government of the Czar, but now she sees the Bolshevist terror. She
may have sown some of the seeds of it in her propaganda for revo-
lution in Russia, unconsciously, in talking about socialism and the
overthrow of the constituted powers. But now, when she sees what it
involves, the terror involved, the cruelty involved, the starvation in-
volved, the tyranny involved, in Bolshevist rule, she protests, and cries
out for help, for allied help, for American help — for economic help
and armed help, both — and you bow before the storm.
Mr. Robins. I do not think I bow before the storm.
Senator Sterling. That is the difference between the two.
Mr. Robins. It has not been my reputation to bow before anj
storm. Senator. I have caught more bricks than I have bouquets in
my lifetime, straight through, and expect to until I am through with
the world, but, Senator
Senator Steeling. Well, I mean this : You understand, I think
Senator Hieam W. Johnson. I think the witness has a right to
respond to an imputation of that sort. I am not a member of this
committee.
Senator Overman. He has a right to respond, but if he does not
object
Mr. Robins. Not at all ; I beg pardon.
Senator Steeling. I was simply explaining further what I meant
by the question; that is all. I did not intend to interrupt the wit-
ness, except that I mean you would rather let the Bolshevist revolu-
tion run its course than to do something to stay it ?
Mr. Robins. No, Senator ; I would rather that the Russian people
should run their course, and get the kind of government that they
want, at considerable hazard and waste and cost, than that it should
be changed by foreign rifles for the benefit of investments or for the
benefit of advantage of one kind and another. That is an advantage,
I think, secondary to the right of people to have their own govern-
ment.
Senator Sterling. Do you not think you assume something there
when you say such intervention would be simply for the sake of
investments ?
Mr. Robins. I do not think so, sir, for this reason. After the Brest-
Li to vsk peace was ratified on the 16th day of March, every allied
military mission in Russia agreed in conference to help train the red
army, as a sound action to protect the allied interests in Russia, work-
ing with Trotsky, and it is in the record, if the committee wishes to
reach it. I know that after that time the request was made of this
Government to send in the railroad mission on the basis that we could
cooperate. I know that when intervention was begun by the Japanese,
and the desant took place at Vladivostok, there was a conference in
Vologda in which the allied ambassadors, all that were in Russia, and
the allied military chiefs, sat in, and the judgment was against inter-
vention, and that a recommendation against intervention was made to
the several allied governments, and I have a record of that fact.
Further than that, I know that when it was discussed in Russia, there
was on the part of our friends and allies at that time, the French
Government, the desire to overthrow the Bolshevik government be-
cause of their repudiation of foreign loans — a perfectly legitimate
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 875
desire on their part, but not one in which I thought America should
share.
Senator Oveeman. Now, Colonel, I think we all agree with you
that all people ought to have such a government as they want. The
question in my mind is this : It has been testified here repeatedly that
those people are terrorized; that they can not get the government
they want; that they have been disarmed, and whenever they at-
tempt to assert their opinion as to what sort of government" they
should have they are murdered, shot down; that the peasants have
some of them risen up and asked for the soviet, as they want,
or the Kerensky government, or such government as they want;
that they have nothing to fight with ; that they have absolutely risen
with sticks and pitchforks, when they have been assaulted by the
Trotsky people; that the Trotsky people have gone down into the
Soviets where the people were having their meetings to elect their
representatives and when they elected their representatives the red
army have gone into the meetings and overthrown the results of the
meetings and elected their men instead of the men the people wanted.
Now, what would you do in that situation ? The people are not able,
according to the testimony here, to have the government they want,
because the arms, the machine guns and the rifles, are in the hands of
these people, and they absolutely will not let them have the govern-
ment they want. You do not indorse such a thing as that ?
Mr. Robins. Of course not, Senator. The whole question is a
question of fact.
Senator Overman. Yes.
■ Mr. Robins. Now, Senator, we have got 14 months of history be-
hind us. This is the fact; that the revolution starts in Petrograd
with the Bolsheviki, and they take possession of Petrograd with
a very small fatality and wipe out the other provisional government
with very little resistance; that the entire army, practically, from
one end of it to the other, votes in its committees to support the
soviet government ; that province after province votes to support the
soviet government; that down in the Ukraine, the Ukrainian rada
opposes the soviet government, and there rises a peasant movement
in the Ukraine that defeats the Ukrainian rada, that captures Kiev
and Odessa and holds them until the Ukrainian rada, encouraged by
us mistakenly, sells out to the German power and brings in foreign
rifles to overcome the local resistance of the peasants of the Ukraine.
It is true that up in Finland the white guard starts to come down
against red guard opposition. We mistakenly support the white
guard at that time, thinking that they are our friends because they
seem to be nice people — and at least they are fighting the terrible red
guard— until we learn that von der Goltz has come in with a division
of German soldiers, and Mannerheim the white guard general writes a
declaration speaking of the noble Kaiser and the noble German
troops and urging upon Finland that it recognize the great debt of
gratitude due to Germany ; that in the strain of the present time she
will send troops to help the white guard.
Senator Nelson. There you are mistaken. It was not Manner-
heim; it was Kuehlman. Mannerheim is the man who is in charge
now, and who is opposed to the Bolshevik government.
876 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. EoBiNs. I am sorry, but I can show the Senator that it was
Gen. Mannerheim, in charge of the White Guard, who wrote the
declaration — I have a copy of it — in which he made his statement
to the German general who had come in and made a protestation of
fealty to him; and the Senator will know that under the White
Guard control in Finland they elected a German prince as the King
of Finland, and it was only after the failure of the German power
that again the White Guard switched, and said, " We will work now
with the English and the allies."
Senator Nelson. Mannerheim left the country for a while, came
through Sweden, came through England to Paris, and was gone, and
has only lately returned to the country.
Mr. Robins. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. At the last account I saw of him he was at iStock-
holm. He was not in that movement that you speak of, at all.
Mr. Robins. On the contrary
Senator Nelson. No, sir.
Mr. Robins. I am sorry, Senator, but you are mistaken.
Senator Nelson. He was not, at all.
Mr. Robins. I do not wish to
Senator Nelson. And he did not have a hand in the movement to
elect a German prince. He was opposed to it.
Mr. Robins. I am sorry, sir ; but I think that when
Senator Nelson. Well, I am sorry for you, sir. I am sorry for you,
sir.
Mr. Robins. I may deserve the sympathy, Senator, and I regret it
if I do; but you would not have me say anything I did not think
was so.
Senator Nelson. Well, you would not have me say anything I did
not think to be so, either.
Mr. Robins. I know you would not do it. Senator, and I think
maybe you think the same of me, that I would not say anything con-
sciously that I thought was not true, and you would not have me
agree with a statement, if it was made, however honestly, if I
though it was not true. You would not have that, I know
Senator Nelson. No.
Mr. Robins. Because you believe I am an honest man.
Senator Overman. Alter all, it is a question of fact.
Mr. Robins. Yes ; it is. Senator.
Senator Hieam W. Johnson. May I ask you whether or not
there is in existence a statement by Gen. Mannerheim, and whether or
not it can be obtained ?
Senator Overman. We would like to have it.
Mr. Robins. There is such a statement here. I shall be very glad
to furnish it to the committee.
Senator Hieam W. Johnson. Can it be obtained?
Mr. Robins. It can.
Senator Hieam W. Johnson. All right. May it be put in the
record, Mr. Chairman ?
Senator Overman. Why, of course.
Senator Hiram W. Johnson. Then it will decide the question
between Senator Nelson and the witness.
Mr. Robins. I will furnish it for the record.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 877
[ (The following three paragraphs constitute a statement furnished
by Mr. Eobins after the close of the hearings :)
The welcome of Gen. Mannerheim, commander of the Finnish
White Guards, to the German troops landing on Finnish soil, was
published in the London Daily News, No. 22491, on April 11, 1918, in
column 7 of page 3 of that paper. The authority given is a Reuter
dispatch from Stocldiolm dated Wednesday, April 10, 1918. Gen.
Mannerheim's statement as published follows :
At the request of the Finnish Government detachments of Germany's victorious
and powerful army have landed on Finnish soil to help us drive out the
Bolshevists and their murderous adherents. I am convinced that this brother-
hood in arms, which during the present struggle is -being sealed with blood,
will only serve to strengthen the friendship and confidence that Finland has
always felt for Germany's great Kaiser and his mighty people. I hope that
Finland's young army now fighting side by side with Germany's historic troops
may become permeated with that iron discipline, perfect order, and lofty sense
of duty which have served to create the greatness of Germany's army and
which have led it on from victory to victory. In bidding Germany's brave
warriors welcome to Finland, I therefore trust that every man in the Finnish
Army will prove his appreciation of the great sacrifice which Germany's people
are now making for our country at a time when every man is needed for their
own country's war.
Confirming the accuracy of this Renter dispatch, the fact is that I
received about this time information in Russia that a statement sub-
stantially as quoted above had been issued by Gen. Mannerheim in
welcoming the German troops. Upon receiving this information I
communicated the substance of Gen. Mannerheim's statement to Hon.
David R. Francis, the American ambassador to Russia, who was then
at Vologda.] ,
Senator Steeling. May I just call your attention, Col. Robins, to
a statement that was made by Madame Breshkovskaya in her testi-
mony, just to get her viewpoint and her idea as to the needs of Russia ?
She was asked these questions [reading] :
Senator Steeling. Po you think a sufficient allied force in Russia would help
to restore the constituent assembly to power and give you a democratic
government?
Mrs. Breshkovskaya. Not only a large force of troops would help, but if com-
mittees would come to Russia and ask to have an assembly formed in Russia, it
would help. If you had come to our help a year ago, perhaps 20,000 of your
troops would have been sufficient. Now it will take 50,000 ; not less and perhaps
more. Fifty thousand armed troops that would fight would help us to reestablish
the constituent assembly.
Senator Steeling. Do you think, Madam.e, that an army of 1-5,000 or 20,000
allied troops would have prevented the establishment of a Bolshevik government
in Moscow?
Mrs. Bbeshkovskaya. I am sure of it. Even yesterday a Czecho-Slovak said
to me that if they were not supported they could not hold out ; they could not
fight alone. The Russian people have no arms and the Bolsheviki would be sure
to get through into Ukrainia, and with the aid of the German troops they would
go straight through the country. If you put a million troops in a place and they
did nothing, they would not be as good as 50,000 troops who could fight. If you
get 50,000 troops that will fight, that will be enough.
Senator Steeling. Do you think such troops would be welcomed by all but the
•Bolsheviki ?
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. Certainly, if they asked for them a year ago. They
are crying, " Save us. Come and defeat the Bolsheviki, for we can not exist.
There is no work in Russia."
Senator Steeling. Suppose this Bolshevik rule goes on, and as a result of
Bolshevik rule there is disorder and chaos In Russia, will it not lead eventually
to the domination of Russia by Germany?
Mrs. Beeshkovskaya. Certainly.
878 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. EoBiNS. The last conclusion I agree with — the only one of the
statement. Senator, is that greatly different from what ]\ladame
Botchkareva said ? Did we not act in a sense on that basis, and have
we not had a rather poor story as the consequence of acting on that
sort of testimony ?
Senator Sterling. I do not know what Madame Botchkareva said.
I'did not hear her testimony.
Mr. EoBiNS. Senator, may I ask, did jNIadame Breshkovskava say
that she would like to have allied troops and French and Japanese in
Russia ?
Senator Steeling. She does not say that she M'ould like to have
Japanese in Russia.
Mr. Robins. Would the Senator agree with the suggestion that the
international situation would not permit any one nation to go in and
deal with the situation ; that intervention has always involved a coop-
eration with the Japanese by reason of proximity and interest; and
that because of that, any intervention that did have Japanese troops
with it immediately raises the boldest, most historic resentment, and
the national and race hatred that exists in Russia and unites around
the standard of Russia, even Soviet Bolshevik Russia, all those who
have the ancient, historic opposition to yellow domination in Russia ''.
Senator Sterling. I think this, Col. Robins, in regard to that,
that the Russian people would have faith in the assurances of the
other allied powers in regard to Japan and as to how far Japan might
go. I think they would have faith, if the representation was prop-
erly made and made by the right kind of people, in the statement that
Japan should not, by means of her help in Russia, acquire territory
or extend her sphere of influence in Russia beyond what it is already.
T think the allied powers would give such assurances.
Mr. Robins. Is the Senator familiar Avith the claim that has been
made in Russia that already the mineral region of the Amur has been
turned over to the Japanese, and that that is one basis of a very consid-
erable culture in Russia against any further surrender to any sort of
allied intervention?
Senator Sterling. No : I am not familiar with that at all.
Ml-. Robins. I think the Senator can be familiar with that if he
wishes.
Senator Overjian. You may proceed, Maj. Humes. I am sorry we
got off on this subject, but it is very interesting.
Mr. HuJiES. You have referred to counter-revolutionary move-
ments. Is it not L fact that counter-revolution in Russia, as viewed
by the existing government, means any government opposed to the
Bolshevik rule rather than a government intended to restore the old
regime or to interfere with the March re\-olution? Is not that a fact .
Mr. Robins. The answer to that, if I know the answer, 'Mr. Humes.
is something like this. The situation is a situation of reality rather
than of words. Every group that has achieved any sort of opposition
to the Bolsheviki, no matter what it has called itself at the start, has
finished under the domination ot a semidictatorship that represented,
when it was analyzed, the old regime. Take, for instance, the move-
ment at Ufa, in which Nicholas Aksentieff and Tchernoff and certain
others of the social revolutionists of the right formed a provisional
government, and then in a night, as they claim — I have Aksentiett s
rOLSiiCVIK rilOPAGANDA. 879'
statement for it — reactionaries under Kolchak took possession. We
know what Admiral Kolchak was under the old regime, those of us
who wish to know. We know what it means. We knoA¥ what Dene-
kine means in the south. It means exactly the same thing, the return
of the old order, even though it be claimed to mean every nice and
attractive thing; and the situation in revolutionary Eussia is that
the real interest behind these movements is the old order, and that is
the reason why " Save the revolution ; all power to the soviet " cre-
ates such a unity in the Russian revolutionary mind against foreign
intervention.
Mr. Humes. In other words, the Bolshevik government uses as its
slogan " Save the revolution " as propaganda to defeat any move-
ment, even though it be revolutionary in its nature, that is opposed
to another control than the Bolshevik control ?
Mr. EoBiNS. That is just exactly what I did not say, Mr. Humes.
Mr. Humes. That is what I understood you to say.
Mr. EoBiNS. I am sorry.
Mr. Humes. Is not that a fact ?
Mr. EoBiNS. No, sir ; I do not think it to be a fact.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that the Bolshevik government has.
disarmed all elements of the population who are not in accord with
the Bolshevik rule, as distinguished, now, from the soviet — the politi-
cal party as distinguished from the so-called form of government ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Wherever they have met opposition, wherever there
have been movements that have been called, whether rightly or not,
counter-revolutions, and they have taken possession of that movement^
as they have in countless instances, they have disarmed the partici-
pants in it.
Mr. Humes. Yes ; and at the present time the Bolshevik party and
the controlling element control all of the rifles and all of the firearms
and all of the ammunition that is availalile in Eussia, do they not?
Mr. EoBiNS. I do not know. On the contrary, I have heard that
several of the Soviets since the cooperation of the Mensheviki and
social revolutionists of the right, which grew out of the intervention
movement — some of the local Soviets are Menshevik and are not Bol-
shevik at the present moment. I do not know whether that is true-
or not.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that those who are advocating the
cause of the Mensheviki are looked upon as counter-revolutionists by
the Bolsheviki ?
' Mr. EoBiNS. On the contrary, the Mensheviki, as I understand it
ROW, are in alliance with the Bolsheviki and are sharing in the gov-
ernment. If we could ascertain the facts, we would know whether
that is so or not. I do not know whether it is so, but I have seen
enough of statements to that effect for me to begin to believe it.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that the press of Eussia, all of the-
press of Eussia that is not supporting the Bolsheviki, has been sup-
]3ressed ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Well, it was not the fact when I was in Eussia. It
^vas the fact when I was in Eussia that at certain periods of real dis-
tui'bance and excitement under the Kerensky government they sup-
pressed all opposition to the Kerensky government; and there was
also a time later, when the Bolsheviki took power, for three weeks or
880 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
SO, that thej' suppressed all opposition to the Bolsheviki. Then
one by one, the other papers came back, and when I left Russia there
were in daily publication in Moscow the Noshe Slovo and other-
papers which are bitterly opposed to the Bolsheviki in their leading
editorials every day. I had my translating force give me the whole
reaction from the opposition press day by day, and I have those trans-
lations, most of them, in this country now.
Mr. Htimes. Mr. Albert Rhys Williams, of whom I presume you
know
Mr. Robins. I know of him ; yes, sir.
Mr. Humes. He admits, and admitted here on the stand, that the
press had been suppressed. Can you conceive that that admission
would have been made by him if it was not a fact ?
Mr. Robins. I would not try to conceive in regard to any of the
mental operations of Mr. Williams at all.
Mr. Htjmes. Do you know of your own knowledge what the
situation is with reference to the press since you left Russia ?
Mr. Robins. I do not, sir, except this — ^with just this qualification —
that Maj. Allen Wardwell brought out with him a number of papers,
some of which I have seen, some of them along as late as the 1st of
October— issues of the opposition press in Russia.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that even in the constitution of the
soviet republic and in the decrees that have been issued, the freedom
of the press is denied and justified?
Mr. Robins. That the suppression of the press, or what they call
the counter-revolutionary press, was justified in public statement by
certain immediate decrees that were not permanent, is absolutely true
so far as I know.
Mr. Htjmes. Even the constitution, which I assume is somewhat
fundamental, provides for a suppressed press, does it not?
Mr. Robins. I do not think so, sir.
Mr. Htjmes. You have read that constitution ?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Mr. Htjmes. Does not that constitution provide that all of the news-
papers of the republic or of the country shall be nationalized and
become the property of the government itself, together with all of the
facilities necessary to the publication of public prints ?
Mr. Robins. In the inception of the government that resolution
■was passed.
Mr. Humes. And it was deemed a part of the so-called fundamental
law, was it not ?
Mr. Robins. I do not understand that to be true.
Mr. Humes. Section 14, provision 2 — I will not take the time to
read it — covers that subject.
;Mr. Robins. What I think counsel is reading from is certain
decrees thrown together and said to be the constiution. Counsel can
get the actual constitution. It was published, if I am correct, in the
New York Tribune in the first instance in this country, and I think
other authenticated copies have been extant. There have been a
number of publications, Mr. Chairman, of alleged constitutions of
the soviet republic which embodied a number of decrees, and people
eager to get out with an issue have said this was the constitution, when
they had really the special decrees either of the executive committee
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. OOX
or of the commissars' council, and sometimes mixed those decrees
with the definite constitution of the 5th of July — or whatever time it
was in July — 1918.
Mr. Humes. Col. Robins, you need not discuss that, because I have
a copy of the constitution printed in Moscow, published by the de-
partment of foreign political literature of the people's commissariat
for foreign affairs, Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic.
Mr. Robins. What time?
Mr. Humes. 1918.'
Mr. Robins. Do you know what time it was ?
Mr. Humes. The date on this is Moscow, 1918, and it says : " Pub-
lished by the department of foreign political literature of the people's
commissariat," and we have a right to assume that their official publi-
cations are authentic.
Mr. Robins. Of course, what we are really after is the facts. The
little pamphlet that the counsel holds in his hand, if I am correct, is
one that was published before I left Russia, and was brought out —
some of them, I think — ^by Mr. Williams. That was before the actual
constitution of the soviet was passed, and it is simply a collection of
decrees passed by the executive committee.
Mr. Humes. AVhen was the constitution finally adopted, then?
Mr. Robins. So far as my knowledge goes, it was adopted some time
in July, 1918, and as I understand from comparison of several copies,
in which there are some differences, the largest agreement seemed to
me in the one published in a certain Sunday issue of the New York
Tribune. I will send counsel a copy of it.
Mr. Humes. The man who came to this country or proposed to
come to this country as consul general of the soviet government, and
Mr. Albert Rhys Williams who came to this country for the purpose
of establishing a Russian information bureau, both of whom say that
this is the constitution of the soviet republic, are in error, and these
quasi-official representatives of the soviet government lack authentic
information as to what the fundamental law is in Russia at this time,
and have not as much information on that subject, apparently, as you
have. Colonel ?
Mr. Robins. Now, Mr. Humes, I do not want to claim any special
wisdom here, and I meet these dignities and authorities that you have
given my friends — if they be my friends — ^thus suddenly, and I may
be found in variance with their statements, as I may be found in vari-
ance with the statements of others; but I shall make the statement
that I think to be true, under the pains and penalties of perjury here,
and keep on making that statement, and I can not be led into making
any statement but what I think is true, without regard to the state-
ments made by others, whether they be friends and allies or not.
Mr. Humes. Do not misunderstand me. I am trying to find out
what the constitution of the soviet is.
Mr. Robins. I am trying to tell you where you can get it.
Mr. Humes. Both Mr. Reed and Mr. Williams produced here a
publication from Moscow, published under the authority of the com-
missariat of the Russian republic, and they say that that is the
constitution. Now, you tell us that if we are seeking the facts of the
constitution we will have to resort to the New York Tribune for
something that is more authentic than the publication from Moscow
85723—19 56
882 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
that they have presented as an authentic document. I am simply
trying to ascertain just wliat this fundamental law is and what your
authority is for saying that the constitution printed in the New York
Tribune is more authentic than the one that has been produced by
the quasi-official representatives, at least, of the Bolshevik govern-
ment.
Mr. EoBiNS. If you will ask me that, I will tell you quite frankly
that the constitution as published in the New York Tribune was the
constitution adopted by an all-Eussian national soviet in, as I under-
stand it, the early part of July, and this was a combination of
decrees of the executive committee, and otherwise, and some decrees
passed by previous assemblies, and published for the purpose of
propaganda.
Mr. Humes. Now, what all-Russian soviet was that, by number?
Mr. EoBixs. Five.
Mr. Hu3iEs. Five. Then I will call your attention to the fact that
this is that constitution. It is headed " Decision of the fifth all-E\is-
sian convention of Soviets, adopted at the session of July 10, 1918."
Mr. EoBiNS. Then I was simply mistaken in the looks of that
pamphlet as I have seen it, looking at it from over here. I have not
seen it closer. Will you let me look at it over here, because there
was a pamphlet of that sort distributed. [After examining pam-
phlet.] This is not the pamphlet that I thought it was, and is the
other pamphlet, and I believe, so far as I can see it by just looking it
over, that it is the same that I spoke of as published in the Tribune.
Mr. Humes. I thought that I was not in error when I was using it
as an authentic document.
Senator Nelson. Eead the part that pertains to the press there
in it.
Mr. Humes (reading) :
14. For the purpose of securing for the toilers real freedom of exiiression of
their opinions the R. S. F. S. R. abolishes the dependence of the press upon
capital and places in the hands of the working class and of the poorer ele-
ments of the peasantry all technical and material means for publication of
newspapers, pamphlets, books, and all other press productions, and secures their
free circulation throughout the country.
That is one provision. Then, here is another :
23. Guided by the interests of the working class as a whole, the R. S. F. S. R.
deprives individuals and separate groups of any rights which they may be using
to the detriment of the Socialist Revolution.
Now, is not that the taking over by the government of the press
of the country ; and, pursuant to that, did the government not seize
all of the presses and all of the things necessary to the printing of
publications of various kinds, and in effect nationalize them?
Mr. EoBiNs. Mr. Humes, there are two questions there. The first
question is whether or not the one provision provides for nationaliza-
tion of the press. I understand that it does, as it provides for the
nationalization of everything under the particular formulas of social-
ism that mark the government. That the actual result of that is to
suppress freedom of expression or protest against the Bolsheyiki is
absolutely untrue, based on past experience, unless it is changed since I
left there. The bitterest and most savage attack that I heard against
the Bolsheviki in Eussia was the attack of the social revolutionists
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 883
of the Left, a party constituent of the government that accepts the
soviet but utterly rejects the Bolshevik party as such, and is contend-
ing for control of the soviet against the Bolshevik party. There
were seven such parties — seven parties in the soviet — and those
seven parties had organs, and they spoke in contest, one with an-
other, on principles and methods, and all claimed to be revolutionary
and claimed to be in favor of the soviet.
Mr. Humes. You, of course, have no knowledge as to what has
been done with the press since you left there last June ?
Mr. Robins. I have not, except I have these several issues of the
papers that I spoke of as having been brought out, which are in op-
position to the Bolsheviki.
Mr. Humes. The testimony which has been produced to this com-
mittee by those who are defending the Bolsheviki, as well as by those^
who were not in sympathy with their activities, in so far as it affected
conditions as they existed last fall, in October, November, and De-
cember, was uniformly to the effect that there was no freedom of
press and no freedom of speech; that no newspaper was permitted,
except those that were controlled and dominated by the Bolshevik
government. Have you any authentic or personal information con-
trary to that information which has come to the committee with com-
plete unanimity from every witness ?
Mr. EoBiNS. I have translations from the newspapers in Russia for
a period after I left, and statements in relation to opposition papers,
of their having been fined 10,000 roubles and 25,000 roubles, and other
numbers of roubles, for printing what the court, or whatever the au-
thority was, said were false statements of fact, calculated to betray
the minds of the people in Russia ; showing that if they fined them
so many rubles for publishing the statement, for which they were
fined, they must have been in publication at that time.
Mr. Humes. During what period of time was that ?
Mr. Robins. Well, if I am to go to it, I will try and find one of
thejn here.
Mr. Humes. I do not mean by exact dates, but by months, say ?
Mr. Robins. June and July.
Mr. Humes. June and July.
Mr. Robins. And the latter part of May, after I had left.
Mr. Humes. Is it not probable that a procedure of that kind was
a preliminary step in the suppression of the freedom of the press, as
the imposing of severe penalties is probably one of the most effective
methods of putting a newspaper out of commission ?
Mr. Robins. Of course you can make the argument and the deduc-
tion. It is open to one.
Mr. Humes. "Well, is it?
Mr. Robins. Is it?
Mr. Humes. Is it not a logical deduction ?
Mr. Robins. I should not say so. I should think if they had the
power and wanted to keep the paper from being published they would
keep it from being published. They had the power.
Mr. Humes. Then we must assume this, that if the newspapers
were being fined for publications that were being made of false
statements of fact, there was at least as stringent a limitation placed
884 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
upon the freedom of the press as is being complained about in this
country under existing laws ? '
Mr. EoBiNS. Was it not rather interesting that you should "-et
there, Mr. Humes? As a matter of fact, the suppression of some
papers in America — and I am in favor of the suppression of any
newspapers that counsel force as soon as they have done so — the
suppression of certain papers for no reason at all has taken place in
our country, and there are those who are full of question and resent-
ment about it; and the suppression of the press in time of struggle
and conflict is no new thing in the story of men. I do not know
just what you are after in this inquiry, but really, where does it lead
us? What is the point in view?
Mr. Humes. One of the continual contentions of those who are
defending Bolshevism in this country to-day is that we have not the
freedom of press and the freedom of speech in this country, and
Bolshevism is pointed to as one of the remedies for this alleged evil
that we are meeting with in this country. Now, is it not a fact that
the Bolshevism that is being defended by these same agitators in this
country is adopting even more drastic methods to suppress the press
and to suppress freedom of speech than have been ever undertaken
in this country?
Mr. Robins. My own belief about that is that that question in-
volves a statement that is true. But may I say this ? You are mis-
taken in the witn&ss if you want anybody to defend the Bolshevik
program, and I shall not be put in any such position. I have never
defended it and never shall, but I opposed it steadily in Russia. I did
my best to see that it did not get a foothold. Then after it got a
foothold I did my best to see that it be not used so that Russia would
be turned over to the German power. I did my best to get the
national and international interests of the allies protected in that
position. I simply refused, and shall refuse steadily, to libel any-
body, and to say that I saw things that, honestly and frankly, I did
not see. I may be entirely unintelligent ; I may not know anything
about it ; but I am going to state tlie facts as honestly as I can, as I
know them to be, and have been doing so ; and you will not have any
real success in trying to have me defend the Bolshevik government,
nor will you "have any real success in having me criticize people who
have made statements differing from mine. They are responsible for
their statements, and I hope they have told the truth ; and they are as
much concerned as or more concerned than I myself ; and whether this
he Madame Breshkovky [Breshkovskaya] or Mr. Williams, who has
made statements different from mine, I do not care. I am not in their
position nor responsible for their statements.
Mr. Humes. Do not misunderstand me. We are not seeking to put
you in any position.
Mr. Robins. Yes, Mr. Humes.
Mr. Humes. We are seeking the facts. For instance, I have before
me what has become an official publication of the Bolshevik activity
in this country. It contains many statements of fact, or alleged state-
ments of fact, presented to the people of this country for the purpose
of trying to convince them as to the condition of affairs that exists in
Russia. Among other things, Mr. Williams declares that we are
without freedom of press or freedom of speech in this country, and
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 885
the Bolsheviki guarantee that thing which we lack in this country.
I want to deter'mine, if I can, whether or not Mr. Williams in his
propaganda is giving the people of this country a true comparison of
the relative positions of this Government and the Bolshevik govern-
ment.
Mr. Robins. 1 am sorry that I can not agree with the statement or
with the conclusion ; and if I am in error Mr. Williams is right, and if
Mr. Williams is in error I am right; but I know of no justification
for that statement.
Mr. Humes. Col. Eobins, why, if you know, is there a discrimina-
tion between the representation that is accorded to the workingmen.
in the soviet in Russia and the representation allowed to the peasants,
-who are the large and predominating proportion in the population ?
Mr. EoBiNS. 1 do not understand that that is true, as any fixed rule.
Mr. HtTMES. The constitution provides that the representation in
the soviet in the cities and among the workmen shall be 1 to every
25,000, while in the provincial districts and among the peasants the
representation in the soviet is only 1 to every 125,000.
Do you know from your knowledge of the situation in Russia why
that discrimination was made and as to whether or not the attitude
of the peasants against the Bolshevik rule was responsible for the
insertion of that provision in the constitution which gives the peasants
less representation than those in the city districts ?
Mr. Robins. I do not; but I think I know this, that the Fourth AU-
Russian Soviet contained a majority of peasant delegates, and that
the peasant delegates were in a majority in favor of ratification and
the workingmen 's delegates from the factories were in majority
against ratification, and the Fourth All-Russian Soviet, instead of
being dominated by the workingmen, was, in my judgment of the
facts, dominated by the peasant delegates.
Mr. Humes. What was the situation in the Fifth All-Russian
Soviet?
Mr. Robins. That took place after I left, and I can not answer.
Mr. Humes. It was the Fifth All-Russian Council that adopted this
constitution.
Mr. Robins. Yes; as I understand.
Mr. Humes. Yes.
Mr. Robins. I do not know what the situation was there.
Mr. Humes. Is it not your opinion, from your knowledge of the
situation, that the discrimination was made in order to prevent the
peasants from controlling, to a considerable degree, the Bolshevik
government, and to preserve the power of the Bolsheviki in Petrograd
and Moscow and a few of the cities; in other words, to permit that 9
per cent to dominate the 84 per cent?
Mr. Robins. Not in my judgment. But I Avish to say that I have
no special wisdom, here. I should say that the reason for it was
that on the basis of producers' social control, which is the theory, as
I understand it, of the soviet organization, the representation in re-
gard to crafts, in regard to occupational production in manufac-
tures, which is more diversified and represents a less number for a,
single production than the general agricultural peasant production,
accounts for larger representation of persons on smaller basis of
number in the industrial districts as against tlie peasant districts.
886 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The soviet, as I understand it, is not based on any idea of necessarily
one person for so many other persons, but one person for so many
persons engaged in a craft or engaged in a particular production,
and the effort of the soviet program, as I understand it, was to have
adequate representation of all of the producing forces in the
economic life of Russia that help to feed and clothe and house the
people. Whether it was worked out or not I do not know.
Mr. Humes. The constitution provides as follows :
25. The AU-Russian Convention of .'>i)vlets is formed of representatives of
the Soviets of the cities on the basis of one deputy for 25,000 electors, and of
representatives of the provincial ("gubernia") conventions of Soviets on the
basis of one deputy for 125,000 inhabitants.
Mr. RoBixs. Yes; I remember your reading that statement a little
while ago.
Mr. Humes. Now, is it not a fact that the 9 per cent of the people
in the cities absolutely dominate the present Bolshevik government,
and by force of arms and by use of the Red Guard and terrorism
in the rural districts force the peasants to submit to a continuance
of that government?
Mr. Robins. What made the condition at the time I do not know,
but up to the time I left Russia I do not consider that to be true.
Mr. Humes. You have no knowledge of that condition since last
June?
Mr. Robins. None that is secure.
Mr. Humes. In your work in Russia, is it or is it not a fact that
you used an interpreter?
Mr. Robins. It is so.
Mr. Humes. Do you speak Russian ?
Mr. Robins. No, sir; only a very limited vocabulary.
Mr. Humes. Then the information you got and the conversation
which you had at various times with Russians and those who could
not speak English was through an interpreter ?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Mr. Humes. Who was that interpreter?
Mr. Robins. Alexander Gumberg.
Mr. Humes. Is it not a fact that this interpreter was connected
with the Bolshevik government?
Mr. Robins. No, sir ; he was never at any time connected with the
Bolshevik government.
Mr. Humes. Did he have a brother who was one of the com-
missars ?
Mr. Robins. He had a brother, Zoren, who was a commissar of the
northern commune of the Bolshevik government. He had a brother
who was a Menshevik, one of the provisional Kerensky government,
who was arrested ^hen the Bolsheviki took power, and we had to
exercise our influence to protect him, because he, in the Ukraine, led
in a counter-revolutionary movement, so-called.
He had one brother who was a Bolshevik, and he had another
brother who was a Menshevik, and he was himself a Menshevik in
politics.
Mr. Humes. Yesterday, Col. Robins, you referred to the Koot
mission and to the unfortunate publicity that had been given to a cer-
tain statement made in the American press as to the character of Mr.
BOLSHEVIK "propaganda. 887
Root and his affiliations and his purposes. What was the nature of
those publications in this country that were cited in Eussia and used
as the basis of that propaganda ?
Mr. Robins. It is desired by the committee that I should answer
that question ?
Senator Overman. If you do not desire .to answer it, you need not
do so.
Mr. Robins. I will do just as the committee wishes. It brings in
an extra-local situation that, personally, I should think really would
not serve the purposes of the committee, but if the committee' rules
the other way, I shall, of course, answer the question.
Senator Overman. If you do not want to answer it I shall not
force you to do it.
Mr. Robins. Thank you, Senator. Before we leave the question
of my interpreter, I wish to submit and have filed in the record the
following letters. [Reading :]
Special Diplomatic Mission
OP THE United States of America,
Petroffrad, June 26, July 9, 1917.
My Dear Me. Stevens : I have asked Mr. Alex.. Gumberg, whose card I in-
close, to be sure to see you before you leave Petrograd.
Mr. Gumberg has been of greatest possible assistance to us in our part of the
work here, and has been so intelligent, kindly, and helpful that I feel I ought
to put you in a position to avail yourself of his interest in case an occasion
should arise.
Mr. Gumberg is a patriotic Russian, has been fourteen years in America, and
has a most thorough understanding of the situation in both countries.
I beg for him your kindly attention.
Yours, very truly,
Charles Edward Russell.
Hon. John F. Stevens,
Chairman Advisory Commission of Railtoay Experts, Petrograd.
Mr. Russell was a member of the United States Mission to Russia.
Mr. Gumberg served him as interpreter, and served the mission, and
secured through the Petrograd Soviet an agreement to accept help
from the United States which might not otherwise have been given
to the Kerensky government. It is a matter of history. The original
letters can be produced before the committee at any time. I present
a copy at this time, which I have read into the record.
I present another letter. [Reading :]
The Associated Press,
Moscow Office,
Moscow, May 14, 1918.
Mr. Melville Stone,
The Associated Press, 51 Chainbers Street, New York City.
My Dear Mb. Stone : This letter will introduce Mr. Alexander Gumberg, who
is to take charge of the Petrograd Telegraph Agency's interests in the United
States, and whom I am sure you will enjoy knowing. Mr. Gumberg is the
personal friend of Mr. Lenine, Mr. Trotzky, and scores of the other leaders in
the Russian Government, and has rendered great services to the United States,
through bringing Americans in touch with the heads of the Soviet Government
at a time when official relations were badly strained. Mr. Gumberg has been
in Russia for the last year. He was of great assistance to the Root mission,
and after the collapse of the Kerensky government became the medium through
which the American Embassy kept in touch with the new government. He was
identiiied with the American Red Cross, which was the organization here under
the direction of Col. Robins that unofficially dealt with the Soviet Government
on behalf of the embassy.
888 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
I am under deep obligation to Mr. Gumberg for the assistance he rendered
oiir bureau here and in Petrograd and wish to commend him to you as a man
with fuller knowledge than anyone I know concerning Russia's history for the
last year and worthy of your complete confidence.
Very sincerely, yours,
Chablks Stephenson Smith.
Introducing Mr. Alexander Gumberg.
Mr. Smith was the head of the Associated Press in Petrograd,
who had been head of the Associated Press in the Far East, in Peking,
for a number of years ; a man of middle years, Senators, and a man
of very real discrimination, as you may imagine, to have held that
long service in the Associated Press. I submit this copy of that
letter.
I submit here another letter. [Eeading:]
The Committee on Public Infobmation,
The United States of America,
Russian Peess Division,
Petrograd, Russia, January 10, 1918.
Geaham R. Tai'loe, JUanaycr.
Gorokhoiaia 4, Apt. 1.',, Tel. J,3-1S:
This is to certify that Alexander Gumberg is an authorized representative of
the Russian Press Division of the Committee on Public Information of the
United States of America. Courtesies extended to him in the matter of news
gathering will be appreciated.
Russian Peess DmsiON,
Committee on Public Infoemation,
Arthur Bullaed, Director.
I state that I have seen and can produce the originals of each
of these letters, and I declare them to be true and genuine originals.
Senator Overman. Thej' will be put in the record.
Mr. Robins. I offer another letter. [Eeading:]
" Memo, of agreement between
Edgar G. Sisson, Committee on Public Information, and Alexander Gumberg
Edgar G. Sisson offers and Alexander Gumberg accepts for his services in the
matter of organization of the distribution of the motion pictures and the bulle-
tin publications of the Committee on Public Information in Russia for such
period as may be required by Edgar G. Sisson, provided it is not longer than
the stay of Lieut. Col. Raymond Robins in Russia, the sum of $5,000, to be
placed to his (Alexander Gumberg's) credit in New York City.
Alex. Gumbeeg.
Edgae G. Sisson.
Peteogkad, January 21, 191S.
May I make the statement that the services of this Russian, Alex-
ander Gumberg, and the character of those services, under stress and
under fire, were such as to make that man, in my judgment, the
most serviceable single Russian person in the most difficult days of
the Russian situation? I brought him out to the United States
with me. I am behind him with full support and credit at all times,
and ready to appear before this body or any proper body of the
United States, or its courts, in defense of his patriotism, in defense
of his genuine, manly service; and when, sirs, he was attacked,
after I came out here, as a German agent, by lying statements
that did not dare to see the light, I challenged those persons who
sought to discredit him that I be called upon, or in the courts
to be called upon, to test the matter; and those lying, cowardly
slanders ran back into the dark. It was said to me, "Robins, yon
are safe. You are strong, in spite of the propaganda to discredit
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 889
you; that is, in spite of all said against you, you can survive; but
ditch this little Jew. There is some question about him." I said,
" Not in seven thousand years. I am not built on that principle."
And I think, Mr. Chairman, that you are not built on it, nor are any
of you three in this committee.
That little Jew went through fire with me. That little Jew lay
on his belly when machine-gim bullets went into the wall above us
and all around us. That little Jew stood up on the fender of my
automobile when we were surrounded by the pro-German anarchists,
armed with bayonetted guns and magazine pistgls, who came from
that headquarters where when it was raided were found the Ger-
man machine g-uns not found elsewhere in Russia; that little Jew
looked down on cocked rifles and, with a gun pushed against his
belly, grinned, and said to the anarchist thieves : '' You are not
afraid, are you?" and I am with him to the end of the road.
[Applause.]
Senator Overman. Let us have order in here, ladies and gentlemen.
Mr. Humes. I did not know that anyone was making an attack.
Mr. EoBiNS. I do not lay anything against j'ou, Mr. Humes, but
there Avere three specific charges
Senator Overman. There is no attack that has been made in this
committee that I have heard.
Mr. EoBiNS. No, sir; but there was a siiggestion of an attack in
Mr. Humes's statement that an alleged pro-Bolshevik was my inter-
preter, and the inference was perfectly apparent, Mr. Chairman,
that I had apparently got minisformation and was acting on misin-
formation. I have been pretty careful in the day's work. My own
life and the lives of men worth a great deal more than mine, who
were engaged in this work, were involved, and large supplies, and so
far as known, not a single dollar's worth of supplies ever reached
Germany, that we had in Russia. They were all distributed there to
the Russian people. The American Red Cross distributed 400,000
cans of milk to starving babies in Russia, and it was done at a time
when it was believed that the Germans would get there and take it
before it could be distributed.
Senator Overman. There is nothing in the record against Mr.
Gumberg, that I have heard of.
Mr. Humes. It is a fact, however, that the information you got
from Russian sources you were compelled to get through an inter-
preter, and that you did not have the advantage and the facility of
being able to converse directly with the Russians with whom you
came in contact ?
Mr. Robins. Quite true.
Mr. Humes. And to that extent you labored under a handicap that
those who were familiar with the Russian language did not labor
under in conversing with the Russians with whom thej' came in con-
tact, is not that correct ?
Mr. Robins. Certainly.
Mr. Humes. That is the only point I had in mind.
Mr. Robins. Will Mr. Humes also refer to the fact that Madame
Lebedeff, the daughter of Prince Kropotkin, was my interpreter, and
my aid and most confidential adviser through a long period of my
stay in Russia, and probably her interpretation would not be adverse
890 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
to some of the positions that have been taken contrary to my posi-
tion here.
Senator Sterling. Was she related to Col. Lebedeff ?
Mr. EoBiNS. No, sir ; she is in no way related to Col. Lebedeff.
Mr. Hu3iES. Is it my understanding that the committee does not
care to go into any of the propaganda in connection with the Root
mission ?
Senator Overman. Xo. He has a reason — I suppose a good rea-
son— for not wanting to answer any questions of that kind. You can
ask any question yqu want to, and if he declines to answer it, I will
rule upon it.
JNIr. Hu3iES. The witness yesterday made a statement that the
work of the Eoot mission was very much handicapped because of
the misimpression that got into Russia as to the standing and char-
acter of the head of that mission, and as to the purpose which had
led him to imdertake the work of a mission in Russia, and it was
my purpose to find out what the influences were that had worked
£0 iDrejudicially, and I do not suppose that we can very well go into
that matter unless we imdertake to uncover these activities.
Senator Oveejiax. You might ask him the question, and if he does
not want to answer, I would not want to go into it.
Mr. Htjjies. There is nothing, imless an answer to that question
would develop it. I do not know what the answer would be, what the
influences were, the American influences, the German influences, or
some foreign influeiice. Consequently I am not able to determine
whether there is any proper line of inquiry beyond that or not.
Senator Sterling. It is my understanding, Mr. Chairman, that the
inquiry of Mr. Humes just related to the publication, if I remem-
ber it.
jNIr. Robins. Xc. sir; he asked what the publications — my state-
ment was simple, and I think rather clear, that in a certain contro-
versy in America that had preceded the Root mission, Mr. Root had
taken a position that had brought upon him the condemnation of a
powerful public personage in America, and there had followed certain
publications, as the result of that situation, that criticized Mr. Root in
a very unattractive fashi( n and were particularly hurtful, in the Rus-
sian revolutionary movement, to cooperation between America and
Russia.
Senator \ei.s(.in. To bring you point-blank to it, was not that in the
New York American? ^Ve nijed not hedge. Were not those cartoons
ihnt vilified 3.1r. Root in that publication?
]\Iv. Robins. No, Senator; I think they were not.
Senator Sterling. Would you be at liberty to say in what paper,
or what papers ?
Mr. Robins. I would rather not. I will do so if the committee
desires.
Senator Over:man. I do not think that is necessary. The truth
about it is that there were such statements.
^Ir. Robins. And they were distributed in Russia. That is the
real, vital thing.
Mr. Htjmes. Col. Robins, let us pass over the American source oi
this material. How and by whom were these articles distributed m
Russia ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 891
Mr. Robins. That I do not know, sir, further than that they were
distributed; and my own judgment K?as that it was pro-German stuff
and was distributed ahead of the mission and behind the mission, in
order to discredit those that came with the American mission, so that
relationship between America and Russia would be less possible.
Mr. Humes. Then these publications in this country were utilized
as pro-German propaganda in Russia for the purpose of defeating the
purpose of these men and the work undertaken by the Root mission ?
Mr.. Robins. I should say that would be so.
Mr. HtJMEs. It took that form.
Senator Stehlixg. Do you not think, with that view of that, that
Tve are entitled to know the name of the paper that published those
cartoons ?
Mr. Robins. No, sir. It will be within the purview of the com-
mittee to get all the facts. I do not know why Mr. Humes wants me
to make a statement. I have at all points of this situation sought to
avoid personalities. I have been in the position of trying to avoid
condemning anybody. I have tried to tell the truth. Naturally, in
such an investigation as this blame does fall somewhere or other. The
moment the committee wants me to bring in individuals and per-
sonalities, where I have spoken of things as they exist in Russia, we
are extremely apt to do something else than to inquire into the mat-
ters that we are engaged on. ,
Senator Overman. That is the reason I ruled it out. I do not think
it ought to be put in if the witness objects.
Mr. HtTMES. That is all.
Senator Sterling. Col. Robins, let me ask you this question. It is
somewhat hypothetical, I grant, but I would like to ask it and have
your view. If resistance to the Czecho-Slovaks was inspired by Ger-
many; if released German prisoners participated therein; if Bolshe-
vist troops were officered by Germans; if following the collapse of
the Russian Army at the front, Germany began the exploitation of
Eussia and had the power to draw on Russian resources for sup-
plies for her army with which she was fighting the allies, do you
think allied armed intervention would have been justifiable?
Mr. Robins. During war, if the suppositions that have been stated
are facts, then armed intervention as a war measure would unques-
tionably have been justified.
Senator Sterling. Let me just quote again from our favorite
author, Lord Milner.
Mr. Robins. We can not get agreement there.
Senator Sterling. He says [reading] :
And this interventidii was successful. The riot was st(jpped. The Czecho-
slovaks were saved from destruction. The I'esources of Siberia and south-
eastern Russia were denied to the enemy. The northern ports of European
Russia were prevented from becoming bases for German submarines from
which our North Sea barrage could have been turned. These were important
achievements and contributed materially to the defeat of Germany. I say
nothing of the fact that a vast portion of the earth's surface and millions of
people friendly to the allies have been spared the unspeakable horrors of
Bolshevik rule.
Do you not agree with Lord Milner in that statement ?
Mr. Robins. No, sir. I am sorry. I would like for the moment
to rely on my favorite newspaper, the Manchester Guardian.
892 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
Senator Sterling. Do you p^ace the Manchester Guardian over
and above everything else as authority?
Mr. EoBiNS. No; not over and above everything; but in that situa-
tion I prefer to take its judgment. I think that it is better than
Lord Milner.
Senator Sterling. Lord Milner, by reason of his position, was in
reasonably close touch with the situation.
Mr. EoBiNS. Is it not a rather interesting thing that after we
intervened and after a certain policy had been established of dealing
with the Bolsheviki, the premier of Britain came out and asked for
a change of attitude toward the Bolshevik govermnent, and Lord
Northcliffe came out and said that that request was right, and that
it would be a good thing to send me back there ? He did that because
he thought I was pro-German and pro-Bolshevik? We can not think
that. There has been a confusion in the play in England, a confusion
in the play in France and with us, in this Russian story.
Senator Sterling. Then you do not agree with the official state-
ment as to the attitude of the French Republic in regard to inter-
vention in Russia?
Mr. Robins. No, sir.
Senator Sterling. Let me call your attention to that official at-
titude. [Reading :]
The French Government is of the opinion that Bolshevism is a permanent
danger to peace and civilization, and that the government of the Soviets is
actually at war with the allies. It is therefore impossible to renew diplomatic
relations with that government, even taking it as a government de facto. The
French Government feels justified in its attitude, because in fighting against
Bolshevism, France is not in the least interfering with the home politics of a
foreign country but merely endeavoring to eradicate a system which is based on
nothing but disorder and crime.
I am not going to read all of the statement, but I want to call your
attention to one further paragraph. [Reading :]
Bolshevist troops are already invading the countries which all the allies are
desirous of bringing into existence, such as Poland, and thus to prevent the
organization of nations that have long been kept under the yoke of Germany,
which is determined to accept the help of Bolshevism to prevent their emancipa-
tion.
Mr. Robins. Now, Senator, over against that I would put the state-
ment of the French patriot, Capt. Sadaul, who has suffered in the
war, Avho loves his country, in my judgment, and Avas selected by the
French ambassador and the general of the French military mission
to be a sort of liaison officer with the Bolsheviki. Capt. Sadaul was
in Russia at the time I was there and left Russia sometime after I
left Russia, with the cooperation of his government. Capt. Sadaul
has made his statement in France, and he has agreed with the posi-
tion that I hold, absolutely. He is opposed to the program of the
Bolsheviki, but believed that the actual facts of the situation justified
the efforts that were made for cooperation with the soviet power, the
program that was worked out in Russia between us.
Senator Sterling. I think you will fall within the class mentioned
in the next paragraph.
Mr. Robins. I will do my best not to do so. Let us see.
Senator Sterling. I think you have already by your statements
done so.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 893
Mr. EoBiNS. Let us see.
Senator Steeling. I think you will agree with this statement.
[Eeading :]
Bolshevism can not be reasonably called a system of government, but the
tyranny of a very small clique over the bulk of the nation.
You are not in that class.
Mr. EoBiNS. Thank you, sir.
Senator Steelin:g (reading) :
Fighting Bolshevism means, first and foremost, protecting Russia against a
regime which all those who have escaped from Russia are unanimous in con-
demning.
Mr. EoBiNS. I will be one person
Senator Sterling. I heard you condemn-
Mr. Robins. You mean the system ? Absolutely, but I do not agree
to the fact, Senator, that it is a small group at the top with tyranny
running the show.
Senator Steeling (reading) :
It also means protecting civilization in Europe, as the activity of Bolshevist
propagandists is a menace, not only to the immediate neighbors of Russia, but
also to the allied and neutral countries, one of the conditions of the very exist-
ence of Bolshevism being its expansion abroad.
I think you brought out that idea yourself.
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes, and yqu will probably find in the days to come
that I am bitterly opposed by my socialist friends in America and
Bolshevik agitators as a most poisonous and dangerous man to the
truth of Bolshevism. I know the beast. I know it, and I know my
country and have confidence enough in its institutions to be able to
tell the truth about it. And, Senator, I believe that when we know
the beast, with the united intelligence of the free men and women of
America, I have faith enough in our institutions to believe that we
will throw that foreign culture, born out of a foreign despotism, back
out of our land, not by treating it with the method of tyranny, not by
a witch hunt, nor by hysteria, but by strong, intelligent action,
the intelligent action of Senators of the United States making a re-
port that gets before the people the truth of the situation and mobo-
lizes the consciences and the intelligence of the men and women of
our land.
Senator Overman. What do you mean by " witch hunt "?
Mr. Robins. I mean this, Senator. You are familiar with the old
witch-hunt attitude, that when people get frightened at things and
see bogies, then they get out witch proclamations, and mob action and
all kinds of hysteria takes place.
Senator Overman. This committee has been called a witch hunt.
Mr. Robins. I wish to make no possible sort of criticism of the
committee. I wish to say that I have never been treated more fairly
than I have been here.
Senators, may I make clear to you what I mean? I think I men-
tioned the' difference between the wrong view and the right. You
may remember when the President of the United States, President
McKinley, was assassinated by an anarchist in Buffalo. There was
a little group of anarchists in my town of Chicago. They did not
happen to be terrorist anarchists at all. They were philosophical
anarchists. They were even vegetarians — would not kill even a fly.
894 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
They believed that the wonderful truth of their program would
spread over the world. They had a little paper called Free Society.
I did not believe in the things it stood for, but I believed in the
freedom by which all kinds of dark and noisome things and gases
if carried out into the open would be better dealt with and purified.
I used to talk with them. We had a free floor meeting in tlie old
Chicago commons, where they came to talk. Then came the killing of
the President, and the whole country was roused against that ter-
rible crime. The police decided upon an investigation of this group
of anarchists. The police were then under investigation themselves,
and they hoped to turn attention from themselves by working up an
anarchist scare. So they sent down and arrested this old anarchist
peasant, his wife, a boy and girl, and put them in different police
stations. They put each one through the third degree, sweating them
and telling one that the other had confessed. I went down to Iry to
see them, but was not permitted. I went to see the mayor, and I said,
" The policy you are following is wrong. You have been mayor for
four years. If this is a real terrorist group, your administration will
be under condemnation for permitting it to exist and grow until they
conspire and assassinate our President. Instead of being interested
in this curious M'itch hunt that is going on, you ought to be more
interested in trying to prove that the city of Chicago is free from any
complicity with the assassination of the President." He saw the
point, and the mayor gave me the right to go doAvn and see these
people, and we had a writ of habeas corpus taken out. There was
no evidence found against them and they were all discharged. But
a nine-days' terror crept over the city. I was assaulted. Why? Be-
cause I had something to do with helping some poor Eussian folks,
whose ideas were different from mine, but who were entitled to be
treated with justice in my own free land, and I suggest that that is
the way to deal with this situation rather than the way that the police
department in Chicago started to deal with the anarchists there.
Senator Steeling. Col. Eobins, if as you say, the Bolshevist form
of government, requiring, as it does, the rule of a class — the pro-
letariat— is founded on wrong principles — that is what I understand.
Mr. Robins. Absolutely.
Senator Sterling. It follows, does it not, that such form of govern-
ment can not very long endure ?
Mr. EoBiNS. I should believe that that was true, and if they follow
the stark metallic formulas that are false, in my judgment, they will
reveal their failure and be finally overwhelmed, unless in the opera-
tion of the government they are moved from their formulas to a more
reasonable program.
Senator Steeling. As to how long it may endure, that depends
somewhat on the intelligence or capacity of the people, does it not,
and on the means resorted to to compel submission to the govern-
ment?
Mr. Robins. Yes.
Senator Steeling. Since such a government must cease to exist,
would you not expect that its collapse would be attended with in-
creased violence and bloodshed ?
Mr. Robins. Of course ; that is, assuming — if you make the assump-
tion of the premise, yes. Of course, I do not make that assumption.
BOLSHBATIK PKOPAGANDA. 895
Senator Steeling. Well, I understood you to say that as to how long
it will endure, that depends upon the intelligence and capacity of the
people and upon the means adopted to enforce submission?
Mr. Robins. Yes ; but here was the thought. Senator, that I think
it may easily be modified considerably. Then your conclusion is not
sound.
Senator Sterling. But if this is so, and if armed intervention
would prevent the conditions I have named, would not such inter-
vention be justifiable in the interests of humanity and civilization?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes ; accepting your premise, the conclusion is sound.
Senator Steeling. Take the particular case of Germany, the once
common enemy, beaten in the field, but still, as we all must admit,
I think, very resourceful if not unscrupulous. She is next door to
Russia. Suppose Russia to be without orderly government, her in-
dustries paralyzed, and millions of her people in direct want, and
general demoralization throughout the country. Would not Russia
under such condition be an easy victim for German domination and
exploitation ?
Mr. Robins. On the assumption that you make, yes.
Senator Steeling. Would such facts and conditions justify inter-
vention ?
Mr. Robins. I think so.
Senator Steeling. Would not intervention under such circum-
stances be for the present and future well-being of Russia, and would
it not be in the interest of the permanent peace of the world ?
Mr. Robins. Assuming all the previous statements as facts, the
conclusion, it seems to me, is sound. Of course, it is agreed that I do
not agree with the assumption of the facts.
Senator Overman. Are there any other questions ?
Mr. Robins. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, may
I make this statement? I have, of course, a large number of docu-
ments that are in nature semi-confidential, growing out of my rela-
tionship. I have not produced .them because the evidence in this
committee did not seem to warrant it, and I wish to protect at every
point where I can protect from needless attack of one sort and an-
other, many individuals. But I ask the privilege of the committee
that if, as the testimony progresses, there be any substantial chal-
lenge of the statements that I have made, in substance, by any per-
sons entitled to consideration — I mean special consideration, I am
not frightened by a good deal of clamor, but any official person — I
may ask the privilege of returning to the committee and presenting
a further line of documentary statements.
Senator Oveeman. We want to do you justice; and if any attack
is made on you, you will have the right to respond.
Mr. Robins. Thank you, Senatpr; and may I express to you my
appreciation for the consideration that the committee has shown
me during what must have been a very tiresome hearing.
Senator Overman. Colonel, where, if any more testimony is to
be presented by you, could we find you ?
Mr. Robins.' Always at 43 Fifth Avenue. That address will always
reach me, and I will come as expeditiously as I can.
Senator Overman. If you see anything that you want to reply to,
will you inform me if you want to be heard ?
896 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. RoBixs. I will, Senator Overman. I thank you.
(Thereupon, at 12.50 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee took a recess
until 2.30 p.m.)
AFTER RECESS.
At 2.30 o'clock p. m. the subcommittee met, pursuant to the taking
of the recess.
TESTIMONY OF MR. GREGOR A. MARTITJSZINE.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman and testified through an
interpreter, Prof. Alexander Petrunkevitch.)
Mr. Htjmes. Where do you live ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. At present I am domiciled in Moscow.
Mr. Humes. What is your business ?
Mr. Martiuszine. I am the representative of the central imion of
the flax growers and other cooperative organizations of Russia.
Mr. Humes. "When did you leave Russia?
Mr. Martiuszine. I wish to add also that I was the vice president
of the All-Russian Soviet of the peasant deputies, which was dis-
persed by the Bolsheviki.
Mr. Hu3iES. At what place?
Mr. Martiuszine. Petrograd. The pi'esident was Avksentiefi,
who was latety in this country.
Senator OvermajST. Was that during the Kerensky regime that you
were vice president of this soviet?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes. I was elected as a deputy by the peasants
of the government of Kasan to the constituent assembly. I am the
son of a peasant, and my grandfather was a Russian peasant serf.
I spent the first 21 years of my life in a village in Russia. Under
the Czar I was twice arrested, and banished for five years. After
the first banishment had ended, in 1911, 1 took part in the cooperative
movement in Russia. At present I am a member of the executive
board of the Russian Flax Growing Association and also of various
other cooperative associations in Russia.
Senator Overman. When did you leave Russia ?
Mr. Martiuszine. The 2d of November, 1918. I took part in the
overthrow of the Bolsheviki government in Yaroslav and in Arch-
angel. At this moment I am the special representative of the north-
ern government of Russia, sent to this country for economic purposes,
and also an official representative of the Association of Russian
Cooperatives. I desire to make it plain to this committee that I
intend to speak not as a political member of some party, but as a
peasant. Neither do I intend to draw any conclusions from any
matter of discussion or argument, but I desire to present the facts
and to leave to you the pleasure of drawing your own conclusions.
Senator Nelson. May I ask the question right there. As I under-
stand it. you belong to the government of northern Russia?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Is that a Bolshevik government or not ?
Mr. Martiuszine. The northern government was called to life
after the overthrow of the Bolsheviki on the 2d of August. Its
head is Tchaikowski, and that government has been recognized by
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 897
the Allies and it is not a Bolshevik government. I would like, first
of all, to touch upon the question of cooperation in Eussia as an espe-
cially interesting chapter in the history of Russian peasantry and
as having a special bearing upon the economic situation in Russia.
If it is the pleasure of the committee, I shall read to you a statement
which I have dravpn up, adding such additional remarks as I desire
as I proceed.
Senator Overman. Very well ; proceed.
Mr. MARTiuszi>fE. There are nearly 45 cooperative societies in Rus-
sia, representing almost 20,000,000 members, mostly of the rural
population. Cooperation in Russia is therefore overwhelmingly
rural, 85 per cent belonging to the peasant class. I might add that I
do not think it necessary to explain what Russian cooperation means,
becaiise it is practically the same as that in this country where there
are cooperative societies, as in California and in Minnesota.
Senator Nelson. I just want to ask one question. These coopera-
tive societies relate both to the buying and the selling of products,
do they not?
Mr. Maetitjszine. Yes ; both to buying and selling.
Senator Nelson. They are cooperfitive societies for the sale of the
products of the peasants?
Mr. Maetittszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Cooperative societies for the purchase of supplies
for them ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes ; and also for the furnishing of credit. In
some localities the cooperative movement reached such dimensions
that from 75 to 80 per cent of the total number of peasant households
were members of such societies. The greatest cooperative societies
are as follows : The Moscow Peoples Bank, the Central Union of Con-
sumers' Societies, and the AU-Russian Society of Flax Growers, of
which I am the representative here. In the autumn 1918, this society
sent to the allied countries flax worth eleven and a half million dol-
lar:, the consignment having been delivered to Archangel under
great difficulties. This fact shows the feeling of the cooperative as-
sociations to the Allies, with whom they were always friendly, and
to whom they were able to send the goods the moment the way was
established through Archangel. I do not know whether the Allies
ever received any goods whatsoever from the Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. Did they succeed in shipping anything up to the
Murman coast on the new railroad ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. At what time?
Senator Nelson. Lately ; within the last year.
Mr. Maetiuszine. The cooperative association was able to ship the
goods only through Archangel, because the goods were brought there
to Archangel and not to Murmansk, and there are still some goods
there ready for shipment to the Allies.
Senator Steeling. How long have these cooperative societies been
in existence ?
Mr. Maetiuszine; The cooperative societies in Russia were first
founded in 1870, but were persecuted under the Czar's government.
The cooperative organizations of Russia are purely economic insti-
tutions, which do not pursue any political ends. Being democratic
institutions the cooperative societies were persecuted under the Czar's
85723—19 57
898 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
government, and their activity was greatly impeded. After the over-
throw of autocracy under the provisonal government, the cooperative
movement got a chance to develop freely. The AU-Eussian Con-
gress of Cooperatives which took place in April, 1917, sent its most
distinguished representatives, Selheim, Korobov, and Kulyshny, to
lend economic assistance to the government of Kerensky, as as-
sistant secretaries of the secretary of food supply. During the entire
existence of the provisional government, the cooperative association
lent it its full support. In all congresses their representatives ex-
pressed themselves in favor of the constitutent assembly. The last
assembly of the cooperative associations took place in May, 1918,
and during that meeting the association adopted a resolution in favor
of the constituent assembly. Previously to the convocation of the
assembly they supported the Soviets of peasant deputies, which had
as their object the creation of the rule of the people in JEiussia, that
is, the election of a constituent assembly of zemstvos and municipal
institutions upon the basis of universal suffrage and direct secret
and equal ballots. To this end they appropriated about 1,000,000
rubles. The local Soviets of peasant deputies also supported the
cooperative movement. The cooperatives supported them because
the}' considered the so\'iets only temxDorary institutions, pending the
election to the constituent assembly. I desire to emphasize that the
cooperative societies of Russia, as well as the Central Association of
Cooperatives, are not political institutions, that they exist entirely for
economic purposes, and that for this reason they supported the gov-
ernment of Kerensky and the Soviets at that time, and the coopera-
tive societies maintained at that time that the convocation of the
constituent assembly was imperative for the welfare of the Eussian
people.
Senator Nelson. This carries you down to the Kerensky govern-
ment. I want to know what has been the experience of the coopera-
tive societies under the Bolsheviki govenxment of Lenine and Trotzky,
which came into power in November, 1917. The provisional govern-
ment got into power, if I recollect aright, in March, 1917?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And in November what we call the Bolshevik
government came into power under Lenine and Trotzky. You car-
ried this under the Kerensky government. I want to know what the
experience of the cooperatives has been under the Bolshevik govern-
ment.
Mr. Martiuszine. I will touch upon that subject now. There
seems to be an opinion that the Soviets are an organization charac-
teristic of Russia; but in the same manner some people previously
to this time thought that autocracy was also a characteristic of the
people in Russia. The cooperatives do not uphold that opinion. No
'one of the Bolshevik leaders had any part in the cooperative move-
ment of Russia. They consider all peasants bourgeoisie except the
peasant farm hands. That is the theory of Marx. Under the provi-
sional government they took a stand in opposition to the conference
of the cooperative associations. After accession to power Lenine
decided immediately to nationalize all cooperative societies, just as
all bourgeois enterprises were nationalized at that time. The fear
that all peasants will rise against the Bolsheviki prevented the enact-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 899
ment of that measure. For the same reason — of fear — the national-
ization has not been accomplished, even to this time.
Senator Nelson. As I understand it, they planned to nationalize
the cooperative societies, but have not dared to carry it out ?
Mr. Maetitjszine. That is correct.
Senator Nelson. For fear of antagonizing the peasants?
Mr. Maetitjszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That is the drift of your statement?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Therefore the counselors of Lenine decided to-
fight cooperation gradually. This is the reason why Lenine's plan
has not yet been accomplished. Cooperation is encountering great
difficulties. Executive officers of its central organizations have been
arrested, and some of them shot. Thus, in June, 1918, Krylov, execu-
tive officer of the People's Bank, was arrested in Moscow, and in
October, 1918, Korobov and Berkenheim, of the Central Association.
of Consumers Societies, were also arrested in the same city. Some
members were forced to emigrate. In Perm, in May, 1918, Neusy-
chin, an executive officer of the cooperative union, was traitorously
shot and his assassin was not apprehended. The violence done to
provincial members of the association was beyond words. In Vo-
logda, in August, 1918, Delarov and Kostian, two respected mem-
bers, were arrested. December 6, 1918, the People's Bank was
nationalized, regardless of the protests of its members, 1,500 of whom
arrived from all cities to save their pet institution and to defend their
rights.
I beg to call attention to this fact that as the Czar's regime was
unable to destroy cooperation in Russia, so the Bolshevik regime
will also be unable to do it.
Senator Steeling. Where was the People's Bank ?
Mr. Maetitjszine. In Moscow.
Senator Nelson. Was the People's Bank the agency of the co-
operative societies? Was it through that bank that they operated?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes ; that was the bank of the cooperative socie-
ties quite exclusively, and that is the reason why it had not been,
nationalized during a whole year.
Senator Nelson. They attempted to nationalize it, did they not?
Mr. Maetiuszine. They made that attempt, but they were afraid that
the peasants would not forgive such an act of nationalization of their
bank. Many were arrested on the mere suspicion that they were en-
gaged in counter-revolutionary activities. I myself was witness of
such cases in May and June in the government of Yaroslav.
The property of the cooperative societies is often requisitioned or
even plundered. Thus, in Moscow the office of the Central Associa-
tion of Consumers' Societies was twice broken into. The second time,
about 7 o'clock p. m. in August, 1918, a band of armed men Entered
the office, forced the safe, took the money — about 5,000,000 rubles,,
and disappeared. No one was apprehended.
Senator Nelson. Were these armed men what they commonly call
the Red Guard?
Mr. Maetitjszine. They were armed men who came in automobileSy
but no one knows who they were ; but the allowance to use automo-
biles is given only to the Red Guards and to the Bolsheviki.
900 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Sterling. Was it during the daytime that this robbery
occurred ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. At 7 o'clock p. m.
Senator iSteeling. Was it yet daylight?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes, it was still daylight; but the office was
closed. Such cases of burglary happen so often within govern-
mental institutions themselves under the Bolshevist regime that they
cause no surprise any more. In April, 1918. I heard public state-
ments of common people concerning the burglary of several hundred
thousand rubles from the treasury of the Soviet of Yaroslav. The rea-
soning of the citizens was simple. Either the members of the coviuts
themselves were the thieves, or they staged the whole affair to cover
up embezzlement.
Senator* Nelson. Which way is Yaroslav from Moscow — in what
direction ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Southeast from INIoscow.
Senator Nelson. Is it on the Don River?
Mr. Maetiuszine. On the Volga.
It is natural that under these circumstances the cooperative move-
ment is anti-Bolshevist.
The main reason for this lies in the fact that Bolshevism tries to
kill cooperation. If the latter becomes nationalized in accordance
Tvith Lenine's scheme, then its influence as a democratic and free
organization in the service of the laboring population will be nulli-
fied. I wish to add that, in my opinion, the same would result in
this country if the Government should decide to nationalize coopera-
tion in America.
The second reason lies in the disorganization of all economic life.
In consequence of this the cooperatives are unable to act independ-
ently.
Owing to the nationalization of production the cooperatives can
not get the necessary goods. Owing to the nationalization of ex-
ports the cooperatives are prevented from exporting their products.
Owing to the civil war all over Russia and to the disorganization of
transportation the cooperatives are unable to furnish their members
even with a minimum of goods. In order to renew the exchange of
goods with the allies, to renew trade, the nationalization of the co-
operative societies in Russia Avould have to be first abolished. It
was impossible to maintain trade with the allies because the goods
on arrival in Archangel at that time were being requisitioned by the
Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. That was before the allies got possession of Arch-
angel?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes.
Equally the cooperatives situated in the regions under Bolshevist
rule can not import goods, because all freight is requisitioned by the
Soviet government. The economic disorganization is so evident
that it is scarcely necessary to dwell longer upon it. I am going
merely to give examples wliich I personally have witnessed. I have
dwelt on the cooperative movement in Russia to show what it meant
for Russia, and now I am going to show to you the economic dis-
organization which resulted from the Bolshevist rule over Russia.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 901
Senator Nelson. Before you proceed there is one question that
occurs to me. Are these cooperative societies mere buying and sell-
ing organizations ; that is, on the one hand selling and on the other
hand buying, or are they producing organizations? For instance,
do they manufacture the goods they sell? Are they producers in.
any sense or not?
Mr. Maetiuszine. The majority of the flour mills in Russia belong'
to the cooperation, but the production of goods is mostly in the hands
of the consumers' league of Russia. In the case of flax the cooper-
atives buy up and sell it as it comes into their hands.
Senator Nelson. As I understand you then, aside from the milling"
industry these cooperative societies are mainly what you would call!
buying and selling organizations? They buy goods and sell goods?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes; that is so. In the government of Arch-
angel, after the coJlapse of the Bolshevist power, the total quantity
of dark bread with substitutes amounted only to a quarter of a pound
per head per day for the duration of two weeks. If flour had not
been shipped by the allies the population of more distant regions of
the northern district would have been condemned to death through
starvation. I wish to express my sincere thanks to the allies wha
have supplied the northern Russian population with bread and
saved them from death by starvation. I refuse to believe all those
statements which are to the effect that the people in Russia starved
because of the attitude of the allies.
Senator Nelson. What is the distance from Vologda on the Si-
berian Railway to Archangel ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Approximately 1,000 versts.
' Senator Nelson. That is about how many miles ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. About 750 miles.
Senator Nelson. On the Siberian Railroad?
Mr. Maetiuszine. No; that is the railroad between Moscow and
"Archangel.
Senator Nelson. It is from that railroad station to Vologda?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. It is 1,000 versts?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes.
, Senator Nelson. And that is how many miles?
Mr. Maetiuszine. About 750 miles.
Senator Nelson. That country there in northern Russia north of
the Siberian Railway up to Archangel is not an agricultural country
in the sense that southern Russia is. It is mainly a_ country inhabited
by lumbermen and fishermen, is it not, and there is not much farm-
ing in that section of country, is there ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Mostly lumbering and fishing, and they always-
need grain.
Senator Nelson. And practically now the only food they get there-
is what the allies furnish ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. They have received some food besides from
Siberia and are receiving it regularly at present, by way of the sea..
Meanwhile in Siberia enormous quantities of grain were stored,,
left over from the last year's harvest, because of the impossibility
of transporting it by rail.
902 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The assertion of some people that the grain could not reach the
north because of an allied blockade is not founded in truth.
Besides, during the whole time of the Bolshevist regime the peas-
ants refused to furnisli the grain, and lack of bread was felt in Si-
beria itself in such cities as Omsk and Novo Nikolaevsk in June, 1918.
At the time of my departure from Moscow, toward the end of June,
a pud, or 36 pounds of flour, cost 300 rubles. In August it rose to
400 rubles, and one Avas able to get it only through the so-called
bagmen ; that is, men who at the risk of being shot smuggled through
from one to one and a half poods of flour.
Senator Nelson. State for the record how much a ruble amounts
to in our money.
Mr. Martitjszine. In normal times a ruble costs 51 cents.
Senator Nelson. In our money ^
Mr. Maetiuszine. In normal times. These bagmen whom I speak
of fill the trains. ,They travel hundreds of miles for the treasure
which the black bread with substitutes represents in the soviet re-
public. I saw many old men and women in the villages of the gov-
ernment of Yaroslav and Kostroma returning home empty handed,
because the Bed Guard had robbed them on their way or because they
were forced by the civil war to leave the purchased flour behind. I
have seen 10 and 12 year old children of intellectuals who traveled
600 versts (400 miles) for half a bushel of potatoes and who were
happy if they were able to bring the potatoes home. This was in
June, 1918.
I consider the reports true which are brought bj' men who left
Moscow and Petrograd in November and December, 1918, to the
elfect that death from starvation is already of common occurrence in
soviet Russia. Thus the distinguished professor Lappo-Danilewski
.and the great painter Eepin have succumbed to starvation.
But if we speak of a shortage in bread, other articles of food can
Tiot be purchased for any price. Thus, the rural population of the
government of Yaroslav used molasses instead of sugar in June of
last 3'ear to the amount of only one-quarter of a pound per person per
month, and that very irregularly. In the central government the
price for milk and butter was exorbitant and their quantity exceed-
ingly small.
The nationalization of industry has paralyzed the majority of
factories and plants. Thus, the prosperous flax industry of Russia
had to cut its business in half in June, 1918. In the autumn of 1918
in Ivanov-Vosnesensk, which is called the Russian Manchester, the
Soviet government, according to official data, has ordered 54 factories
to be closed for lack of raw materials, while in the western district
of Moscow only 3 per cent of factories were in operation. I wish to
point out that I am particularly well acquainted with the flax in-
dustry in Russia, and that the peasants are not going to sow any flax
this j'ear because there is no buyer left any more for it. Yet the
Russian flax industry is about live times as great as that of this
country.
The most important branches of industry have to reduce their
operations to a minimum or to close temporarily because of complete
chaos which resulted from the control of industries by workmen,
from lack of raw materials, lack of credit, and lack of organization in
BOLSHEATtK PROPAGANDA. 903
the distribution of raw material. Here is one example of what this
control of industries by workmen means. In Yaroslav the coopera-
tive association purchased a large plant of agricultural machines
which was supposed to be able to turn out 300,000 plows annually.
The director appointed to run this plant was arrested on suspicion
of counterrevolutionary activity. Productivity fell to such an extent
• that in March, 1918, the plant had to close. The workmen refused
to work, and the managers were helpless. But to close the plant they
had to obtain the permission of the workers themselves. After many
interviews with Lenine and a bribe to the Bolshevik commissioner,
the permission to close the plant was granted on condition of an
advance payment of two months' wages to all workers. But at the
time of this settlement the workers threatened to return in two
months and to demand their reinstallation in the plant.
This is only one of the examples of what the cooperative associa-
tions had to imdergo because the Bolsheviki attempted, but did not
dare quite to destroy them.
Senator Nelson. This was a case where the cooperative association
had taken over this factory and were manufacturing plows, was it?
Mr. Maetiuszinb. Yes; that was the case. They paid 1,100,000
rubles for the Dlant.
Senator Nelson. What was the capacity of it in normal times?
How many plows could they turn out a year?
Mr. Maetitjszine. The factory was really for the building of small
machines, and when it was bought it was to be rebuilt so as to be able
to produce 300,000 plows a year.
Trade is in a still worse condition. Respected firms were forced
to suspend their business. Extraordinary speculation developed in
consequence. Transportation has reached the limit of disorganiza-
tion. Shipping of freight on the Volga, Oka, and other rivers had
practically gone out of existence in 1918. Railway transportation
showed a complete collapse.
The Bolsheviki have usurped the power against the will of the
majority represented in the AU-Russian Soviet of Workers, Soldiers,
and Peasant Deputies. Soviets and local organs of self-government
not subservient to the Bolsheviks were sugj)ended.
I wish now to speak of the relation between the Bolsheviki and the
Russian democracy. I wish to show whether it is true that the Bol-
sheviki have a following of 93 per cent of the Russian population.
The majority in the All-Russian Congress of Peasant Deputies ex-
pressed themselves in favor of turning, over all power to the Con-
stituent Assembly at the end of December, 1918. Their executive
committee was then dismissed by a decree of the people's commis-
sioners after the disbursal of the Constituent Assembly. In the same
manner, whenever local Soviets had an anti-Bolshevist majority, they
were dismissed, as in the case of Tambor, Nishni-Novgorod, Zlatouts,
. and other cities. All this shows that the soviet regime is antidemo-
cratic. I myself was present at the meeting at which the majority
of those present in that congress expressed themselves in favor of
the convocation of a constituent assembly. After that these things
Senator Nelson. Have the Bolsheviki ever called together a really
constituent assembly in Russia— a representative body of the whole
country ?
904 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Maetitjszine. The Bolsheviki called a Constituent Assembly
on the 5th of January. When they saw that the Bolsheviki them-
selves had only a quarter of the total vote in that assembly they then
dispersed it.
Senator Nelson. They dispersed it ?
Mr. Maktiuszine. The council of the commissaries, without any
consent or without even asking the permission of the All-Eussian
Soviet, made that decree closing the Constituent Assembly.
Senator Nelson. And that was the end of it?
Mr. Maetiuszine. That Avas the end of it.
Senator Nelson. They have ne^er had any since, have they?
Mr. Maetiuszine. No ; none. That was the last.
Senator Nelson. And the last one they had was closed by this com-
missary organization?
Mr. Maetiuszine. By the council of the people's commissary.
Senator Nelson. At Petrograd ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes. After having closed the Constituent As-
sembly they reported the action taken to the AU-Russian Soviet, ask-
ing that body to confirm their action. Previous to that they dis-
persed all the Soviets of the peasants Avhere the majority was in favor
of the Constituent Assembly.
Senator Nelson. They have closed them all ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes. Some statements have been made that the
Bolshevik government is subject to the control of a decision of the
Soviets, but these examples show that the opposite is the case, and
that after the action of the government that they want, they ask
the consent of the soviet. All this shows that the soviet regime is
antidemocratic.
The soviet government, after October, 1918, promised the imme-
diate convocation of the constituent assembly. The provisional gov-
ernment was particularly accused of being slow in doing it. But
since the Bolsheviki receives only one-quarter of the votes in the
elections to the constituent assembly the latter was declared pro-
rogued by decree of the people's commissioners, January 5, 1918.
This order was not only illegal in its essence, but absolutely un-
democratic and antidemocratic. I ask the members of this com-
mittee to judge for themselves whether under these circumstances
the Bolshevik government may be considered to be a democratic
government.
The election to the constituent assembly took place in accordance
with just laws, which in my» opinion are perhaps the best laws in
the world, and these elections took place at the time when the
Bolsheviki had been already in power. Of the 36,000,000 votes cast
in these elections 20,000,000 belong to peasants and social revolution-
ists, while only 9,000,000 supported the Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. The revolutionary socialists?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes. I emphasize the fact that in my opinion
no election which took place after the dispersal of the constituent
assembly can as clearly show the real proportion of strength of the
political parties and the sentiment in Russia. I will only believe
that the Bolsheviki have the majority of the Russian people behind
them if new elections take place on the basis of the same laws under
which the elections to the first constituent assembly took place. With
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 905
the exception of two or three cities, in the rest of Russia before the
Bolshevik overthrow of the Kerensky government, all local and
municipal elections showed that the Bolsheviki were in the minority.
Senator Overman. Is it possible to hold a fair election now under
the Bolshevik government?
Mr. Maetitjszine. Such elections would not be possible, because
the Bolsheviki arrest and shoot a number of men who take part in
such elections, even to local committees or in municipal elections.
Senator Nelson. They shoot those who are opposed to them?
Mr. Maetittszine. Yes. In the absence of any guaranty of free
elections no fair elections can take place in Russia.
Having destroyed the very principle of the elective right, the
soviet government announced the distatorship of the proletariat. As
a matter of fact, in Russia, where the proletariat forms a small
fraction of the entire population, an insignificant minority enjoys
the right of voting. In elections to the Soviets in cities, workers in
factories and plants are alone casting their votes, and the election
is indirect and often open. Measures of terror are being used against
elements opposed to Bolshevism.
Thus in May, 1918, during the elections in Moscow, orators op-
posed to Bolshevism were arrested at meetings, threatened with vio-
lence, and violence was committed on the voters at the elections.
Elections in villages often took place without any lists, a small frac-
tion of the last educated portion of the population taking part in
them. In consequence the peasants are not able to exert any influ-
ence over the soviet government. Already in the spring of 1918 con-
tinual civil war raged in the provinces, often combined with mass
execution. Here are some facts: In the city of Soligalich, of the
government of Rostrona, the soviet was overthrown in February,
1918. A punitive expedition was sent and some ten men of the local
intellectuals were shot. In the city of Biely, of the government of
Smolensk, the soviet was also overthrown. Near Moscow in a small
city members of the local soviet were burned in the house by the in-
furiated mob. In Sychenky, in the government of Smolensk, after
the murder of respectable citizens by the Red Army, the soviet fled.
In May, 1918, the civil war assumed an elemental character. All
lands along the Volga, in Siberia and North Russia, were in the
throes of the civil war. In the west and the Caucasus, Germans were
in control, the Germans with whom Bolshevists made the dishonor-
able peace of Brest-Litovsk.
Statements have been made to the effect that elections to the Soviets
in Russia supposedly are better and fairer than elections in any
other country, but according to my judgment, and I want to em-
phasize this, from the point of view of a Russian peasant, if elections
in Russia were conducted in the same way that they are in this coun-
try, I would consider Russia a happy country.
All the guarantees of freedom have been abrogated in Bolshevist
Russia. All non-Bolshevist papers have been suppressed without
trial or investigation. This refers to the last part of June, 1918,
when the terror of the Bolshevists was particulraly on the increase.
Only such meetings and unions are permitted as are acceptable to
the Bolsheviki. Other meetings are forbidden and the participants
arrested. Thus in the beginning of January, 1918, in Moscow, mem-
906 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
bers of the congress of the social revolutionary party were arrested
Kepresentatives of the factory and plant conference of the Moscow
and Petrograd region were also arrested, the Soviet of Soldier's and
Peasants' Deputies of Murmansk
Senator Nelson. That is on the Kola Peninsula ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes. Having decided that it would once more
like to join the allies, a decree of Bolsheviki and an order was pro-
mulgated to shoot the president of that soviet.
Endless cases could be adduced as evidence. Of men known to
me personally the following were shot in July on suspicion of coun-
ter revolution: Mr. Turba, Dr. Suchetia, member of the Archangel
board of aldermen ; Pagilove, member of the central committee of the
party of the social revolutionists ; the worker Peterkin, and others.
There are no definite data for the number of victims shot by the
Bolshevik authorities. Such data are not being published. Yet here
are examples: According to official communication of the Petrograd
extraordinary commission under date of October -28, 6,220 men were
arrested, 800 of whom were shot.
Senator Nelson. That is last October?
Mr. Martiuszine. Last October. After the assassination of Com-
missar Uritzky. in Petrograd, 1,500 men were arrested, 512 of whom
were shot, including 10 social revolutionists. In Moscow were ar-
rested about 800 men, but the number of those shot is not known.
This is the deposition made bv the member of the court assembly,
Mr. E. A. Trupp.
In Yaroslav, in July, after the suppression of the rebellion, more
than 300 men were shot. This is my own information. In Boris-
oglyebsk nine men were shot for the organization of an opposition
to the soviet. This was reported on the 16th of September in the
northern commune. In Astrakhan 18 men were shot for an attempt
at rebellion.
Senator Nelson. Astrakhan is on the Volga River?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes. In Perm 50 men were shot, members of
the bourgeoisie and officers, suspected in connection Avith the assassi-
nation of Uritsky in Petrograd.
According to witness&s, prisoners are subjected to torture, as was
the case with Dora Kaplan. As she was, in consequence of this tor-
ture, incapable of appearing before the high tribunal, she was shot in
the extraordinary commission.
Senator Overman. Who was she?
Mr. Martiuszine. She was the girl who tried to assassinate Lenine.
The torture was committed in the following way: They were not
allowing her to go to sleep. She was kept awake. I would be able
to produce more evidence from facts showing the terror of the Bol-
sheviki, but I think that those already mentioned are sufficient to
prove my contention that the Bolsheviki rule by terror.
The fact that the Bolshevist government has existed now for more
than a year causes some to consider it as indicative of its having the
support of the majority. To this we may answer that aristocracy in
Russia existed more than 300 years, while for a long time past it
found support only in a very small following of nobility and bour-
geoisie.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 907
According to my opinion the following are the reasons for the Bol-
sheviki having held out :
•First, because they use a system of terror on a greater scale even
than did the Czar's government.
Secondly, they lead a small portion of the population by false
promises of earthly bliss.
As an example, I should like to speak of how the Bolsheviki de-
ceived the peasants with promises of land. The moment the Bolshe-
viki gained power they passed a law, promulgated a law, which they
took directly from the decision of the All-Russian Soviet of the
Peasants' Deputies. This was done by the Soviet of Peasants for the
purpose of submitting it to the constituent assembly when the as-
sembly would meet. Members of the Soviet of Peasants' Deputies
hoped to submit that to the assembly, so that it would be promul-
gated as a law and not as an order, as was done in this case. Those
who maintain that the Bolsheviki gave the land to the peasants do
not say the truth. Under the provisional government, before the
Bolshevik government, all land was turned over to special agricul-
tural committees. The committees had to establish control over all
the land and see to it that this control was maintained.
Senator Nelson. That was under the Kerensky government ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes; that was still under Kerensky. I want to
make this further statement that you will Linderstand that the mere
publication of a decree without its being accepted by any constituent
assembly or other legislative body does not mean really that the
nationalization has been accomplished.
Senator Overman. It is simply promises without ever carrying
them out?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Merely promises, and the agrarian problem in
Eussia promises at this time to remain just as much unsolved as it
ever was before.
Senator Nelson. Mr. Martiuszine, you have stated that you are
the son of a peasant, and your grandfather was a serf ?
Mr. Martitjszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Have you lived in what they call the mir ? Have
you and your family lived in the Russian mir?
Mr. Martitjszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Will you please describe what a mir is ?
Mr. Martiuszine. I have lived in the mir, and I am at present
still a member of it. I am the owner of approximately 1 acre of
land. Every 12 years the land is being redivided and reappor-
tioned.
Senator Nelson. Before you go into that, the land belongs to the
mir, to the community, and not to the individual ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes; it belongs to the community and not to
the individual.
Senator Nelson. And the officials of the community assign it to
the peasants, to each his piece that he can work?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes ; that is so ; but the rules under which the
land is divided are different, depending upon the district in which
the land is situated.
Senator Nelson. Different mirs.
908 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes. For example, in the community to which
I belong the land is being apportioned only among men ; -women do
not get any land.
Senator Nelsox. In some communities, some mirs, women get
land, too, do they not ?
Mr. Martiuszixe. In other communities women do get land appor-
tioned to them.
Senator Xelsox. And the land, after it has been used by a man or
a woman for so many years, is reassigned to somebody else, and they
get another assignment ?
Mr. Martiuszixe. Yes; that is the case. There is a reapportion-
ment, and it may come into other hands.
Senator Nelsox. Then, under the Russian mir land system, the
peasant does not get what we call a full title to the land as we do here
in America, for example, but gets only the privilege of using it for a
limited number of years under the authority of the mir ?
Mr. Martiuszixe. Yes.
Senator Nelsox. And that system has prevailed ever since Alex-
ander the Second released the serfs?
Mr. Marticszixe. Some peasants, so-called State peasants, have
had that right for many years past. But those who were serfs of
noblemen have had that right only since the liberation.
Senator Nelsox. Through the mir?
Mr. Martiuszixe. Yes. I want to point out that in Russia not all
the land belongs to the communities. By law, before the revolution,
the land that was owned by communities was reduced to about 30 per
cent. The rest of the land became private property in the same way
as people have private property in this country.
Senator Nelson. The peasants were permitted to acquire that as
private property in small quantities?
Mr. Martiuszixe. That was a law passed before the revolution,
but under the new regime all this has again been repealed.
Senator Nelson. It is all now property of the State?
Mr. Martiuszixe. Yes.
Senator Nelson. And the Bolshevik government ?
Mr. Martiuszixe. Yes.
Senator Nelsox^. Now, the Cossacks had a different land system,
did they not ? The Cossacks owned their own land ?
Mr. Martiuszixe. They owned their own land.
Senator Nelson. Each Cossack individually?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes.
Senator Nelsox'. And he owned that because of the military serv-
ice he was supposed to render?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes.
Senator Nelsox-. The Cossacks are settled mainly on the lower
Don and Volga Rivers ?
Mr. Martiuszixe. On the Don and the Kuban and also in the
south of Little Russia.
Senator Nelson. The Ukraine?
Mr. Martiuszix^e. Yes.
Senator Nelsox. Are there any on the Kama?
Mr. Martiuszixe. None. On the Kama the mir system mostly
prevails.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 909
Senator Nelson. That is one of the main tributaries of the Volga ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Well, now, does the mir system or community
system prevail in Siberia, too?
Mr. Martiuszine. Both systems in Siberia. In some places the
mir exists, in other places private property.
Senator Nelson. Now, I ask you this : If this system of the Bol-
shevik! is carried out — nationalization of land and making it the
property of the state — if that is carried out according to the tech-
nical decree, would it not divest the mirs of their present property,
would it not take everything away from them as well as the private
proprietors and from the church and from the government and what
used to be the private domain, and would it not make it all one class
•of lands, the lands of the government and the state ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes ; that is the case ; and the lands owned by
the mir will also become then nationalized.
Senator Nelson. They will be taken away from the mirs like
other lands and become the property of the state 'i
Mr. Martiuszine. It may be that that land will be all taken and
reapportioned again.
Senator Nelson. Under that system?
Mr. Martiuszine. Under that system ;' and it may be then that some
land will be added in some cases and in other cases the land will be
taken away from the mir.
Senator Nelson. I want to go a step further. The Bolshevik land
system in its application is not based upon the idea of giving the
farmers or peasants who till the land any title to it; I mean any
ownership in it.
Mr. Martiuszine. No ; no title whatever.
Senator Nelson. It simply gives him the use of what they can till
for a limited time, is that it ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes, that is the case, only title to till the land
for a given time.
Senator Nelson. And that must be assigned to them under, this
new system by the local soviet, must it not ? I mean under the
Bolshevik plan it must be assigned under the local peasant soviet?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes ; that will be the local soviet.
Senator Nelson. In other words, that will take the place of the
old community mir that we have been talking about, will it not ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes ; not only in that one case of the redistribu-
tion of land, but also in all other cases which are under the jurisdic-
tion of the mir.
Senator Overman. What percentage of the people of Russia favor
Bolshevism ?
Mr. Martiuszine. The only indication of the relative strength of
the parties in Russia is in the election to the constituent assembly,
and any judgment as to the support that the Bolsheviki find in
Russia has to be based on the proportion of the votes cast in the
elections to that assembly. Since that time no elections have taken
place in any fair way, so that one could base a judgment.
Neither Lenine nor Trotzky nor any of the other members of the
local government have ever taken any interest or part in the peasants'
cooperative societies or other peasant organizations.
910 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Sterling. Could a fair distribution of the land be ex-
pected under Bolshevik government?
Mr. Marticszine. Xo; it is not possible.
Senator Steeling. Why not?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Because the Bolshevik government introduces
disorganization into the village itself, maintaining that only the poor-
est among the peasants have a right to the land ; whereas those who
have, let us say as an example, a cow, are already bourgeois.
Senator Sterling. Would not their disposition be to distribute only
to the Bolsheviki ?
ilr. ]\lARTirsziNE. Yes. There are very few Bolsheviks in the vil-
lages, and if the Bolsheviks turn over all the land only to Bolsheviks,
the only result will be that they would create a new sort or Irind of
noblemen.
Senator Sterling. Do you mean to say by that that most of the
peasants are anti-Bolshevik?
Mr. Martitjszine. I mean that the majority of peasants are anti-
Bolshevik. The peasants are not quite clear as to the various parties
in Russia, but they hate the Bolsheviks because they have the prac-
tical evidence of their rule.
Senator Overman. Is there terror among the peasants?
Mr. ]Mai!tiuszine. As an example, may I repeat what I said about
the peasant cooperative societies, which are being persecuted by the
Bolsheviki. The peasant Soviets which are not subservient to the
Bolsheviki are being closed. When peasants go to the Bolsheviki
asking for bread, for that reason alone they are sometimes shot,
because the Bolsheviks can not supply the bread. That happened
for example in Yaroslav, where the peasants do not grow gi-ain but
produce flax and various other products. On JNIarch 15, the peas-
ants belonging to the village from which I myself hail, came to me
and made this statement, that the Bolsheviki threatened to deprive
them of their own bread so as to appropriate it for general purposes.
Senator Overman. What do the soldiers or the peasants that
return from the army do with their munitions and guns?
Mr. ^NIartiuszine. A small proportion of the weapons have been
brought with them to the villages. For example, in the village in
which I belong, they have possession of 20 rifles.
Senator Overman. Was there any effort to take the guns and mu-
nitions away from them, away from the peasants by the Bolsheviki?
]Mr. Martiuszine. I do not know that in this particular case at all,
but in some cases it has happened that the Bolsheviki have taken the
arms from the peasants.
Senator Sterling. Were they supplied with ammunition?
Mr. MARnusziNE. A very small quantity, only in those cases of
which I have just been speaking. The peasants are greatly opposed
to the requisitioning of grain, and I think they are not going to sow
grain a great deal the coming spring.
Senator Nelson. Have the Bolshevik authorities been engaged in
commandeering or requisitioning gi'ain from the peasants?
Mr. jMartiuszine. Yes.
Senator Xelson. Has that been going on to a considerable extent?
Mr. Maetiuszine. In the spring of this past year this was not
taking place in any great proportion for the simple reason that the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 911
peasants opposed it Yiolently in every case. The Bolsheviks have
equipped a special regiment or army of workmen, and armed them
with rifles and proclamations. That army was especially for the
purpose of requisitioning grain from the peasants.
Senator Nelson. They formed an army of proletariat workmen
and armed them to go among the peasants and requisition and take
the wheat?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes, sir. At that time there were no noblemen,
no large estate owners of the nobilitj^ left any more in Russia, and
all the grain that there was was belonging to the peasants. When
ever the proclamation had no effect on the peasants, the rifles were
put into use.
Senator Nelson. And they took it with rifles. They did not pay
for it then, did they ?
Mr. Martitjszine. They were paying a very small sum of money,
which was far below the actual cost, and wherever they found re-
sistance they took the grain without paying for it.
Senator Overman. Is there any such thing as starvation over there,
and if so what is the extent of it ?
Mr. Martiuszine. I think there is a great deal of shortage of food
in central Eussia. For example, my wife has sent me a letter re-
cently from central Russia where she is at present, stating that she
had to pay 400 rubles for 36 pounds of grain, or rye flour, whereas
the salary which I receive in Russia amounted to 1,000 rubles per
month.
Senator Overman. How is it in the cities of Moscow and Petrograd
as to starvation?
Mr. Maetiuszine. I have no personal knowledge of Moscow or
Petrograd, but I want to call the attention of the committee to the
fact that a gentleman, a member of the coojDerative society of Moscow,
has just arrived in this country who left Russia in December, and
if it is the pleasure of the committee I shall be glad to get the
information from him.
Senator Overman. How do the people in your section, where you
live and where you have been, feel toward intervention by the allies?
Mr. Martiuszine. I beg first permission to finish my statement
here, and then I will speak about the question of intervention in
another document, which I have prepared especially for that jDurpose.
Senator Overman. All right.
Mr. Maetiuszine. According to my information, the third cause
of the power of the Bolsheviki is this : That the ranks of their op-
ponents are being increased by reactionary elements who desire the
reestablishment of the monarchy in Russia. As an example, the over-
throw of the Siberian go-^-ernment by Admiral Kolchak may be
mentioned. According to my opinion, the great danger of Bolshev-
ism itself is in the fact that it prepares again the soil for a new re-
actionary movement in Russia.
Senator Overman. A restoration of the old regime?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes.
The fourth cause or reason for the Bolsheviki holding out is be-
cause they use to their own advantage the policy of the allies in re-
gard to Russia. I can not go into great detail as to the policy of the
allies in Russia. I merely want to dwell upon the question as it
912 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
developed in the northern part of Russia froun August 2 to Xovember
2, 191S. Other gentlemen and myself \Yere responsible for the over-
throw, prepared the overthrow of the Bolsheviki in northern Eussia,
and when the overthrow was accomplished we asked the allies to
send us troops to Archangel. The regiments were asked for the
pur^DOse of recruiting the eastern front to fight once more both the
Germans and the Bolsheviki. At that time the Bolsheviki had al-
ready formed the peace of Brest-Litovsk and the German ambassador
vas in Moscow, and for this reason the allied ambassadors were at
that time in the city of Vologda, and before Archangel was cleared
of the Bolsheviki, the allied ambassadors were obliged to leave Vo-
logda and to go to Murmansk.
Senator Nelsox. Where?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Alurmansk. Two or three weeks later the al-
lied ambassadors were asked by the government of Archangel to
come to Archangel where they are at the present moment.
Senator Nelson. So I understand, then, that the allied forces are
at Archangel at the invitation of the people and the authorities of
northern Russia. Is that correct?
Mr. Martitjszine. Yes; that is a correct statement, sir. The
understanding was that the army of the northern government and
of the Allies should join and take possession of Vologda and Kotlas.
There were great supplies which were left in Archangel that were
sent there by the Allies, and these supplies fell into the hands of the
Bolsheviki, who had taken them out of Archangel to Dvina, and
unfortunately the expectations of the Russians had not come true.
I want to state that the reasons I give why that is so are my own
personal opinions, but I am able to give support to my opinions by
official documents which are in my possession. The chief trouble
was that the Allies were able to send only a small number of soldiers
at first, only 1,000 men. Later, American soldiers arrived there.
Their number is probably known to the gentlemen of this commit-
tee. In August the Bolsheviks had only a very small number of
soldiers, and it would have been quite simple to take possession of
that region and to establish connection with Vologda. But there
have been not enough soldiers sent by the Allies, and the local popu-
lation is very sparse in that region, and so it was impossible to
accomplish it.
Senator Xelsox. Xow are there not a few Italian soldiers and
some British soldiers there, too, and some Serbian soldiers?
Mr. Martiuszixe. There were only Britishers and a few French
soldiers, but neither Italians nor Serbians.
Senator Nelsox. Have any of the Russians up there joined this
army, any of the Russians formed an army to assist the Allies?
^fr. Martittszixe. Yes; there have been Russians. In the city of
Archangel and all the villages Russian regiments have been formed.
They weie responsible for the overthrow of the Bolshevik govern-
ment.
Senator Nelsox. And they are cooperating with the Allies?
]Mr. ]Martiuszixe. Yes; they were all under the command of an
allied general.
Another trouble existed in the fact that the allied military com-
mand began to interfere with the internal affairs in northern
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 913
Eussia. Instead of doing nothing but attending to their own mili-
tary side of affairs, they began to interfere with civil affairs, and
then appointed a military governor without asking the consent of
the civil government at that time. They have introduced a military
censorship, which at the same time became a political censorship.
Finally several members of the allied military command took
•part in the overthrow of the northern government, which liappened
the 2d of September. Capt. Chaplin, who was under the immediate
command of Gen. Poole, the British general, was the one responsible
for this overthrow of the government. After the overthrow of the
government, the allied ambassadors, and especially Ambassador
Francis, took a hand in the matter. Mr. Francis refused to acknowl-
edge the new government, which was a reactionary government, and
Mr. Francis demanded a reinstatement of the Tchaikowski govern-
ment.
Senator Nelson. The old civil anti-Bolshevik government?
Mr. Maetiuszine. The old anti-Bolshevik government.
Senator Steeling. And has the old anti-Bolshevik government
been reestablished ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Because of the demand made by Ambassador
Francis, who was supported in his demand by the allied ambassadors,
and because of the protests of the local population which arranged
various strikes against the new government, the government of
Tchaikowski was reinstated in power.
Senator Steeling. And it was this interference upon the part of
the military authorities with the old government that made the dis-
satisfaction, and not the coming of the army itself?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes. The arrival of the soldiers themselves of
the allied and American soldiers in Archangel was welcomed by the
entire Russian population, and I aha not aware of a single fact that
would show that they did not want their arrival. Especially the
arrival of the soldiers was appreciated after food was sent there to
save the Eussian population from starvation.
Senator Steeling. I would like to know how the Bolshevik army
in northern Russia is made up, of what elements, of what nation-
alities?
Mr. Maetiuszine. At the time I left Russia the Bolshevik army in
central Russia consisted mostly of Letts, and of sailors of various
nationalities, including Russians.
Senator Steeling. Were there any Chinamen in the army ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Those who took part in various encounters
maintained that there were a few Chinamen among them. At the
time I left Russia the relations between the Russian government and
the Allies became again more friendly, because Gen. Poole and
Capt. Kamp went away on leave of absence. With the other com-
manders very friendly relations were at once established.
Senator Steeling. I would like to know what you may know about
the Czecho-Slovak movement, or the movement of the Czecho-Slovak
army in Eussia ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. I have no personal knowledge of the Czecho-
slovak movement and the only thing I know about that, is from
other sources.
85723—19 58
914 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Steeling. Was it your understanding that they were
stopped under orders from Lenine and Trotsky after they had been
given permission to pass through Russia on to Vladivostok ?
Mr. MARTitrsziNE. My opinion i.- to the effect that the Czecho-
slovaks have been spread and stopped in various localities for the
express purpose of enabling the soviet governments to disarm them
whenever it would be possible. I would like to have permission now
to finish my statement.
Senator Overman. Very well.
Mr. Martiuszine. I think that the question of Bolshevism is not
merely a local, Russian question, but that it affects the whole world.
In Russia they have through violence destroyed democracy, and it
is their intention to do the same in all other countries. I myself
was working togethei' with Lenine and Trotsky in the soviet ait the
time when both Lenine and Trotsky had only a small following in the
soviet, and only later when they got more power did they get rid of
that majority. And now that they use nothing but violence, by means
of arms against the Russian people, I can not see any possibility for
the Russian people, for the mass of them, to have any understand-
ing whatsoever with the Bolsheviki. If the allies, and especially the
American people, want to give help to the Russian people, they must
give help against the Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. You say give help. Do you mean by that armed
forces ?
Mr. Martifszink. Both economic and military help; and I make
the statement that only such help will be effective as is given with
the direct statement that no interference with the internal affairs of
Russia will take place. The Russian democracy is especially anxious
to support the American democracy, which has shown so much re-
gard for the Russian people. I was personally a witness at meetings
at which the representatives of American missions stated that they
are in favor of a democratic order of things, such as could be estab-
lished through the constituent assembly, and if the Russian people
can not get any help from the American people in this cause, then
they do not need the help of any other people. The Russian people
are going to fight Bolshevism with the same determination as they
have been fighting czarism, and they are sure that the American
people will support them in their demands to gain such freedom as
the American people themselves have attained.
Senator Sterling. And they desire this help in order that order
may be established and this violence stopped, so that under the
constituent assembly they may form a true democratic government?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes. The Russian democracy does not want
civil war. It wants the cessation of hostilities between Russians and
the convocation of the constituent assembly.
Senator Nelson. And they do not want the Bolshevik system of
government there, do they ?
Mr. Martiuszine. There is no more use for the Bolshevik order
of things in Russia than there was for the Czar's regime, and you
gentlemen surely are aware of the fact of the kind of love the Rus-
sian people had for the Czar's government.
Senator Nelson. You have no more love for this government of
two czars, Lenine and Trotsky, than you had for the one Czar,
Nicholas ?
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 915
Mr. Maetiuszine. That is true, and 1 express the belief that such
people as Madam Breshkovsky and Tchaikowski represent the real
desire and spirit of the Russian people. I am quite sure that both
Madam Breshkovsky and Tchaikowski know the Eussian people
much better than Lenine, who to the last moment was speaking of
the peasants as of bourgeoisie.
Senator Nelson. You think, then, that Madam Breshkovsky and
Tchaikowski represent the sentiment of the Eussian people — the
great mass of them ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes; that is the case. They represent the real
desires and hopes of the mass of the Eussian people. I beg to state
that I shall be very glad to answer any questions that you desire
to put, but owing to the lack of knowledge of the English lan-
guage I am unable to give a more detailed statement than I have;
but I am quite sure that being a Russian myself and knowing the
Bussing language and coming from the Russian people I know more
about Eussia than do those who go to Eussia for only a short time,
without true knowledge of the language, think they can quickly
understand the spirit of the people.
Senator Nelson. What do you think are the purposes of Trotsky
and Lenine? What is their object?
Mr. Martiuszine. I think both Lenine and Trotsky are fanatics,
just as there have been fanatics in religion in older times, and that
they believe they have to destroy everything that is of a different
opinion from theirs. One of their objects is that they want to over-
throw all governments everywhere and to introduce a dictatorship of
the proletariat throughout the world. You can see the kind of dic-
tatorship they want from what is happening in Eussia. And just as
Russia ought to get rid of this regime just as soon as it can, so the
other countries should not allow the establishment of a similar regime
in their respective countries.
Senator Nelson. Are you of the Slav race?
Mr. Martiuszine. I am a Slav.
Senator Nelson. A Eussian Slav ?
Mr. Martiuszine. A Eussian Slav, but in the region from which I
come in former times there was a great deal of a mixture of blood,
and that is expressed in my face.
Senator Nelson. You are a Russian Slav and not a Hebrew ?
Mr. Martiuszine. I am a Russian Slav and not a Hebrew.
Senator Steeling. Did you know some of the leaders in the Duma
at the time of the March revolution in 1917 ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Personally I was not acquainted with them.
Senator Steeling. From what you know of them or have heard of
them, do you believe that they were sincere in trying to form a con-
stituent assembly?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes, I believe they were perfectly sincere.
Senator Nelson. Have you ever heard of Col. Robins over there in
Eussia ?
Mr. Martiuszine. I had no personal interview with him, but I
heard of him.
Senator Nelson. What did you hear about him and his activities?
Mr. Martiuszine. I heard that Col. Robins entered into certain
agreements with the Bolsheviki at the time when the American am-
916 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
bassador, Mr. Francis was leading a distinctly anti-Bolshevist policy
there.
Senator Xelson. Please repeat that.
Mr. Maetiuszine. I understood Col. Robins entered into some kind
of relationship — that he entered into a parley with the Bolsheviki.
Senator Nelson. Entered into negotiations?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Negotiations with the Bolshevists at the time
when the American ambassador, Mr. Francis, was leading an anti-
Bolshevist policy there.
Senator Nelson. At the time when Mr. Francis was anti-Bol-
shevist ?
Senator Steeling. And leading a policy of anti-Bolshevism?
Mr. MAETirrsziNE. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That is, Col. Robins had a different policy from
Ambassador Francis over there. Is that your understanding?
Mr. Maetiuszine. It looks as if that were so, but I do not know
whether Col. Robins was under the ambassador or whether he was
receiving special instructions from the Government here.
Senator Oveeman. You said you served as a representative in this
great congress in which Lenine and Trotsky were members. Were
Lenine and Trotsky elected to that assembly as you were ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes ; they were elected to the congress.
Senator Oveeman. What soviet elected them?
Mr. Maetiuszine. I was a member of the soviet of peasant depu-
ties. Lenine and Trotsky were members of the soviet of workers'
deputies, but the two Soviets had joint sessions for the consideration
of questions wliich affected both bodies.
Senator Oveesiax. Was Trotsky known as a working man?
Mr. Maetiuszine. He was elected by working men, but since he
went to Russia from this country the people of this country ought to
know better than I do what he was doing here.
Senator Oveeman. You do not know what he was doing over there
when he went back before he was elected ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. No ; I am aware of the fact that a number of the
commissaries at present in Russia came from this country.
Senator Nelson. Are there not a number of the officials of this
Bolshevik government who came from this country, who were here
some years and went back there and became commissaries and held
other positions there?
Mr. Maetiuszine. I know of several of that kind of men who
came from this country to Russia and then became commissaries and
members of the government.
Senator Nelson. Do you think those men who came from here in
that way are a valuable acquisition to the Russian people, and that
they are doing them any good in this emergency?
Mr. Maetiuszine. There is a Russian proverb that some friends
are more dangerous than enemies.
Senator Nelson. Some friends are more dangerous than enemies?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Do you think that applies to this class of men
who have gone from here over there ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes ; that is what I think.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 917
Senator Overman. What kind of work did Trotsky do over there?
He was elected as a workingman.
Mr. Maetitjszine. Before coming to Russia Mr. Trotsky was con-
tributing articles to certain newspapers, but when he became a com-
missaory he suppressed such newspapers.
Senator Nelson. Have the Bolsheviki suppressed all anti-Bolshe-
vik newspapers?
Mr. Martiuszine. At the time when I left Russia there were still
a few anti-Bolshevist newspaper publishers, but after July the news-
papers were suppressed.
Senator Nelson. All anti-Bolshevist papers were suppressed?
Mr. Martiuszine. All anti-Bolshevist newspapers were suppressed.
Senator Nelson. And that is the condition now?
Mr. Martiuszine. So far as I know, that is so. The private print-
ing establishments have all been requisitioned and turned over to the
soviet.
Senator Nelson. That is, they have commandeered and requisi-
tioned all private printing shops ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Only the chief ones, not all, but the most im-
portant ones. For example, in Moscow, the printing shop of the
newspaper Russkoe-Slovo is requisitioned. It is a large paper like
the New York Times, and this printing shop together with all the
paper supply was turned over to the soviet without any reimburse-
ment whatever.
Senator Nelson. In other words it would be as though our Gov-
ernment would take possession of the New York Times and of its
printing establishment and all its supplies, would it?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes, sir; and without paying for it either.
Senator Nelson. Without paying for it?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That is the Bolshevik method, is it not ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That is what they mean by free press is it ?
Mr. Martiuszine. That is Trotsky's idea and the idea of the Bol-
sheviki of free press.
Senator Nelson. Have you ever come across what they call the
Ked Guard? Have you ever seen any of them in operation?
Mr. Martiuszine. I would like to know what you desire to know
about them.
Senator Nelson. I want to know if you have ever seen them, and
if you can tell us what kind of men they are and how they operate,
and what they have been doing where you have seen them.
Mr. Martiuszine. I can tell you about the Red Guard in Moscow.
In Moscow in May the anarchists took possession of the richest pri-
vate dwellings. Thus they were putting into effect the program of
the Bolsheviks. But the^ Bolsheviks themselves preferred to put into
operation their own program, so on one day they surrounded these
dwellings with their Red Guards with quick-firing guns and began
bombarding the dwellings. I was witness of one case in a street
where one of these dwellings was taken by the Red Guard. Fifteen
of the anarchists were arrested. After that all the furniture in that
dwelling was removed, and' taken no one knows where.
Senator Nelson. By the Bolsheviki ?
918 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Martiuszine. By the Red Guards who were engaged in takino-
jjossession.
Senator Xel.sox. Did the officials of the Red Guard take pos-
session of the building and use it ?
Mr. Martiuszine. No, they did not take possession of the building
itself. Xothing was left there.
Senator Xelson. They took everything out of it?
Mr. Marticszine. Yes, they took everything out of it. Workers
who supported the Bolsheviki made statements to the effect that an-
archists act more fairly than the Bolsheviki themselves, because
vhey leave at least some of the things to the workers.
Senator Nelson. But the Bolsheviki strip everything?
Mr. Martiuszine. The Red Guards take everything, and no one
knows what happens to the things.
Senator Nelson. When the Red Guard arrest people and take them
to jail, nobody knows what becomes of them, do they?
Mr. Martiuszine. Some information leaks out; but in many cases
the people arrested are liberated only after bribery has been paid
to the authorities. That system was already in existence under the
government of the Czar and therefore nobody is amazed at it.
Senator Nelson. They made the old system of bribery that was
in operation under the Czar?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. That is the connecting link between the Bolshe-
vik government and the old government of the Czar — bribery ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes ; I think so.
Senator Overman. Did you see much killing or know of any kill-
ing over there?
Ml'. Martiuszine. I have made some statements about that, but
there are no statistics available.
Senator Overman. Have you any statements about that here?
Mr. Martiuszine. I have already stated some of those cases.
Senator Nelson. Do you think that an American who has been
over there 8 or 10 months and flitted about between Moscow and
Petrograd, and whose main duties have been to distribute milk and
other rations among the people, a man who came along the Siberian
Railroad without taking any stop-over ticket at any point, finally
emerging either in Korea or Vladivostok, would be apt to Imow the
feeling and sentiment of the Russian peasants ?
Mr. Martiuszine. I think such a gentleman might have a some-
what better idea than the old Czar's bureaucrats had, but only a very
little better.
Senator Nelson. That is such a man would be looking at the Rus-
sian people through the eyes of the Czar? Is that what you mean
to say?
Mr. Martiuszine. He would form an ideii of the Russian people
only as a bureaucrat forms an idea and not through actual acquaint-
ance with the Russian people.
Senator Sterling. He would have no better understanding of the
real Russian people than a bureaucrat would ?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes. In other words, if he had a preconceived
idea, he would have exactly the chance to find support for that pre-
conceived idea, without finding any evidence to the contrary.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 919
Senator Nelson. I wish to ask you one rather personal question.
You have stated that your grandfather was a serf, and that your
father was a peasant. Do you consider yourself as belonging to the
class of Eussian peasants ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. Naturally, I consider myself a peasant, inas-
much as I still am a member of one of the communes or mirs.
Senator Nelson. You have an acre of land that you cultivate.
I believe you must not hire anybody to help you to cultivate that,
under the Bolshevik government.
Mr. Maetiuszine. I can not do that.
Senator Nelson. You have to roll up your shirt sleeves and do it
yourself ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. My father and brothers are now engaged in
tilling the soil.
Senator Ovee5[an. You are elected by your own soviet to the gen-
neral meeting, are you not ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. I was elected to the All-Eussian Assembly of
Peasants which took place on the I7th of May, 1917. These Soviets
had as their object the convocation of the constituent assembly, and
the participation by the peasantry in the establishment of a demo-
cratic regime in Russia, and I would be willing to acknowledge the
sovereign of the soviet only if the constituent assembly should de-
cide in favor of the soviet, if it should decide that all power should
be given to them.
Senator Nelson. That is, you mean the local soviet?
Mr. Maetiuszine. I would acknowledge the soviet system, the
soviet sovereignty if the constituent assembly should acknowledge it.
Then I would bow before it.
Senator Nelson. Did they have a fair election to the constituent
assembly ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. I think on the whole the elections were very fair,
and perhaps there were only a very few cases where they were not.
Senator Nelson. I refer to the constituent assembly for the entire
country. You have said that election was very fair, for that assembly
that the Bolsheviki dissolved.
Mr. Maetiuszine. Yes.
Senator Oveeman. How did the Bolsheviki dissolve that assembly ?
Senator Nelson. By force, he says.
Mr. Maetiuszine. I should like to elaborate my statement by com-
paring it with what would take place in this country if there should
be formed a soviet l^ere, and the Senate and House of Representatives
should be willing to turn over their power to the soviet, then of course
the people would be submitting themselves to that power but not
otherwise. That is exactly the case with Russia. If this constituent
assepibly would acknowledge the power of the soviet, then I would
bow before it.
Senator Oveeman. How was the constituent assembly dissolved?
Mr. Maetiuszine, I was taking part in the session of that con-
stituent assembly, and if you desire I will tell you how it happened.
Senator Nelson. How was it dissolved ?
Mr. Maetiuszine. First I want to tell what was happening on
that day in Petrograd. All the organizations in Petrograd including
the soviet of the peasant assembly wanted to make a demonstration
920 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
in favor of the assembly and to go to express their pleasure to the
assembly itself, to make a demonstration in its favor. All such
demonstrations, however, had been forbidden and the people were
dispersed by the Red Guard. During this dispersal several people
were killed, including a personal acquaintance of mine, the soldier
Ludvinov.
Senator Nelson. Was the constituent assembly itself dispersed
by the Red Guards, or how was it dispersed or dissolved?
Mr. Martiuszine. The first session of the constituent assembly
closed at 3 o'clock in the morning, because the soldiers on duty there
made the statement that the Red Guard were tired and wanted to go
to sleep, and that if they would not close their session they would be
dispersed. The Bolsheviks who were present then left and the whole
building was surrounded bj' soldiers.
Senator Nelson. What became of the members who attended, after
the building was surrounded by soldiers?
Mr. Maetiuszine. This took place late in the night, and the mem-
bers of the assembly, not being armed, did not want to make any re-
sistance. There was such a noise in the gallery that it was impos-
sible to make out what people were saying. The Bolsheviki had
their own supportei-s in the galleries who were making the noise,
Avhistling and yelling so that they did not allow others to be heard.
When the president of the assembly told them that they should not do
that, and that if they persisted in making a noise they would be re-
moved from the hall, they yelled back, " Just try it and you will see
that we are going to disperse you." As it was impossible to continue
the session under those circumstances the president announced a re-
cess at 3 o'clock in the morning with the intention of reconvening
again in the morning. Before morning the Bolsheviki passed a
decree that the constituent assembly was closed.
Senator Nelson. Dissolved?
Mr. Maetitjszine. Dissolved, and since then they have allowed no
one to enter the building. After that some 30 members of the con-
stituent assembly were arrested.
Senator Nelson. Was it the Bolshevik soldiers or the Red Guards
that surrounded that building during the night ?
Mr. Martiuszine. There had been Red Guards, but mostly Letts
and sailors.
Senator Nelson. From the Kronstadt fleet?
Mr. Martiuszine. From the Kronstadt fleet.
Senator Nelson. And Letts?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Those were the soldiers they had that surrounded
the constituent assembly?
Mr. Martiuszine. Yes.
Senator Overman. We are very much obliged to you, sir.
^Ir. Humes. Mr. Chairman, just at this point I would like to call
the committee's attention to the fact that Col. Hurban, the military
attache of the Czecho-Slovak legation, has jsresented a statement
which he requests to be incorporated into the record with regard to
two or three of the statements made by Col. Robins this morning as
to the oiRcial act of the Czecho-Slovak army. In this statement Col.
Hurban points out that he was a member of the Czecho-Slovak na-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 921
tional council which entered into the agreement with the Bolsheviki
government relative to the withdrawal of the Czecho-Slovak army.
It is merely a statement of fact replying to two or three of those
statements and I do not want to take the time to read it but request
that it be put into the record in justice to Col. Hurban.
Senator Overman. We agreed to allow him- to make a statement
and it may go in.
(The statement referred to is here printed in the record as
follows:)
In the Interest of the truth, I wish to correct parts of the statement made
by Colonel Robins before the Overman Senate Committee.
Colonel Robins sated : " The Soviet government granted free passage to the
Czechoslovaks through Archangel and Murmansk, not through Siberia.
This is incorrect. The Czechlo.slovak National Council, of which I was a
membei- at that time, made an agreement with the Soviet government on the
26th of March, 1918, guaranteeing the passage of our army through Siberia.
We desired to prove our neutrality in the civil war, and our loyalty to the
Soviet as the de facto government by disarming and we disarmed. This cir-
cumstance is the best proof of our loyalty.
Archangel could not be considered, because the port was frozen and the
northern regions could not feed an army of 60,000 men. Murmansk could not
he taken into consideration, because the Germans were 80 versts from Petro-
grad. Finland was under control of the Germans, and it was a strategic im-
possibility to fight our way through on the Murman railway. More than this,
the Murman railway was in such condition that it would have required about
half a year to transport 60,000 men over it. Besides, the Murman railway ran
through a famine region.
Only at the end of May, as the head of our army had reached "Vladivostok
and the rear was in the region of Penza, a distance of more than 6000 miles
apart, the Soviet government proposed that part of our army, namely, that
which was west of Omsk, should be directed toward Archangel. At this time
we had many documentary proofs of the treachery of the- Soviet government,
and it has been unanimously rejected by the whole army. This is the truth.
Colonel Robins stated : " Trotzky's order to disarm completely the Czecho-
•slovaks was Issued as a consequence of the fact that the 15,000 Czechoslovaks
which reached Aladivostok did not sail but started to go hack to fight ^the
Soviet government."
This is incorrect. At the time of the above-mentioned agreement with the
Soviet government, of the 26th of March, 1918, we received the first proof of
the prepared Bolsheviki treachery, provoked by the pressure of the Germans.
The commander of the Bolsheviki army which was sent to Penza to disarm 'us
(His name was Cohan. He was afterwards killed by order of the Penza
Soviet) communicated with us to the efEect that there was a plan to disarm
lis and deliver us to the Austrian and Germans. He stated that he knew we
were not the enemies of the Soviet, that we only wanted to get out from Russia.
He explained that the Soviet government was forced to act in this way be-
cause it was at the mercy of the Germans.
In the beginning of May Commissioner Tchicherin gave an order to the
Siberian Soviets to stop our trains, and to let pass only German and Austrian
prisoners. On the 27th of May our trains were attacked In different places —
Penza, Celjabinsk, and Irkutsk — by order of Trotzky. The 15,000 men in
Vladivostok were still neutral ; and three members of the Czechoslovak Na-
tional Council, of whom I was one, continued to deal vnth the Soviet govern-
ment in Sibera in an effort to stop the quarreling. Only as Trotzky arrested
our delegates sent to Moscow to deal with him, and the rear trains of our
array were attacked, mainly by Germans and Magyars, released prisoners
armed by Soviets, the 15,000 Czechoslovaks in Vladivostok started to move
westward to help their betrayed brothers. This was at the end of June. This
is the truth.
Colonel Robins, in his statement about Czechoslovaks, paid words of tribute
to their heroism and right to fight against Germany and Austria. I appreciate
his words ; but he stated also that " everyone is stating how Bolshevis are ter-
rorizing and shooting people, but nobody says anything about the terror caused
by the Czechoslovaks in shooting Bolshevikis." With all firmness, I reject this
922 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
general accusation, and I reject the comparison with the Bolshevik! tactics.
The Bolshevilii admit terror officially as a weapon against their adversaries.
We disclaim any terror.
Colonel Robins must know that thousands and thousands of Russian Bolshe-
vik Red Guards had been captured and disarmed by us, but were not punished
nor interned in camps, but released to go home to make their peace work.
Colonel Robins must know that after disarming the Vladivostok Soviet troops
we not only let them go 'home, but allowed them to make big funeral demon-
strations for the Bolsheviki killed in action, and we released from prison where
he was held as a hostage the Soviet head, Suchanow, to make speeches at these
funerals.
Germans and Magyars in the Red Army were not considered by us as fighters
tor Russian Soviets, but as our old enemies.
Everybody who has been in this war, not at a desk but in places where human
life is at very low price, knows and considers it natural that there occur dif-
ferent atrocities and irregularities made mainly by small groups of irresponsible
people. It would be naive and academic if I would absolutely deny that some
of our soldiers in different places did unlawful things. No army chief can deny
this of his army. But everything was done by our command and our volun-
teer soldiers themselves to avoid, diminish, and punish such cases.
I think it is unjust to generalize from single cases, and not to see our gen-
■eral attitude toward the misled Russian people.
The above-mentioned cases illustrate truthfully the attitude of the whole
■Czechoslovak army, toward the Bolshevikis.
Colonel Vladimib S. Htjbban,
Military Attach^ of the Czechoslovak Legation.
March 7, 1919.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Hatzel.
TESTIMONY OF MR. FREDERICK H. HATZEL.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Mr. Humes. Mr. Hatzel, where do you reside ?
Mr. Hatzel. Long Island. ':.''
Mr. Humes. Were you in Russia recently?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes, sir.
Mr. Humes. During what period of time?
Mr. Hatzel. From September, 1916, to the 16th of May, 1918.
Mr. Humes. In what capacity were you serving in Russia during
that time?
Mr. Hatzel. I served in a machine shop and ammunition shop and
a.lso in the service of the Red Cross under Col. Robins.
Mr. Humes. In the service of the Red Cross, what was your ca-
pacity ?
Mr. Hatzel. In charge of the warehouse.
Mr. Humes. The warehouse of the Red Cross?
' Mr. Hatzel. Yes, sir.
Mr. Humes. Were you during that part of the time working under
the direction of Col. Robins ?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes, sir.
Mr. Humes. And secondly under the direction of Maj. Wardwell?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes, sir.
Mr. Humes. Xoat to disgress just a moment. You heard the state-
ment a moment ago of the last witness with regard to seizing furni-
ture and the looting of houses.
Mr. Hatzel. Yes, sir.
Mr. Humes. Supplementing that, will you state what disposition
was made by the government of the furniture that was taken from
those houses from time to time, as you saw it and knew it?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 923
^Ir. PIatzel. During the time mentioned, in Petrograd the Bol-
shevists opened commission houses, that is, stores where all stolen
goods which were stolen by the Eed Army were sold back to the
public from whom they were stolen, and that was the way the furni-
ture and all sorts of articles were disposed of.
Mr. Humes. Did they have just one store for this, or many 'I
Mr. Hatzel. Many.
Mr. Humes. To go back to the beginning of the Bolshevik revolu-
tion, will you just state briefly and in your own way what the situa-
tion was in Petrograd, and what you saw there in reference to the
operation of the government?
Mr. Hatzel. At the time of the Kerensky overthrow of the gov-
ernment, there was considerable firing and carousing in the streets
of Petrograd. In the first place, wine cellars were raided. In these
instances Bolshevik troops, if they saw persons with bottles under
their arms, would shoot them. I have seen in front of the Marensky
Palace, one of the large theaters in Russia, three men shot for carry-
ing bottles.
Mr. Humes. What was the food situation ?
Mr. Hatzel. The food situation Avas bad. Of course cards were
issued for everything — sugar, meat, bread, butter, and the like.
Meat and butter you could hardly receive, and potatoes were just as
scarce. For bread you probably would have to stand in line for three
or four hours, sometimes longer, and then get an eighth of a pound.
Senator Nelson. An eighth of a pound?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes. Sometimes it was so soggy that it would prob-
ably be a mouthful — black bread.
Mr. Humes. Go on and describe the operations there.
Mr. Hatzel. Also kerosene. The poorer classes in Petrograd have
no electric light or gas in their houses. They use kerosene lamps.
They also had to stand in line for kerosene. You were allowed only
a certain amount, and if you did not get there in time it was gone,
and you were without light. As to electricity, the Bolsheviks allowed
it for certain hours, from 8 at night until 12, but during the rest of
the day there was no power and no factories could run.
Mr. Humes. You say you worked in a factory. What factory?
Mr. Hatzel. The Pneumatic Machine Tool Co., the one operated
by Mr. Leuche, an American citizen.
Mr. Humes. What was manufactured?
Mr. Hatzel. Pneumatic tools, the same as the Chicago Pneumatic
Tool Co. manufactures.
Mr. HiTMEs. Was that plant in operation when you left?
Mr. Hatzel. It was closed when I left.
Mr. Humes. About when did they close?
Mr. Hatzel. Two months after the overthrow of the old regime —
that is. May — and I have a paper to the effect that if the factory
should open in two months all the old workers would be received
back again. However, the factory did not open. The motors were
taken out of the shop by the Bolsheviks.
Mr. Humes. For what purpose?
Mr. Hatzel. That I do not not know. They were taken out by
the Red Guards.
Senator Steeling. How many men were employed in that insti-
tution ?
924
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Hatzel. We had about 400 men, one factory. We also were
turning out parts of ammunition for the French military mission-
that is, firing heads for 3-inch shrapnel shells. Also electrical ap-
paratus, wiring, small motors. Lots and lots of that was also
stolen. Money was confiscated out of the shops. The workmen, the
working committee — of which every shop had a committee— had
nothing to say. The chairman of each of these committees ^yas in
the local soviet. The chairman of ours happened to be a social
revolutionist. He later on Avas shot. I did not see it done, but
he was shot.
Senator Sterling. For what reason, do you know?
Mr. Hatzel. No reason whatever. Probably because he was a
social revolutionist.
Senator Sterling. Did he have any trial?
Mr. Hatzel. No trial. One day I was walking past the canal
called the Fontanka, going down to the E,ed Cross warehouse, and
I saw a crowd of men and women yelling like fiends, you might say,
and they had a long pole and were pushing it up and down in the
water, and I asked one of the men what they were doing and he said
they were just killing a thief. The man probably wanted some
bread or something like that, and had stolen something. The answer
to that was that he was thrown into the canal and poked down into
tlie canal with this long pole.
Then again it went on that no person could carry any packages.
If a person was seen with a package the Bolsheviki or the Red
guards took it away from him.
Then came the order for the people to open their apartments to
the search of the Eed Guards for arms and ammunition, and in this
search they were not content to take merely arms and ammunition,
but they took supplies that the people had stored away against a little
harder times.
Senator Sterling. Were you associated with Mr. Robins over
there?
Mr. Hatzel. Well, I was not directly under the command of
Mr. Robins. I was under Capt. Magneson and Maj. Wardwell.
Senator Sterxjng. You saw many of these things that he did not
see, evidently?
Mr. Hatzel. I was out among the people all the time. In fact I
had 20 workers in the warehouse on this condensed milk all the time
until it was completed.
Senator Sterling. You had better opportunity to know what was
going on that he did ?
Mr. Hatzel. I believe so. He was inside and I had it from the
outside.
Also this private car that was transferred to the tracks near this
wareliouse. I personally was asked to stay in that car to see that
the Bolsheviks did not try to get our supplies. I stayed there in
that car, and I had these five rifles with me. This was the car that
went to Jassy, and I had those same five rifles. I have no doubt they
were the same rifles that he mentioned on the train going to Siberia.
Nothing happened the first few weeks, but toward the end when
the milk supply was nearly finished, the Bolsheviks came around to
the warehouse and a young gentleman by the name of Orris, speak-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 925
ing fluent English — he had also been to Jassy on this supply train —
came into the warehouse to take over charge of the milk and things.
My duty in supplying milk was finished, getting the milk ready for
distribution. New labels had to be put on instead of the original
Borden labels, a special label that stated it was from the Eed Cross,
free, and not to be sold. Anyone caught selling it was to be liable
to arrest. It was to prevent speculation, I suppose..
We had a few cans more than he estimated. There were, I think,
500,000 cans. The Bolsheviks came around. We had the Rouma-
nian supplies; warm clothing, coats, blankets, and stockings, which
were held up, I believe, pending some kind of authority from
Eoumania to ship them; and also about 3,000 barrels of salted beef
and meat. I heard later, from what I learned from Orris, that this
all fell into the hands of the Bolsheviks. The warm clothing the
same way ; it was taken by force — that is, the warehouse was. broken
into and it was taken.
Senator Sterling. Col. Robins gave us no accoiJnt of that.
Mr. Hatzel. I was here at the time, but I do not know whether
he forgot it or what it was; but it was done. That is the fact. If
Orris were in this country he could tell more about it than I can.
Senator Nelson. They broke in and took the salted beef and the
warm clothing?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes ; the salted beef. Out of 3,000- barrels, six bar-
rels were given to the Salvation Army. Eventually that meat fell
into the hands of the Bolsheviks. Would it not have been better
right at the start, when conditions were bad in Petrograd, to give that
meat to the Russian public through the cooperation of the American
Eed Cross and open it for that purpose than to let it fall into the
hands of the Bolsheviks?
Senator Nelson. That would not have helped the Bolsheviki.
Mr. Hatzel. No; it would not, of course. But evidently it did.
Senator Overman. It has been stated here that some supplies were
asked for by the American colony and denied. Do you know whether
it was so or not ?
Mr. Hatzel. I happened to visit Dr. George Simons one night
after work. He has testified before the committee. He said to me,
"Mr. Hatzel, do you know of any supplies — Red Cross supplies— in
Petrograd ? " I said, " Yes." " Where are they ? " " They are in the
warehouse, and I am in charge of the warehouse." He said, " What !
Col. Robins told me to-day that all the supplies had been transferred
to Moscow." I said, "That is funny. You had better come down to
look at the stock yourself." And he came down the next day, and he
took an account of just what was there, so many boxes of this and
so many of that.
Senator Nelson. Were you with him?
Mr. Hatzel. I was with him.
Senator Nelson. And the goods were there?
Mr. Hatzel. And the goods were there.
Senator Sterling. How many and what kind of goods were there ?
Mr. Hatzel. Why we had cases of sardines, cases of canned meat,
barrels of sugar, barrels of ham, that is small kegs of ham, and of
bacon.
Senator Nelson. Flour?
926 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1 1 I
Mr. Hatzel. Flour. I think we had 60 of these 200-pound bags of
flour. Of course all this was in the name of Col. Thompson, who
commanded previous to Col. Eobins.
Senator Nelson. He had left before that ^
Mr. Hatzel. He had left.
Senator Nelson. So that practically the supreme command was in
the hands of Col. Eobins t
Mr. Hatzel. Practically so. A^'ell, when Dr. Simons had seen
these supplies he went to Col. Eobins and asked him in plain even-
day language why he had lied to him. Eobins said that they were
not there. Dr. Simons replied, " I have just seen them.*' He said,
" Well, I did not laiow about them." So Dr. Simons asked for some
supplies tliere in the warehouse saying, " Now I want supplies. Can
I have them or not, not only myself, but here is a list of the Ameri-
can colony in Petrograd. These people are all asking for food."
He mentioned one in particular, Bodrie. Bodrie is in ]ail now for
trying to get con'densed milk into Eussia. That was against the Bol-
shevik plans. He was married and had a small child and that child
had to have something to eat, but he could not get it and Dr. Simons
says, " Now that man needs it. Can he have it? '' He was told em-
phatically, " No."
Senator Nelson. By whom was he told " No " '(
Mr. Hatzel. According to Dr. Simons it was Col. Eobins.
Senator Nelson. And did Mr. Simons get any of those supplies '.
Mr. Hatzel. Not at that time. Then Col. Eobins I believe left for
Vologda and the supplies that were remaining were turned over to
the National City Bank, in charge of Mr. Stephens. Then Dr.
Simons applied to him. He said, " Simons, I know no more about
these provisions than you do. I do not know who is to get them yet.
I have telegraphed Eobins to let me know, and I have not heard."
Dr. Simons said, " All right, I will wait until you get an answer."
However, no answer was received. Four or five days after that Col.
Eobins came back. But the next day he left again and left Maj.
Wardwell in charge. Maj. Wardwell afterwards distributed all the
supplies in certain proportions to people of the American colony.
Senator Nelson. After Eobins had left?
Mr. Hatzel. After Eobins had left.
Senator Nelson. Did he leave for good?
Mr. Hatzel. For good.
Senator Nelson. Did not come back after that?
Mr. Hatzel. That was before May 1.
Senator Nelson. Which way did he go?
Mr. Hatzel. I believe he went toward Moscow.
Senator Nelson. After he had gone, then the goods were all dis-
tributed bv Maj. Wardwell, you say?
Mr. Hatzel. That is it.
Senator Nelson. Among the Americans ?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes. We also had an Englishman in the office by the
name of Henley. This Englishman and quite a few other English-
men have been seen by Americans in Petrograd when they had visited
their houses to always have a certain large amount of American Eed
Cross supplies. So there were Englishmen who were getting supplies,
but here were American citizens who could not get them.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
927
Senator Nelson. Did you have any orders from Col. Eobins about
what you should do with the goods there ?
Mr. Hatzel. No, sir. I was in charge of the warehouse and I was
to store up the cars when they left and I was to get milk out. That
was as far as the position carried me. I will admit Capt. Magneson
had delivered some supplies to me, which I distributed among a few
American friends of mine. But I understood, and I doubt if there
was any person receiving any supplies outside the Red Cross. And it
is certain that Mr. Henley in the office said that Col. Robins had left
and had turned the distribution over to Maj. Wardwell.
Senator Sterling. You say American friends of yours resident in
Petrograd ?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes.
Senator Steeling. In business there?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes, sir; but I do not know in what capacity, as I
never questioned them.
Senator Nelson. Can you account for Col. Eobins failing to dis-
tribute the supplies among the Americans or concealing that he had
tliem?
Mr. Hatzel. I do not know.
Senator Nelson. Did he ever give any explanation ?
Mr. Hatzel. When a man sees provisions with his own eyes and
then is told to his face that they were not there, there must be some
reason for doing it.
Senator Nelson. Maybe the Bolsheviki needed them.
Mr. Hatzel. Probably so.
Senator Steeling. Did you knoAv of his visits to Lenine and
Trotsky?
Mr. Hatzel. I knew every time I asked where Col. Robins was
I was told that he was with Lenine and Trotsky or some one else. I
never saw him in the hotel once from December to May. He was
talked about over there as being a Bolshevik sympathizer, though I
myself knew nothing about it.
Senator Nelson. Was that the talk among the American colony?
Mr. Hatzel. Among the Ru^ssian people.
Senator Nelson. They regarded him as a friend of the Bolshevik
government ?
Mr. Hatzel. Absolutely.
Senator Nelson. Can you talk Russian ?
Mr. Hatzel. Not excellently. But I talk Russian enough to get
along in conversation.
Senator Nelson. Are you understood ?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes. sir.
Senator Nelson. You could understand what they said ?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. And the impression among the Russians over
there was that he was a friend of the Bolshevik government?
Mr. Hatzel. Positively.
Mr. Humes. What evidence did you see in Petrograd, during the
time you were there, of violence or terrorism ?
Mr. Hatzel. Why, of violence — there was a party who was an ex-
policeman who at the time of the revolution was not killed, but was
put in prison. He managed to escape somehow or other and came
928 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
back. This gentleman was killed on the spot, and found feet upper-
most in an ash can on the street without any word whatever. He was
shot by a Red Guard from the window. A man living in the same
house where I was passed the scene and told me about it half an hour
after it occurred.
Also in the night time many were executed on the streets. You
would be walking along on one side and somebody would call t6
you, " Who are you ? What are you ? " If you said Bolshevik, or
socialist, he might be just the opposite to what you said and shoot
you. That occurred in a great many cases. In fact I myself
crawled into a doorway on my knees three times, and right on the
Nevski Prospect. That is their Broadway.
Mr. Humes. Why?
Mr. Hatzel. Probably party hatred.
Mr. Humes. Because of an attack made upon you?
Mr. Hatzel. Not an attack. But the question was thrown at me
from across the street. You know there are no neutral people to
the Bolsheviki. You are an enemy to the government if you are not
a Bolshevik, no matter who and what you are.
Mr. Humes. What about the newspapers over there?
Mr. Hatzel. As far as I know in Petrograd there were quite a
few papers suppressed at the time I was there, but afterwards were
allowed to reopen and publish their newspapers.
Mr. Humes. Under what control? Under the original control or
under the control of the Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Hatzel. That I do not know.
Mr. Humes. Do you know how many papers were suppressed in
Petrograd while you were there?
Mr. Hatzel. There were three.
Mr. Humes. Were you in any other part of Russia?
Mr. Hatzeli Outside of Finland, no.
Mr. Humes. I believe you said that you had a number of peasants
who were working with you, employed at the Red Cross storehouse?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes.
Mr. Humes. From your talk with them what was their attitude?
Were they Bolsheviki?
Mr. Hatzel. No; emphatically no. These young girls had come
up to Petrograd to get work and try to make some money and also
earn a living for themselves. Of course they had heard probably
all over Russia that in Petrograd they had much money and were
paying large wages. We paid these girls 10 rubles a day, which
was big money for the time. They came to Petrograd thinking they
could get something to eat, not knowing the circumstances. Petro-
grad at that time was practically starving. No doubt Dr. Simons
mentioned the American dying in Petrograd of starvation.
Mr. Humes. Did you ever see anyone dying of starvation?
Mr. Hatzel. No ; but this gentleman had died. An old gentleman,
I believe in control of the Danish Telegraph Co. in Russia, came
to me in my home — I lived on the same street that he did — and asked
me for supplies. He asked the Red Cross for a few things and was
refused. Finally, when all the supplies were distributed he received
his portion. But he could not be expected to live on that forever,
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 929
as he was an old man. Of course under the present conditions he
probably weakened and died. That was all there was to it.
Mr. Humes. What about the cattle and horses about Petrograd?
Mr. Hatzel. Why, these drosky drivers had a union, and they had
agents in different parts of the country where they could get their
straw and hay and oats, and they complained at the prices of things
and the scarce quantity.
Mr. Humes. You left there in June, did you ?
Mr. Hatzel. In May, 1916, and left Russia in June.
Mr. Humes. Up to that time had the conditions got so that horses
were dying on the streets ?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes. In fact, the poor people when they would see
horses drop in the streets, would go out and cut them up for meat.
That was done right in sight of the Eed Cross warehouse, and seen
by Capt. Magneson and myself. They were left there, not carted
away to the incinerating plant and burned. They were left there.
Mr. Humes. And the horse flesh was used by the people for food,
was it ?
Mr. Hatzel. Oh, yes. They have stores right there where they sell
horse meat. Down at the slaughterhouse it was about all they were
killing. It was the only kind of business they had, slaughtering
horses for the consumption of the people.
Mr. Humes. What knowledge have you as to the character of the
forces that make up the Red Army. Do you know whether or not — •
did you see any Chinese in the Red Army?
Mr. Hatzel. No, I never saw any Chinese in the Red Arm}'. I
know in Petrograd there are quite a few of them in the Red Army.
Also that the Red Army is an army of workingmen and criminals.
They pay them workingmen's wages. Thej' raised the workingman's
wages to 250 rubles a week, and he is getting the same salary in the
Eed Army. They were paying the workers so much that the factories
had to shut down and the workers joined the Bolsheviki.
Mr. Humes. During the time you were in contact with the work-
men, while you were working in this factory, during your associa-
tion with them, and after you went to work for the Red Cross, did
you hear any discussion among them as to their attitude toward- the
Bolsheviki ?
Mr. Hatzel. All were against them ; that is, all of the shop dele-
gates I came in contact with were against Bolshevism. They were of
this Left party of the social revolutionists.
Mr. Humes. What was their attitude ? Did they openly oppose the
Bolsheviki or did they quietly submit ?
Mr. Hatzel. It was practically murder and death to yourself if
you opened your mouth against the Bolsheviki. There is no such
thing as a trial there. They shoot first and ask questions later. If
you open your mouth against the Bolsheviki and tell something about
them you are liable to be shot or arrested right away. It has caused
such a fear among the people that the people are practically sup-
pressed. They can not say anything.
Mr. Humes. Do you know whether or not any of these workmen
that you have referred to as being opposed to the Bolsheviki joined
the Red Army for the purpose of a livelihood?
Mr. Hatzel. I know of two.
85723—19 59
930 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. You know of two that actually joined the Eed Army?
Mr. Hatzel. Both of them had fathers or brothers killed in the
war. They were practically alone in the world and they had to get
something. There was no work and they had to live, so they joined
the Eed Army.
Mr. Humes. What factories were in actual operation in Petrograd
when you left there ?
Mr. Hatzel. There was the Eussian Baltic Works.
Mr. Humes. What did they make?
Mr. Hatzel. That was one of the gun factories, I believe, and
also it made these cruisers for the navy. The Putiloif worked only
about half the time.
Mr. Humes. What did that factory make ?
Mr. Hatzel. Ammunition. All the arsenals were closed.
Mr. Humes. Were there any factories other than the munitions
factories and the ordnance factories that Avere in operation?
Mr. Hatzel. No.
Mr. Humes. Were the textile mills still in operation when you left,
or closed up ?
Mr. Hatzel. Coates's mill was the only mill that was running.
Mr. Humes. That is a textile mill?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes; manufacturing thread. That is the only mill
that was running. I believe later on that had to shut down, too, be-
cause the workers demanded so much money it was impossible to>
operate.
Mr. Humes. But that was still in operation when you left?
Mr. Hatzel. Yes.
Mr. Humes. What do you know about the looting of houses in
Petrograd? You told us of the disposition that was made of the
loot. What do you know about the looting itself ?
Mr. Hatzel. In the first place, I Avould like to state a fact that
was seen by my own wife and myself. Coming home from a visit
one night, we saw a young woman walking over the bridge and she
was stopped by three Eed Guards, and her coat — a fur coat — and
shoes and hat were taken away from her, and she had to walk three-
quarters of a mile in her stocking feet to her home. They not only
went to the homes to steal, they did it on the street. As one Ameri-
can said, "They will steal the shirt off your back if you are not
looking."
Mr^ HtJMES. Did you ever see any houses looted?
Mr. Hatzel. I know of several that were looted. A man by the
name of Ellman came home one night and found the owner of the
apartment crying. He asked, " Wliat is the trouble? " He rephed,
" A dozen Bolsheviks under probably an ignorant officer, a man who
could not read and write, came in here and stole all my silverware.
Mr. Ellman said, " Can you give me a paper showing just about what
you lost and the value?'" It came to something like 1,300 rubles, a
"small amount. Eight next door to it was the place where the Sol-
diers and Workers' Deputies were siting, and he took this paper there
and he said, "Here is a house right next door to the council, and
here are Eed Army men coming around and stealing silver. Here
is a list of what thev took. I want it all back." They said, " We are
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 931
jiot responsible for what the Red Guards do. They were probably
off duty." The goods were never recovered, so far as I know.
Mr. Htjmes. The owner did not get them back?
Mr. Hatzel. Never. But later on they probably were sold in these
commission shops. One gentleman in Petrograd came home one
night and his place had been robbed. He knew what was in the
apartment. Among the things they took was a beautiful pair of
opera glasses. About two weeks later he got back those opera glasses
from one of these Bolshevik stores for about three times as much as
he paid for them originally.
Mr. Humes. How were those stores run, by the government itself ?
Mr. Hatzel. Under the Eed Guard or by Red Guards men in the
stores.
Mr. Humes. You do not know the disposition of the funds — how
they were handled?
Mr. "Hatzel. No, I do not know.
Mr. Humes. Are you aware of an organized system of vice that
was established in Petrograd. I do not know whether you told me
or some one else.
Mr. Hatzel. An organized system of vice ?
Mr. Humes. In connection with restaurants that were opened up.
Mr. Hatzel. Yes, coffee houses, where they sell coffee and tea and
the likes of that. These coffee houses were frequented by women of
the disorderly class.
Mr. Humes. Were those coffee houses private enterprises or gov-
ernment institutions ?
Mr. Hatzel. Private, but a majority of them were closed and
opened up again and believed to be under the Bolshevik government.
I myself, for a fact, could not say.
Senator Steeling. Do you know the character of the houses after
they were opened up ?
Mr. Hatzel. Bad. They practically were bad before, too, but
still more so under the Bolshevik regime.
Mr. Humes. But you of your own knowledge do not know whether
they were a government institution or simply a private enterprise?
Mr. Hatzel. No.
Mr. Humes. I misunderstood the statement that you made before,
but I do not care to go into it if you do not know that it is under
official sanction.
..Now, Mr. Hatzel, can you tell us any other instance of Bolshevik
control as you saw it in Russia than you have related ?
Mr. Hatzel. No ; only, the thing is that the Bolshevik government
instead of building up is always destroying. That is the kind of con-
trol they use ; such as on a railroad where they previously had oper-
ated 20 trains for commuters in a day now they operate only five.
Mr. Humes. Is not that because they have not the motive power
and the transportation ?
Mr. Hatzel. They have the motive power.
Mr. Humes. It is out of commission, is it not?
Mr. Hatzel. No, as you go along the road you see plenty of loco-
motives standing on the tracks doing nothing, practically, except
burning wood for the fun of it. That was on the Nikolai Railroad.
As to other railroads I do not know.
932 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Humes. Do you know whether or not they had cars enough to
make up trains to use those engines?
Mr. Hatzel. Passenger cars? No, I do not think they had.
Mr. Humes. They had freight cars ?
Mr. Hatzel. It was a common scene to see a passenger of the first
class riding in the baggage car. That was first class. If anybody
could get a private car or a day coach, even, they were considered
luckj^
Mr. Humes. I think that is all.
Senator Nelson. That is all. We are very much obliged to you.
(Thereupon, at 6 o'clock p. m. the subcommittee adjourned until
tomorrow, Saturday, March 8, 1919, at 10.30 o'clock a. m.)
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
saturday, march 8, 1919.
United States Senate,
Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, D. G.
The subcommittee met at 10.30 o'clock a. m., in room 226, Senate
Office Building, Senator Lee S. Overman presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman), King, Nelson, and
Sterling.
Senator Overman. The committee will come to order. I do not
think Ambassador Francis has arrived, has he ?
Mr. Humes. I have not seen him. Senator.
Senator Overman. I do not think he has; I have not seen him.
If you can go on with some other witness until he gets here, do so.
Mr. Humes. Mr. Sayler.
TESTIMONY OF MR. OLIVER M. SAYLER.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Mr. Humes. Where do you live ?
Mr. Satlee. My home is Indianapolis.
Mr. Humes. What is your business?
Mr. Satler. My profession is that of a newspaper man. For six
or seven years I have been dramatic editor of the Indianapolis News.
Mr. Humes. Have you recently been in Russia, and if so, during
what period of time ?
Mr. Satuee. I left for Russia on the 27th of ISeptember, 191Y, from
Vancouver; for Siberia, Russia. I arrived in Vladivostok the last
week in October. I crossed Siberia by the Trans-Siberian Railroad;
arrived in Moscow during the Bolshevik revolution ; was in Moscow
until the 21st of February, 1918. On that day I went to Petrograd,
Remained a few days, found the embassy packing to fly for safety
because the Germans were coming; decided that the place would be
interesting for a newspaper man and compartively safe with the
mobility of one who simply carries what he has in his hand, and
decided to stay, and did stay about 10 days after the embassy had
gone to Vologda. I happened to know 8 or 10 other Americans
who stayed, and there may have been more.
On the 6th of March I took the train for Vologda to confer with
Ambassador Francis, spent the day in that town, and returned to
Moscow in time for the meeting of the Soviet congress, which met
to ratify the treaty of Brest-Litovsk.
I stayed in Moscow until the 24th of March, Sunday. On that
day I started homeward by way of Siberia. For three or four days
933
934 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
we were en route to Samara. At Samara I turned south into the
central part of Asia.
I got off, stayed in Samara 10 days, waited for some civilized
means of travel to turn up, to proceed eastward, and finally boarded
an international sleeping car, under orders from the French Gov-
ernment, in which several places had been reserved for Americans.
On that car, hitched to train after train and to engine after engine
for a space of three or four weeks I traveled eastward through Si-
beria, seeing a great deal of the country because of the numerous
and long stops at the large stations and the small stations.
One day 1 spent in Irkutsk, the old capital of Siberia, and parts
of other days in nearly all of the other cities and towns along the
WB.J.
When we reached the territory east of Lake Baikal we found that
Col. Simoens had cut the main line of the Trans-Siberian Railroad.
As you know, that runs through Chinese territory.
Senator Xelson. That is Manchuria?
Mr. Sailee. Yes; Chinese territory. Manchuria, literally; but it
in under the jurisdiction of the Chinese Eepublic.
Since the war, however, with the aid of hundreds of thousands of
Austrian prisoners, a new strategic line of railroad has been con-
structed in Eussian territory all the way to Vladivostok, following
the course of the Amur River, about 50 miles to the north thereof
We took this railroad. You would not call it a railroad. A little
bit later when I go into the details of the demoralization of every-
thing in the Russian scene, I want to tell you a little bit more of
that railroad and its conditions. It required eight days instead of
one tC' get around to the point whereby we could go down into Man-
churia and out either through Korea or China. I myself chose China,
and left Russian soil at Harbin, because Harbin was on the railroad
and under Russian jurisdiction, although in Manchuria. This was
on the 1st of May, 1918.
Mr. Humes. Will you tell us what the conditions were that you
found when you reached Moscow ?
Mr. Satlee. May I explain in just a few words the conditions
under which I went to Russia and the purpose for which I went to
Russia? I think it will make plainer exactly what my testimony is
worth, and possibly will avoid questions at a later point, when I am
trying to develop some other issue.
Senator Overman. We have not much time. We want to know
exactly what you saw, and the conditions over there.
Mr. Sayler. Very good. Let me make just this one statement,
that I went independently of any organization, any corporation, or
any individual. I went to Russia because I was interested in Russia
and wanted to see what was going on. Therefore I took leave of
absence, although maintaining my connection with my newspaper.
Senator Xelson. You did not go, then, as the real representative
of that newspaper ?
Mr. Sayler. I did not.
Senator Nelson. You went on your own hook?
Mr. Sayler. I went on my own hook to see what was going on.
Senator Nelson. What is the name of your newspaper?
Mr. Sayler. The Indianapolis News.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 935
Senator Overman. Just go on and state the conditions. That is
what we want to know.
Mr. Humes. Proceed and state in your own way the conditions as
you saw them and the things that you saw at the different points in
Russia.
Mr. Saylee. I want to insist in advance, Senators, that I am no
Bolshevik. I am dead against everything they are doing and the
way they are doing it.
Senator Nelson. You need not mind that. We will judge of that
by what you say. We will judge whether you are a Bolshevik by
what you tell us.
Mr. SArLER. Very good. I do feel, however, that the truth should
be told about Russia.
Senator Nelson. We v?ill determine that. You tell us what you
know.
Mr. Sayler. I should like to paint a picture with two sides, for
you gentlemen.
Senator Nelson. No; I object to that. Let this witness give us
fa,cts — what he knows.
Senator Overman. Tell us what you saw.
Mr. Sayler. I want to include those facts in these two categories.
Senator Overman. We are not taking pictures. We want facts.
Senator Nelson. This is not a movie show.
Mr. Sayler. I understand that, gentlemen. I simply want to
group these facts under two heads; that is all, if I may state it in
that way.
Senator Overman. Ambassador Francis wants to be heard now.
Mr. Sayler. I am perfectly willing.
Senator Overman. So please stand aside.
TESTIMONY OF ME, DAVID R. FRANCIS.
(The witness was sworn by the chairman.)
Senator Overman. I understand you want to be heard now, ,so
that you can get away?
Mr. Francis. Yes. Shall I go ahead and make my statement?
Senator Overman. Yes. You are the Ambassador from this coun-
try to Russia ?
Mr. Francis. Yes; I am the ambassador from this country to Rus-
sia and have been since March, 1916. My commission bears date
March 9, 1916. I was not an applicant for the ambassadorship, and
consequently was greatly surprised when I was tendered it. I came
to Washington and, after conference with the State Department,
learned that they wished me to go to Russia in order to negotiate
a commercial treaty, our previous commercial treaty having been
revoked or abrogated, or, as they call it over there, denounced, by
Mr. Taft, to take effect the 31st of December, 1912.
I accepted the tender of the ambassadorship and arrived in Petro-
grad on the 28th of April.
Senator Overman. 1916?
Mr. Francis. 1916. The man who had been acting as charge, Mr.
Frederick Morris Dearing, immediately presented me to the minister
of foreign affairs, Mr. Sazonoff. I told Mr. Sazonoff that I wished
936 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
to negotiate a commercial treaty, and had come for that purpose.
He threw up his hands and said, " No more treaties until our rela-
tions with our allies are defined and determined." I remarked that
if I had known that that was their policy I would not have come.
He said he regretted it.
About a week after that I was presented to the Emperor, and to
the Empress immediately after I was presented to the Emperor, at
the Tsarskoe-Selo Palace, which is about 20 miles out of Petrograd.
I did not make any more acquaintances with the royal family and
never met any of the royal family except the Emperor and Empress,
except the Grand Duke Boris, whom I met at an entertainment at the
house of an Ameiican lady.
Three or four weeks after that the papers published a treaty be-
tween Kussia and Japan, which had been negotiated by Sazonoff
and Motono, the Japanese ambassador at Petrograd, who was the
dean of the diplomatic corps. I saw Sazonoff immediately after the
publication of that treaty and I said, " I thought you were not nego-
tiating any more treaties." He said, " Oh, I meant commercial
treaties." I said, " You did not say that to me."
About three weeks after that time I went to the foreign office
again — having gone frequently in the meantime, but about three weeks
after that I went to the foreign office again — ^to bid Sazonoff good-
bye, because he was going away on a two weeks' leave up into Fin-
land. He said he was not well.
On the morning of the 10th of July, our calendar, I opened a
newspaper and saw that the Emperor had accepted Sazonoff's resig-
nation. In other words, that was just the imperial way of removing
him. I saw his resignation in the paper. Motono was afterwards
recalled to Japan and made minister of foreign affairs. He was
made a viscount; btit there was no joy, no demonstration in Petro-
grad or in Russia over this treaty.
Germany had a commercial treaty with Russia which she de-
manded during the Russo-Japanese War, and which expired by
limitation in 1916. It gave Germany great advantages, great com-
mercial advantages, and there was decided opposition to its renewal.
I have always thought that renewing that treaty was one of the causes
that induced Germany to declare war against Russia.
I found that Germany already had such a foothold in Russia that
I believe if the war had been postponed five years it would have been
impossible to dislodge her. German spies permeated every depart-
ment of the Imperial Government and did not relieve the military
officers from espionage. The Grand Duke Nicholas, whom I never
met, after he left office said that the German spies were so thick in
his headquarters that he had to take extraordinary precautions to
prevent his orders from being communicated to the Germans.
Senator Overman. It has been stated that all the Russian plants,
all the great industries in Russia, were superintended by Germans.
Mr. Francis. The Germans controlled two or three banks in
Petrograd. The Deutsche Bank owned a majority of the stock of
the Russian Bank of Foreign Trade, and a majority of the stock of
the International Bank was reported to be owned by them. I was
told that by people who I thought knew. The Germans controlled
all the commercial industries in Russia, and were not dispossessed of
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. \)6i
that control at the beginning of the war. The war, as you Imow,
had been progressing over 18 months when I arrived there, having
begun the 1st of August, 1914.
Under the Empire, and until we severed diplomatic relations with
Germany, I, as American ambassador, represented German interests
in Eussia, and I also represented Austrian interests, and as such repre-
sentative I had supervisory care of a million and a half of war
prisoners in prison camps throughout Russia. The Eussian Govern-
ment fed those men and clothed them and housed them; but there
were great complaints, and I sent inspectors around to those prison
camps and had reports made to me. Of those million and a half of
nrisoners there were at no time over 250,000 of them Germans. The
remainder, a million and a quarter, were Austrians.
I had direct charge of 350,000 aliens who were interned. By " in-
terned " I mean that they were sent from their homes and confined to
provinces and told to make their living the best way they could. Of
those 350,000, 300,000 were Germans and not over 50,000 were
Austrians.
The Germans had control of the sugar interests. They had control
of the electric power plants at Moscow and at Petrograd and at Baku.
They had absolute control of all the glass manufacturing throughout
Eussia^ and most of the sales of manufactured products that America
made to Russia had been made through Germany. American agents
had located themselves in Berlin and in German towns; and, as
I say, if this war had been postponed five years I think Germany
would have had such a foothold in Russia that it would have been
impossible to dislodge her. I found that state of affairs existing when
I arrived there. I not only found that state of affairs existing, but I
found suspicion existing as to the loyalty of the empress. I found a
very deplorable state of affairs. (Consequently, I was delighted, or I
might say, pleased, when the first revolution took place. It was on
our 12th of March. There had been some desultory firing before, but
on the 12th of March a regiment, whose barracks were within two
blocks of the American Embassy, mutinied and killed their colonel.
The second division of the American Embassy, or the relief division,
was quartered in the Austrian Embassy, and the man in charge of that
division was the same man who is in charge of the Russian bureau in
the State Department, Mr. Basil Miles. He phoned me that they
had overrun the embassy; that some officers who were in the adjoin-
ing building, which was used for an arsenal, I think, had come into
the building, and he said that he wanted a guard there. That was the
beginning of the revolution. I phoned to the foreign office to send a
guard down to the Austrian Embassy to protect the second division
of the American Embassy, and the reply was that it would be sent
immediately, but it never was sent. There was desultory firing
through the streets. There was a barricade put up at Serguisky and
Litainy, and regiments that were called upon to suppress these revo-
lutionists immediately took the side of the revolutionaries. That
was Monday, the 12th of March. The regiments came in from the
front, but they were met by regiments of the revolutionary party at
the station, and turned revolutionists. I was very much pleased with
that. I was tired of the empire, and I thought the Eussian people
were tired of it.
'938 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
On Thursday, the 15th of March, the Emperor abdicated, and the
-Duma, which the Emperor had attempted to prorogue, remained in its
building, and appointed a committee that named a provisional gov-
ernment of seven or nine men. The provisional government was com-
posed of Prince Lvoff, there was Prof.' Miliukov, who was the min-
ister of foreigii affairs, Gutchkov, who was minister of war, Terest-
• chenko, who was minister of finance, and Kerensky, minister of jus-
tice. I do not recall at the moment the names of the other ministers.
Senator Sterling. Kodzianko was one?
Mr. Francis. No ; he was not. He was chairman of the committee
that appointed the ministers. I heard of the Emperor's abdication
soon after it occurred, namely, on the 15th of March, which was
Thursday. I called on Eodzianko on the following Sunday, and after
talking with him some minutes, or half an hour, he referred me to
Miliukov. I went out to ascertain the principles of that government
and its prospective stability. Kodzianko told me it had come to stay.
I saw Miliukov, and Miliukov said it had come to stay. I thereupon
returned to my embassy. This was on the 18th of March. I sent in
• cipher a 200- word cable to the Government here recommending thai
I be permitted to recognize the provisional government, because it
was founded on correct principles, it was just such a government as
■ ours was, and it only was appointed to administer affairs during the
period that might elapse between its installation and a meeting of
the constituent assembly to be elected by the entire people. I further
recommended to my Government that I thought it would be politic
for me to be the first to recognize the provisional government.
We had not entered into the war then, you Iniow. We had severed
■ diplomatic relations with Germany, but not with Austria. This cable
was received by the State Department on the 20th of March. I re-
ceived a reply on the 22d of March saying that I could recognize the
government. I immediately assembled my staff, including those who
were entitled to wear uniforms — and those were only the military
: and naval attaches and their staffs — and I went up to the Marensky
palace, where the ministry was assembled, at 4 o'clock that after-
noon. I recognized it with all the formality that I could command,
and received a reply through Miliukov, minister of foreign affairs,
which reply indicated appreciation.
I knew Miliukov personally and I knew Kodzianko personally, and
I was introduced there to Kerensky and the other ministers. That
was the 22d of March. It was only 15 days after that that we entered
the war, on the 6th of April, 1917, whereupon I received cables from
the State Department to cease to represent Austrian interests. I had
received instructions from the State Department to cease to represent
German interests when we severed diplomatic relations with_ Ger-
many, which I think was on the 4th of February, 1917. I immediately
established close official and personal relations with the provisional
government and maintained them during the following eight months,
but I did not establish any relations whatever with the Bolshevik
government, which oame into power on the 7th of November, 1917.
In fact, I recommended against it during the whole time. I continued
to remain in Petrograd from the 7th of November until the 27th of
the following February, 1918. I had no direct relations whatever
with the Bolshevik or soviet government during that time, and, as
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 939
I said, recommended to mj^ Government to await the assembling or
convening of the constituent assembly, which was fixed for the 27th
of November. It had been fixed, I think, by the provisional govern-
ment.
Senator Nelson. Of Kerensliy?
Mr. Francis. Of Kerensky. It was postponed until some day in
December. When the date rolled around the Bolsheviki were in
power and the ministry all imprisoned in the fortress of Peter and
Paul except Kerensky, who had escaped from Petrograd in the
meantime. Kerensky had become the president of the council of min-
isters. He first differed with Miliukov and put Miliukov out of the
ministry of foreign affairs, whereupon Terestchenko was made min-
ister of foreign affairs.
The first act of demoralization under the provisional government
was the issuing of the General Army Order No. 1. Gutchkov as
minister of war was held responsible for that order, but he maintains
up to this time that it was issued without his knowledge. It was is-
sued by the soviet. That order demoted all of the officers to the rank
of soldiers and permitted the soldiers to elect their officers by a vote.
Senator Nelson. Was that of the Kerensky government ?
Mr. Francis. That was of the Kerensky government; and it was
issued under Gutchkov. Some days after, Miliukov resigned. Mil-
iukov was forced out of the cabinet because Kerensky differed with
him. Kerensky had become very popular. He is a great orator. He
had rescued a man from a mob, and said that as long as he was min-
ister of justice no man should be punished without a fair trial. That
made him exceedingly popular, and deservedly so, because such a
state of affairs had not prevailed in Russia for 100 years or for cen-
turies.
I found when I went there that the revolutionists who were nomi-
nally opposed to the government were in the pay of the Imperial
Government as spies, a number of them. They were playing a two-
faced game. Miliukov and Kerensky differed, and Miliukov re-
signed.
I went to Miliukov when the demonstrations began against him,
and I said, " These demonstrations should not be permitted." He
iaid his friends had waited upon him and had suggested a counter
demonstration. I said, " Did you permit it ? You should have done
so." He said, " No; I did not permit it; I did not sanction it." He
said further, " I am to speak at Marensky Palace to-night," and not-
withstanding that he withheld his consent from a demonstration of his
friends, his friends were in a majority there. He went back to the
foreign office at 12 or 1 o'clock at night, and he had an ovation there
and made a speech there. So I concluded that Miliukov was very
well established in his office — was secure.
Senator Steeling. Could you say just what were the points of
difference between Miliukov and Kerensky in matters of policy?
Mr. Francis. Yes. I did not dwell upon that because I did not
want to take the time of the committee. Miliukov was the leader of
the cadets. We would have called them conservative Democrats.
Kerensky was a leading socialist. Miliukov made public a secret
treaty that Eussia had made with France and Italy and England
whereby those three countries had agreed to turn over Constantinople
940 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
and the Dardanelles to Russia, for which she had been fighting foi
centuries. Miliukov announced that such a treaty was in existence.
Kerensky immediately took issue with that and said that Russia did
not want to observe such treaties as that ; that the Dardanelles should
be free to the commerce of all nations, and Miliukov took the oppo-
site stand. You know, they had differed very radically. They had
both been leading members of the Duma, and they had differed very
radically. Miliukov resigned. Terestchenko was made minister of
foreign affairs, and some other man, whose name I do not recall, was
made minister of finance. I heard about two weeks after that — ^I
think it was two weeks — ^that Gutchkov had resigned also. I looked
for him all day. I sent for him, telephoned for him, but could not
find him. My object in seeking an interview was to tell him that it
was cowardly to resign ; that he could not afford to desert his col-
leagues in the hour when they needed him. I saw from the papers
the next morning, being unable to find Gutchkov, that he had re-
signed; that his resignation had been accepted; and that Kerensky
had been appointed minister of war.
Now, Kerensky was a lawyer. He did not know anything about
the department that he was called upon to preside over. One of the
first orders that he issued was a decree abolishing the death penalty
in the army. That completed the demoralization of the army. Not-
withstanding that, an uprising of the Bolsheviki on the 3d and 4th
of July, which was our 16th and 17th of July, was suppressed. I
saw some of the demonstration. The American Embassy was located
in the hea,rt of the city, and there were barracks all around there.
There is Avhere Kerensky made his mistake. He did not imprison
Lenine and Trotsky and try them for treason, as he should have
done. That was on the 3d 'and 4th of July — the night of the 4th
or the night of the 3d, I forget which.
Lenine is the brains of this whole mo\ement. He has a great
intellect. He is a fanatic and I think has sincere convictions.
I could not say the same about Trotsky. I think Trotsky is an
adventurer. He has great ability. He has more executive ability
than Lenine, but when they have differed, Lenine has always been
able to dominate Trotsky.
They kept in hiding until the 7th of November. An outbreak
had been prophesied for the 2d of November, but it did not take
place. I was at the foreign office on the 7th of November, and
when I left the minister of foreign affairs I said, " Whose soldiers
are those out there ? " He replied, " They are our soldiers. I would
not be surprised if we had an outbreak to-night." I said, " Can you
suppress it? " He said, " I think so." I saicl, " I hope it will occur,
if you can suppress it."
Senator Steeling. Who then was minister of foreign affairs ?
Mr. Francis. Terestchenko Avas minister of foreign affairs. I
said, " I hope it will take place, if you can suppress it." He said,
" I hope it will take place, whether we can suppress it or not, be-
cause I am tired of this uncertainty." This provisional government
liad been threatened all the time.
There is as much difference between the Bolshevik revolution and
the provisional government as there was between the provisional
government and the Imperial Government. The provisional gov-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 941
emment administered affairs from the 12th of March, the begin-
ning of the revolution, or the 15th of March, when the ministers
were appointed, until the night of the 7th of November, when they
were captured in tlae Winter Palace and all imprisoned in Peter
and Paul fortress. The Korniloff affair had taken place in the
meantime, but you are not interested in that here.
Senator King. Would you say, generally speaking, that the Keren-
sky government atltempted to prosecute the war as vigorously as it
could under the circumstances, and to be true to the allies ?
Mr. Francis. I think so, because you know the orders that I have
mentioned, No. 1 and Kerensky's order abolishing the death pen-
alty, had a demoralizing effect upon the army. I remember that on
one occasion the ambassadors from Great Britain, France, and
Italy went to see Kerensky, and they said that he was not prosecut-
ing'the war with sufficient vigor. He called upon me later to show
his approval of my not joining with them in suggesting to him
that he should put more vim into the prosecution of the war, be-
cause he said they knew he was doing all in his power up to that
time. I have forgotten whether that was before or after he had
been down to address the troops, and ordered an advance, and in-
spired an advance. That was attended with more or less success too,
but these Bolsheviks were always trying to undermine the Kerensky
government. They were assisted by the monarchists — by the Black
Hundred — the Bolsheviks were.
Senator Nelson. And the Black Hundred was who ?
Mr. Francis. The Black Hundred was an organization that was
for the protection of the dynasty.
Senator Nelson. Of the Czar?
Mr. Francis. Of the Czar. They were sympathizing with the
Bolsheviks because they thought the Bolsheviks would rule tempo-
rarily, if at all, and then it would be followed by a monarchy. They
were never in favor of the provisional government, all the members
of which were patriots and able men. You must remember that
Eussia, in addition to occupying one-seventh of the dry land of the
earth, has 180,000,000 people, about 90 per cent of whom are unedu-
cated, and the other 10 per cent of whom are overeducated. There
is just that wide difference between them. There is a middle class,
called the intelligentsia, and the Bolsheviks have been attempting to
wipe out the bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia.
Senator King. If you will pardon me, Mr. Ambassador, generally
speaking, then, you would say that the Kerensky government stood
for law and order and for the establishment of a democratic form of
government something like our own ?
Mr. Francis. Exactly.
Senator King. And that it was manned by patriots who earnestly
•nought the freedom of the people and the establishment of law and
order and a stable democratic form of government; and that that
government, so long as it was in power, attempted to do all that it
could in the prosecution of the war and to stand by the side of the
allies in fighting the central powers ?
Mr. Francis. I think so.
Senator King. That while they were engaged in that laudable and
proper effort the Bolsheviks, led by Lenine and Trotsky and others,
942 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
were attempting to vmdermine them, primarily for the purpose of
getting- control and establishing a proletariat dictatorship and sec-
ondarily for the purpose of betraying the cause of the allies and net-
ting Russia out of the war ?
Mr. Francis. Exactly. I wish to say here that I think that Leuine
was a German agent from the beginning. They would never have
permitted him to come through Germany if they had not thought or
loiown they could use him. He disbursed money very liberally.
Lenine, however, was not so opposed to Germany as he was in favor
of promoting a world-wide social revolution. I wired the depart-
ment that I thought that was his object in the beginning. He would
have taken British money, American money, and French money and
used it to promote this objective of his. He told a man who asked
what he was doing in Russia that he was trying an experiment in
government on the Russian people. He is a sincere man, with sincere
convictions, I think. I do not think he is right by a good deal, be-
cause later, when his power was tottering and could not be niaintained
in any other way, he encouraged or permitted the reign of terror that
is now prevailing in Russia.
Coming now to the Brest-Litovsk peace, in the first negotiations
Russia was represented by Trotskj'. I think they took place some
time in January or February.
Senator Xelson. February, I think.
Mr. Francis. February, 1918.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Francis. Trotsky gained a great deal of credit. He had the
world for an audience, and he was very able. When Gen. Hoff-
man notified him and his colleagues that he would not prolong those
negotiations more than two or three days further and said, " You will
have to say definitely whether you will accept these terms or not,"
Trotsky made that dramatic stand of his, in which he said : '' We
decline to sign those severe peace terms, but Russia will fight no
more."
Well, the Germans were stunned by that. Trotsky returned to
Petrograd, and four or five days afterwards the Germans aimounced
that they were marching on Petrograd and Moscow. Trotsky re-
plied to them that they could not move without violating the terms
of the armistice. Their reply was, continuing to move their armies,
" You have already terminated the armistice by refusing to sign the
peace terms."
The German Army advanced so near Petrograd that I left there.
I had had authority from my government for four weeks to leave
Petrograd whenever my judgment so dictated, and all my colleagues
had. I had become dean of the diplomatic corps there, by the
departure of Sir George Buchanan about the first of January, 1918.
We were meeting in the American Embassy every day — ^not all of
the allied chiefs, but the British and the French and the Italian and
the Japanese ambassadors and myself and we all decided to leave
Petrograd.
I said to them : '' I am not going to leave Russia." " Where are
you going?" I said: "I am going to Vologda." "What do you
know about Vologda ? " I said : " Not a thing, except that it is the
junction of the Trans-Siberian Railway and the Moscow-Archangel
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 943-
Eailway." "' Well, if it is unsafe there, what are you going to do ? "
I said : " I am going east to Viatka, which is 600 miles east, and if
it is unsafe there I am going to Perm, and if it is unsafe there I am
going to Irkutsk, and if it is unsafe there I am going to Chita, and
if it is unsafe there I am going to Vladivostok, where I know I will
be protected by an American man-of-war — the Brooklyn — under
Admiral Knight " ; and I appealed to them to go with me. I said :
" You ought not to leave Russia now." But they declined to go, ex-
cept the Japanese Embassy and the Chinese legation, and they only
stayed at Vologda two or three days. That was on their way home.
The other missions were all attempting to get back to their respec-
tive governments. The British and the French and the Italians and
the Belgians and the Serbians and the Portuguese and the Greeks
attempted to get out through Finland, and they got into the midst
of that civil war there, and they lived on trains for six weeks, when
they joined me at Vologda, except the British Embassy, which got
through the lines, and it came to Vologda on the 7th of July follow-
ing. It was sent back there. The Japanese and the Chinese went
on east after staying at Vologda two or three days, and I remained at
Vologda five months, notwithstanding I was appealed to and invited
several times by the central soviet at Moscow to make my head-
quarters there. They said that they would give us all villas.
But I am anticipating. When the first Brest-Litovsk peace nego-
tiations were terminated, and the German army began to move on
Petrograd and Moscow, the soviet government said they wanted
another meeting to negotiate peace terms. Trotsky did not go that
time, but he sent Tchitcherin, and the Germans forced upon the:
Eussians even severer peace terms at the second conference at Brest-
Litovsk than they had at the first.
Senator King. Of course, in the meantime the Russians, under
Lenine and Trotsky, had ceased to be a military force ?
Mr. Feanois. Exactly.
Senator King. They had withdrawn from any military opera-
' tions, and betrayed the allies to that extent?
Mr. Francis. Exactly; they betrayed the allies. When I went
there, there was an army enlisted of 12,000,000 men. It was in-
creased to 16,000,000 before the revolution, and there was a call for
3,000,000 additional, which had not matured when the Bolshevik
revolution took place. Of those 16,000,000 men, 2,000,000 had been
captured, and 2,000,000 had been killed and died from disease, so it,
reduced the army to about 12,000,000 men, which is an immense'
army. No army was ever organized that approached it before. We ,
were all talking about demobilization when the war ended ; but this:
army demobilized itself. It melted away like snow before a summer
sun.' When the second Brest-Litovsk peace was signed, these sol-
diers left their regiments. They would get on a train, and the train
would start before they would ask where it was going. They sold
their arms for a pittance; they threw their arms away, some of
them, and some of them took their arms home with them.
Senator King. Was that in pursuance of the plan of Lenine and
Trotsky to destroy the army ?
Mr. Francis. I think it was.
944 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
As late as June, when I went to Petrograd from Vologda, when
I came back the roofs of the cars were filled with soldiers and the
trucks under the cars and the platforms were crowded with soldiers.
I went to Moscow in May. to the funeral of our consul general, who
died very suddenly down there. The soviet government attempted
to communicate with me there, and I had received a subordinate who
called on me, but I had no official relations with them.
In the meantime I had issued a proclamation or an address to the
-Russian people on the 17th of March, which was the day that the
Brest-Litovsk peace treaty was ratified by the all-Eussiaii congress
of Soviets at Moscow. I appealed to the Eussian people to organize
and repel the invader from their borders. I said that we Ameri-
cans and my Government still considered the Russian people our
allies; that we were not going to observe that peace, and I did not
think any of the other allies were. I had that put in the Russian
papers, translated into Russian; and about four days after that
Kuehlmann, the minister of foreign affairs at that time, demanded
of the soviet government that I be sent out of Russia. They said:
" He is not only violating the laws of neutrality, but he has issued
an address to the Russian people that is a virtual call to arms."
The soviet government said nothing to me about it. I was not in
communication with them at that time, but they replied that I had
not said any more than the President had said in his address to the
Russian people through this all-Russian soviet congress at Moscow.
I have that telegram with me if you want to enter it on your records.
Senator Overman. We should like to have it put in the record,
because there has been some dispute about it.
Mr. Francis. I will give it to you. It was a public matter over
there. I will also give you my address to the Russian people. I
should like to have that put in the record.
That was on the I7th of March. I had only been at Vologda
then about 18 days. I arrived at Vologda the 28th of February, I
think. I had been there 18 days when I issued this address to the
Russian people. I issued another address on the 4th of July, 1918.
I had had interviews before that, showing the progress that America
was making toward preparedness and trying to convince the Rus-
sian people that the war would end in defeat for Germany, and
consequently they should not tie up with the losing cause; but on
the 4th of July I issued an address to the Russian people which re-
counted the causes for the war, I think. I have not a copy of that.
I suppose it is in the department; but that elicited another demand
of Germany on the central soviet at Moscow for my deportation.
The central soviet did not say anything to me at that time about
it nor have they ever mentioned it since.
I remained at Vologda.
Senator Sterling. Ambassador Francis, did they reply to it in
any way through the newspapers or otherwise?
Mr. Francis. They replied to the first demand by saying that I
had said nothing more than the President had said, and by asking a
question of the German Government, which was why they had vio-
lated the terms of the treaty in advancing into the Ukraine. Ger-
many never observed any of the terms of that treaty that it was to
her interest to violate. She continued to advance, and there were
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 945
some_ secret treaties of an economic character between Germany and
Russia.
Senator Nelson. Ambassador Francis, will you allow me to inter-
rupt you a minute? You called attention a while ago to the fact
that under the Kerensky government there had been held an election
for a constituent assembly.
Mr. Feancis. I am going to get back to that.
Senator Nelson. All right. I want to know what became of that
constituent assembly.
Mr. Francis. I thank you, Senator, for reminding me of that.
The convening of that constituent assembly was first fixed for the
27th of November, but it was postponed to some day in December.
The day before it was to meet all of the cadet members who were in
Petrograd were arrested as counter-revolutionaries. Some of them,
anticipating arrest, had not come. Miliukov and Rodzianko and
Kerensky had not come to Petrograd to the meeting of this con-
stituent assembly. Consequently, the Bolshevik government said that
it would not permit that constituent assembly to convene until ■
Senator Nelson. Did they not surround the building in which
they were with the red guards ?
Mr. Francis. Later they did that. They postponed the meeting
then from this day in December until the 19th of January, 1918,
and said that they would not permit it to organize if there were not
400 members present. There were 400 members present, and there
was a great demonstration in Petrograd on the part of the people
to manifest their joy on the assembling of a constituent assembly.
The Bolsheviki were in the minority there; notwithstanding the
cadets had not come, and some of the social revolutionists of the
right had not attended, there were 423 members, I think, there. I
can give you the exact number of members there. They had an election
for officers. The Bolsheviki withdrew. They withdrew to the extent
of 140 members, and still the remainder tried to organize. They
elected Tchernoff presiding officer, and his opponent was a woman,
Spirodonova, who was a left social revolutionist, and, when last
heard from, was imprisoned by the Bolsheviki.
They organized. Tchernoff made a speech, and there were several
speeches made. They passed a decree, passed several decrees, when
a drunken sailor went in and said: "I am tired of this business.
We want to go to bed." This was about 3 or 4 o'clock in the morn-
ing. " We will give you 10 minutes more." I do not say they said
10 minutes, but a few minutes more. Well, Bolshevik soldiers were
around the corridors and in the aisles of the convention.
Senator King. Armed?
Mr. Francis. Armed. So they adjourned about 4 or 5 o'clock in
the morning until 11 o'clock the next day, I think. It was a fixed
hour the next day. but the next day the Bolshevik government took
charge of this duma hall, and did not admit any of the members, and
consequently broke up the constituent assembly.
Senator Nelson. Right there, Mr. Francis, has the Bolshevik gov-
ernment, since that time, ever attempted to have a constituent as-
sembly elected or meet?
Mr. Francis. No, sir. They have never since that time had a con-
stituent assembly, or called an election for a constituent assembly.
85723—19 60
946 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The soviet is the name of a form of government, and Bolshevism is
the name of a party, but they are used as synonymous terms all out-
side of Russia. One basic principle of the soviet government is that
they do not allow a man to vote or a woman to vote — they have
woman suffrage over there, you know — who employs another human
being.
Senator King. They have not permitted any voting at all since the
distatorship of Lenine and Trotsky, have they? They have super-
imposed themselves and their government upon that part of Russia
where they have exercised military power?
Mr. Francis. Well, they have elected Soviets, you know — local
Soviets.
Senator King. I was speaking of the general government.
Mr. Francis. Oh, the general government? No; there has been
no election whatever since.
Senator King. That is to say, Lenine and Trotsky, and those who
are in control of the Bolshevik government, are not there as the result
of a general election?
Mr. Francis. No; no. They are there as usurpers.
Senator King. By force and terror?
Mr. Francis. I do not think they represent more than 10 per cent
of the Russians.
Senator Overman. Of the whole 180,000,000 ?
Mr. Francis. Of the whole 180,000,000.
Senator King. The constituent assembly wliich they prevented
from meeting Avas a truly representative body, elected by the people?
Mr. Francis. Exacth^ : as representative as it was possible to have
at that time.
Senator King. But elected, of course, under the Kerensky govern-
ment?
Mr. Francis. Well, elected under regulations framed and promul-
gated by the Kerensky government.
Senator King. Yes.
Mr. Francis. I think they were elected before the Bolshevik revo-
lution.
Senator Nelson. Oh, yes; you are clear about that. They were
elected before that.
Mr. Francis. They were elected before that : yes.
Senator Nelson. Before the Bolshevik revolution ; before the 7th
of November.
Mr. Francis. I thought the Kerensky government postponed the
calling of the constituent assembly too long. They were in power
six months, or at least five months, before they called the election.
Kerensky moved into the Winter Palace, you know, and slept in the
bed of Alexander III.
Senator King. Generally speaking, Mr. Ambassador, what would
you say as to what was being done, during that period when the
Kerensky government was a power, by the Bolsheviki — by the revo-
lutionary class led by Lenine and Trotsky ?
Mr. Francis. I think they were planning all the time to overturn
that government and to take the administration of aifairs into their
own hands. Lenine was disbursing money freely. I said that I be-
lieved Lenine was a German agent. Subsequent developments have
contirmed me in that belief.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 947
Senator King. You believe that Germany furnished him money
for debauching his own country and to aid in betraying the allied
cause ?
Mr. Francis. Exactly; I think she did. The poisoned chalice is
being connnended to Germany's own lips now.
Senator King. What was the first thing that Lenine and' Trotsky
did, after getting control, toward the demobilization of the troojas,
and what announcement did they make as to the withdrawal of
Eussia from military operations?
Mr. Fbancis. Well, after the negotiation of the Brest-Lito\sk
peace, and the signing thereof, the army was permitted to go home.
They were promised peace; they were promised division of prop-
erty, division of lands
Senator Overman. And bread.
Senator Xelson. Bread and peace and land.
Mr. Francis. Bread and peace and land. One Russian land-
owner was telling me that they attempted to divide his herd of
blooded cattle, and they came across a very fine bull that they could
not agree upon as to which one should have it, so they killed the bull
and divided the carcass.
Well, I remained at Vologda, as I said, until the 25th of July,
after Mirbach was killed," which was on the 6th of July. Tchit-
cherin, about four or five days after that — he was the minister of for-
eign affairs of the central soviet in Moscow — sent me a telegram,
addressing me as dean of the diplomatic corps, and said, " Vologda
is unsafe. We invite you to come to Moscow, where we can give every
man a villa. I am sending Radek to Vologda to execute the invita-
tion."' It was in English and he used the word " execute." My
colleagues all considered it an order to come to Moscow from
Vologda. I Avas disposed to consider it an invitation, and I i^rejoared
a reply to it, " We decline to come to Moscow. We consider Vologda
perfectly safe, because we do not fear the Russian people, whom
we have always befriended, and we do not fear the allies, of course.
If your communication is meant for an order instead of an invita-
tion, we consider it offensive."
I hoped by that telegram to save myself from the visit of Radek,
but he appeared the next day. The direct communication of the
rails between Vologda and Moscow had been cut by an uprising at
Yaroslav, so they had to go around via Petrograd. Radek got there
the next day, and I was having a meeting, in the American Embassy,
of the allied chiefs. I tried to get them to go in to see him, but they
would not go. They said that that was the prerogative and duty of
the dean of the corps. So I went in and had a talk with him of
about an hour. He was in my reception room.
I forgot to tell you that the municipal authorities of Vologda had
given me a house for the American Embassy. It was the house of
a commercial club. It was the most imposing structure in the town.
They were very much complimented by my stopping there — by the
American Embassy stopping there-^and they felt deeply compli-
mented when all of the other missions who had tried to get out
through Finland joined me. It was about five months that I had
stopped there.
Senator Nelson. That town was not under the control of the
Bolsheviki ?
948 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Francis. Well; the Bolshevilri controlled it the last two
months or three months that we were there.
Senator Nelson. But at that time?
Mr. Francis. At that time I spoke to the mayor and asked him
if he was a Bolshevik, and he said he was not a Bolshevik, and that
he was authorized by the municipal assembly, as we called it, to invite
us to remain there, and that we would be protected; and he con-
tinued to administer affairs until we left there. But the local soviet
was disposed to dispute his authority some time before we left. The
French ambassador, whom I met in Paris — Jusserand — said, " You
discovered Vologda ; you put it on the map and made it the diplo-
matic center of Russia for five months." It was true. The others
joined me there; but when Eadik came up on the 12th of July — I
think it was — he argued with me about going down. He was accom-
panied by an interpreter who was named Arthur Kansome. He was
the correspondent of the Manchester Guardian, and I think his
letters have been published in the New York Times, too. I called
in my stenographer, Mr. Johnston, who was also my private secre-
tary, and he took down the conversation. I told Radek, after listen-
ing to his conversation, that we had decided to refuse the invitation.
He said, " I will station guards around all of your embassies " — ^they
called all our legations embassies — " and no one will be permitted to
go in or out without a passport." I said, " We are virtually pris-
oners, then." " No," he said, " you are not virtually prisoners. You
can go in and out, and the chiefs can all go in and out; but when
you desire anybody to come in here you will have to tell the local
soviet the name of the man and they will give him a pass to enter
through your guards."
The guards came there the next morning, or that same evening.
I have forgotten whether they came that evening or the next morn-
ing. But the guards did not disturb us, because they were hungry,
and we gave them food ; so they were very accommodating to us.
The morning of the 23d of July, after midnight, I received an-
other telegram from Tchitcherin: "Again we tell you Vologda is
unsafe. Another clay may be too late. Again we invite you to
Moscow."
After consulting my colleagues and finding them of the same
mind — I had a fear that they wanted to hold us as hostages down
there, or at any rate to play us against the German and Austrian
representatives at Moscow — I replied to him in six words : " We have
determined to take your advice and quit Vologda."
We had planned to go to Archangel. I did not state in the tele-
gram where we proposed to go. I had had a special train on the
Vologda track for five months, and my transportation man had told
me that the station master, with whom we made friends, would fur-
nish him a locomotive on an hour's notice to take that train on any
road that we wished that had tracks in the Vologda station. I sent
for him after telling my colleagues to send their baggage down to
the train before 6 o'clock and that the train would leave at 8._ I
called in this transportaion man and I said, " You told me sometime
ago that this station man promised you a locomotive for this train.
I said, "I want that locomotive attached to this train to-night at
half past 7, and I want it to leave at 8."
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 949
He left me and came back in an hour and said that the station
man had left on a vacation and that the man he had left in charge
said that he could not get a locomotive without submitting the re-
quest to Moscow, and Tchitcherin had given orders to the director of
locomotive power that he must not put a locomotive on this train.
I told him to submit it to Moscow, and they submitted it, and the
reply was, " Who wishes the locomotive ? " I replied to this — my
transportation man was speaking and I replied to them — " The Ameri-
can ambassador." "Where does he wish to go?" I replied, "To
Archangel."
Then he sent me a telegram, "Archangel is not a fit place for ambas-
sadors to live. Going to Archangel means leaving Russia. Again
we invite you to Moscow."
Well, I replied to him that I would not leave Russia unless com-
pelled to do so by force, and then my absence would be temporary.
I ended the telegram: "Again we request the locomotive." Well,
we had slept on the train in the station — all the diplomatic corps — the
preceding night, and the locomotive was furnished us about 1 o'clock
in the morning on the 25th of July. We had intended to leave on
the 23d of July, you know, but we did not leave until the 24:th, and
it was past midnight when we left.
We went up to Archangel, and on arriving at Archangel we were
met by a delegation from the local soviet, accompanied by a repre-
sentative of the Moscow soviet who pointed to a boat on the Dvina
Eiver and said, "There is the boat. We are instructed to put you
on that boat, and direct your attention to that boat and to say that
you can use the boat to go where you wish." I said, " We refuse to
go on that boat." "Why? " "Well," I said, "we do not want to
leave Russia until we can communicate with our Government, with
which cable communication has been severed for three weeks."
"Well," they said, "we have no other orders." We were 140 in
number, counting attaches and domestics. I said, "Moreover, that
boat is not big enough for us." They said, "We will give you an
additional boat ;" which they did. They said, " What are we to do ? "
I said, " I do not know what you are to do, except to go and report
what we say to the Moscow soviet, to Lenine and Trotsky and
Tchitcherin." So they stationed a g-uard around the train. It was
the 26th of July. They left and came back in about 30 hours. In
the meantime they had been wiring to Moscow, and we had known
what they were wiring, as the wire had to go through Petrograd.
We had means of knowing what was in the wires. The central
soviet, while professing to desire us to leave Russia, was command-
ing the local soviet to detain us there as hostages.
Senator Nelson. At Archangel?
Mr. Francis. At Archangel. We knew that, when they came back
on the 27th of July, about 2 or 3 o'clock, and we had determined to
leave. We had determined to leave for Kandalaksha because there
was an anti-Bolsheviki revolution to be pulled off at Archangel, and
we knew it, and we did not want to be there when it occurred, and
they knew it, and had been evacuating the town. They had been kill-
ing people up there and deporting people.
Senator Nelson. At Archangel ?
Mr. JFeancis. At Archangel, for several days; and when we as-
sumed such a firm attitude before them, they were frightened and
950 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
did not w'ant to detain us, but they threw all the obstacles they conld
in our way, and .we did not get off until 4 o'clock in the morning of
the -iOth of July for Kandalaksha.
They came, for instance, and said that our baggage did not have
diplomatic seals on it. I turned to my colleagues and I said, " Wp
Avill go down and identify the baggage." Then they got the baggage
on the boat about 8 o'clock in the evening, and they said that we must
all come off the boats to show our passports when we reembarked,
which we did. By that time it was 12 o'clock at night. Then they
said they must go across the river. You see, the railroads do not go
into Archangel. They go on the south side of the Dvina Elver, which
is about a mile wide there. They went over to Archangel proper, and
they were gone until 4 o'clock, and they came back at 4 o'clock in the
morning, and we cleared for Kandalaksha. We had made up our
minds to cleai', I'egardless of whether they permitted us or not, be-
cause there was a British merchantman in the harbor, and I said to
the British commissioner, " What boat is that? " He said, " It is one
of ours." And I said, "Will it obey your instructions? " He said,
" I think so." I said, " If they do not come by 7 o'clock, we will get
on the boat and go on to Kandalaksha." They came back at 4 o'clock.
This was about 2 o'clock.
At Kandalaksha we heard that Gen. Poole was at Murmansk.
Murmansk is the port of the railway that is open all the year round.
Kandalaksha is about 150 miles south of Murmansk. We heard,
after we had arrived at Kandalaksha, that the general with about
2,000 men had cleared that morning for Archangel, where he arrived
on the 2d of August, and from the bar he telephoned in, " What gov-
ernment is in control there? " They said, "The provisional govern-
ment of northern Russia." A bloodless revolution had taken place,
a coup d'etat about four hours before. They said, "Can we land?
Will you permit us to land ? " The Bolsheviki government had been
prohibiting the landing of allied troops. They said, " Yes ; come
quick." They landed on the 2d of August.
We returned there — the allied missions — on the 9th of August from
Kandalaksha, where we had held the boats upon which we were trans-
ported from Archangel to Kandalaksha. In the morning the British
commissioner and the Italian ambassador and the French minister —
not the French ambassador — and I had gone to Murmansk, and had
been able to communicate with our governments from there. I wired
my Government my plans, that I was going back to Archangle, and it
approved of those plans ; so I went back to Archangel, and I stayed
there until the 6th of November.
Senator .Nelson. Let me ask you there, Mr. Francis, did not that
northern government that you speak of invite the military authorities
and you to come back there ?
Mr. Feancis. Yes, sir; they did.
Senator Nelson. That northern government?
Mv. Francis. That northern government.
Senator Nelson. Of that northern province.
Mv. Francis. It was called the provisional government of the
northern region.
Senator Nelson. I asked you that because it was stated by a wit-
ness yesterday that the allied forces were there by invitation of the
northern orovernraent.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 951
Mr. Francis. Exactly. Why, you had here, I see from the morn-
ing papers, a man named Martiuszine, who was minister of finance in
that Archangel government. Well, that Archangel government was
kidnapped while I was there. But we brought it back.
Senator Steeling. I think the witness so indicated.
Mr. Francis. He did. Well, old man Tchaikowsky — he is about
70 years of age, and looked to be 80 — lived in this country from 1875
to 1879, at Independence, Kans., and had li^ed in England 28 years
and in France a year and a half. He Avas always a re\olutionist and
a socialist. But that government up there was the choice of the
people. It was the choice of three-fourths of the people in the zone
of Eussia occupied by the allied forces.
Senator Xelson. That covered all the country, practically, between
the Siberian railroad and up to the White Sea?
Mr. Francis. No ; it did not. It covered only about half of that.
Senator Nelson. The northern half ?
Mr. Francis. The northern half.
Senator Nelson. The distance is about 600 or 700 miles, is it not ?
Mr. Francis. The distance is about 400 miles from Vologda to
Archangel, and the allied troops are only down about 150 miles, down
that far on the railroad. I see they have been driven back since I
left. They were up the Dvina River 150 milas toward Kotlas. These
American troops landed there on the 4:th of September, and this
■coup d'etat, this kidnapping, took place on the night of the 5th of
September. It was evidently timea to make the impression upon
people up there that it had the sanction, if it was not at the instance,
of the American ambassador, being timed after the landing of the
American troops. But I soon gave them to understand that I did
not sanction it at all. I was very emphatic in regard to one thing.
T was dean of the diplomatic corps, and petitions and delegations and
telegrams were coming in to me in reference to the kidnapping,
which had occurred on the morning of the 6th of September by Rus-
sian officers, asking me to reinstall the deposed government of the
ministers. They had been taken on a steamer and put in the Solo-
vetski monastery, on Solovetski Island, which was about 30 hours
from Archangel.
There were three American battalions which had been landed there ;
•one of them was sent down the railroad toward Vologda, one was
sent up the Dvina River toward Kotlas, and the other one was held
in Archangel. Immediately afterwards I reviewed this battalion
that was left in Archangel. Gen. Poole and I received its salute on
the government steps. Gen. Poole turned to me and said, "There
was a revolution here last night." I said, " The hell you say ! Who
pulled it off?" He said, "Chaplain." Chaplain was a Russian
naval officer on Gen. Poole's staff. I said, " There is Chaplain over
there now." I motioned to Chaplain to come over and join us. Gen.
Poole said, " Chaplain is going to issue a proclamation at 11 o'clock."
It was then a quarter past 10. I said, " Chaplain, who pulled off this
revolution here last night? " He said, " I did."
Senator Overman. You say Chaplain was on Poole's staff?
Mr. Francis. Yes; a Russian officer detailed by Poole on his staff.
He Avas a colonel. He had done very good work against the Bol-
sheviks, getting them out. He said. " I drove the Bolshevilri out of
here. I established this government. They were in Gen. Poole's
952 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
way and were hampering Col. Donop, who was the French provost
marshal. I see no use for any government here anyway." I said,
" I think this is the most flagrant usurpation of power I ever knew,
and don't you circulate that proclamation that Gen. Poole tells me
you have written, until I can see it and show it to my colleagues."
So we met that day at my apartment. I was suffering very much
from this ailment, from, which I afterwards got relief through a
surgical operation. That is another story. If it had not been for
that ailment probably I would be in Russia now.
They came up there at 12 o'clock. I had Chaplain there. This
had been a coup d'etat, or kidnapping, you know, by Eussian officers,
counter revolutionaries, monarchists, who were against this social-
istic government — this governmeiat which they called socialistic — and
it was having constant friction with the military authorities. When
these troops landed I had sent for Col. Stewart, and I said, ''Have
you any communication for me'^ " Col. Stewart was the American
commander of these 4,700 American troops. " Have you any com-
munication for me?" He said, "No."' I said, "What are your
orders?" He said, "To report to Gen. Poole, who is commanding
the allied forces in northern Russia." " Well," I said, " I interpret
our policy here, and if I should tell you not to obey one of Gen.
Poole's orders, what would you do ? " He said, " I would obey you."
I had arranged all that beforehand through the department, I
thought. But we never had anj friction over there. We never had
any friction between the French and mj^self nor between the British
and myself. The British were more impatient with this socialistic
government than I was, and it was generally believed there that if
I had not been there the socialistic government would not have been
brought back.
These men, whose minister of finance I learn was before you yes-
terday, were not all socialists. There was one cadet. But they were,
as I thought, administering a very good government, and it was un-
doubtedly the choice of three-fourths of the Russians that were
in this allied zone.
Senator Steeling. While socialist, it was not Bolshevik?
Mr. Francis. No; it was just as opposed to the Bolsheviki as the
allies were. More so than the monarchists were, because the monarch-
ists all favored the Bolsheviki, thinking that was the shortest or
quickest return to the monarchy.
Senator Nelson. To simplify matters, I will say that this gen-
tleman yesterday stated in substance that Poole attempted to estab-
lish a government of his own, but that you restored the old gov-
ernment.
Mr. Francis. I think he was wrong there. Poole did not want
to establish a government of his own. British soldiers, you know,
have been colonizers for so long that they do not know how to re-
spect the feelings of socialists. I do not mean that that is the
policy of the British Government, but the British officers have had
to do with so many uncivilized peoples and Great Britain has done
so much colonizing that its officers do not feel as American officers
feel.
For instance, I was narrating just now how this coup detat was
planned, so as to make the impression on the public mind that I was
not only favorable to it but that I was executing it.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 953
For the first time American soldiers were put on the streets to
patrol them. I heard that American soldiers were manning the
street cars. Thirty thousand laborers struck, up there. When they
heard of this Ividnaping, all of the workmen in all the factories
struck. The workmen on the street cars struck, and all the workmen
up there went on strike. I heard about half past 12 o'clock that the
Americans were manning the street cars, and called up Col. Stewart,
or attempted to call him up. I coilld not find him, but I called up
the major who was in command of the battalion, a man named
Nichols, and I said, "Maj. Nichols, is it true that American soldiers
are manning these street cars? " " Yes." I said, " Do you not know
that will raise commotions in America? By whose orders is this? "
He said, " Well, G. H. Q." — general headquarters. I said, " Was it
in writing? " "No; it was not in writing," he said. "I was called
up by phone and asked if I had any men here who could act as
motormen and as conductors on the street cars, and as my battalion
was recruited in Detroit, about half of them are motormen and con-
ductors, so I said, ' yes.' " He said, " I sent some of the men down
to the car sheds to take the cars out." I said, " Where is Col. Stew-
art?" He said, "Mr. Ambassador, we are charging no fares." I
said, " That is different. But," I said, " I want Col. Stewart, any-
For 24 hours or perhaps 30 hours Americans were conducting the
street cars, or acting as motormen, and at every stopping place, which
is every two or three blocks, there were two or three American
soldiers to keep the crowd off the cars.
Senator O^teeman. Because they were riding free?
Mr. Feakcis. Yes. American soldiers up there showed the same
spirit that they did on the western front. They were just anxious
to get into a fight with somebody. They understood the cause of the
war. But I was walking along the street, the Broadway of Arch-
angel, one day, and I saw three or four American soldiers looking
at a war map. I said to them in English, " You are American
soldiers." They turned around and smiled at me, and I said, "I
never was so glad to see American soldiers in my life as I was when
you landed here a few days ago." They did not say anything in
response to that, and I said, " I am the American ambassador."
Well, they opened their eyes wider, but that did not evoke a response
from them. I exchanged four or five more remarks with them, and
they answered respectfully " Yes " and " No " all the time, and I
turned around to go away and they detained a man who was with
me, and they said, " Who is that fellow ? " The man replied, " That
is Gov. Francis." They said, "Why in hell didn't he say so?"
They were from Michigan and Minnesota and knew me by repu-
tation.
I said, " There is one thing I want understood." I said it with an
oath, but I have repeated so many oaths here that I will not repeat
that. " There is one thing that I want understood." " What is
that ? " I said, " Civil strife in the rear of our own front. Now,"
I said, "I am not going to permit the lives of our soldiers to be
jeopardized by Bolsheviki on one side and a civil war in the rear.
I will order them back from the railroad and from up the river,
and if there is a gun fired here we will participate in the fire our-
^54 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
selves, if we have to kill Russians." That stopped the civil strife.
There was not any fear of it after that.
Senator Nelson. And the old government came back ?
Mr. Francis. And we brought back the old government on Sunday
night, and it was reinstalled on Monday morning at 9 o'clock.
Senator Nelson. Anti-Bolshe\ik government?
Mr. Fbancis. Anti-Bolshevik government. You know the coup
<i'etat or kidnaping had been planned by Eussian officers who were
disgusted with this socialistic government, as they called it.
Senator Overman. What do you mean by kidnaping? Taking
them away from the city ?
Mr. Francis. They went to their apartment about half-past lii
at night, and they told them to put on their clothes. They said,
" What are you going to do with us ? " They replied, " We are go-
ing to put you in a monastery." They put them on a boat, and the
boat cleared about 4.30, and we heard of it 10 minutes after 10. The
boat had no wireless apparatus on it, and Ave could not reach it, could
not communicate with it, so we wired to Kem, which is a station
down on the Murman road, about 25 miles below Kandalaksha, to
get a boat over there and get these ministers when they landed there
and bring them back to Archangel.
Now, my ailment was growing on me so that I had planned to
leave the 14th of October. But I heard from one of my servants
and the cook of one of the military attaches that it would create a
panic in town if I should leave, so I stayed three weeks longer.
Senator Nelson. How big a place is Archangel ?
Mr. Francis. It has about 50,000 or 60,000 people, and it has very
substantial structures, more substantial than Vologda, although it
is not so old. Vologda was founded in 1147, as I wired the United
States, 345 years before Columbus discovered America. It has 52
cathedrals.
Senator King. You and the allied representatives left Petrograd
because you believed your lives were in danger?
Mr. Francis. No, not exactly; because we believed the Germans
were going to capture the city and would hold us as hostages. I did
not have any personal fear the whole time I was in Eussia. As I
look back now I marvel that I did not. My life was threatened four
times, on four separate occasions, by the anarchists. But I had heard
that the soviet government of Lenine and Trotsky was planning to
move from Petrograd to Moscow, and it did move four or five days
after I left Petrograd. I was advised a few weeks before I left
Petrograd that the Germans would come in and capture it.
Senator King. Then you left Vologda because you thought that
the Lenine and Trotsky government might hold you as well as the
other representatives of the governments as hostages?
Mr. Francis. Exactly.
Senator King. So that your liberties if not your lives were in
danger ?
Mr. Francis. Exactly.
Senator King. And from there you proceeded to Archangel ? And
during that time none of the ministers or representatives of foreign
governments recognized the Bolshevik government?
^Ir. Francis. No; none of them.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 955
Senator King. And the Bolsheviki did not recognize you and them
as ambassadors or representatives of foreign governments to the ex-
tent of treating with them as such ?
Mr. Francis. They would have been very glad to do it, if we had
permitted them to do so.
Senator King. But you treated them as usurpers ?
Mr. Francis. We treated them as usurpers. I did not think that
they represented, and I do not think now that they represented, more
than 10 per cent of the Russian people. The Bolshevik following
changes. There were people there who were Bolsheviki four and
six months ago who are opposed to the Bolsheviki now.
Senator King. I suppose some are Bolsheviki because of the fact
that by professing adherence to Bolshevism they get some favors
that they otherwise could not, and perhaps protect their lives.
Mr. Francis. Exactly. The Bolshevik army to-day is variously
estimated at from 200,000 to 700,000 men, but they are not in a body,
they are scattered over the country, and they are composed in part
of Chinese and Lett soldiers, and Russian Red Guards, and Russians
who are forced to serve. You see, for the past five or six months they
have been an-esting women and confining them as hostages for the
reappearance of their husbands and sons and brothers, whom they
compel to serve with the Bolshevik army.
Senator King. They would arrest the sister or the wife or the
mother for the purpose of compelling a son, husband, or father to
come back and serve in the army ?
Mr. Francis. Yes.
Senator Nelson. If it suits your convenience, we should like to
have your experiences in Petrograd, and what you saw and observed
of the Bolshevik government from November 7 until the time you
left Petrograd. Tell us about your operations.
Mr. Francis. I did not have any official connection with them, T
only called once, as the head of the diplomatic corps.
Senator King. I think the question meant to ask you to describe
what you saw on the streets, among the people, the social, economic,
industrial, military conditions, and the poverty.
Mr. Francis. They nationalized all of the industries there, and
the workmen determined their own wages and the hours of service
that they should perform.
The Bolshevik government is printing now — it is variously esti-
mated—from .50,000,000 to 100,000,000 rubles a day, and is inten-
tionally keeping no account of it. They pay these men 300 to 500
nibles a month, but there is a state of famine in Petrograd. We have
an embassy there upon which we are still paying rent. I visited it
from the 6th to the 10th of June, and I left two women in charge
there, accompanied by three porters. The last we heard from them
they were about starved, and we have been attempting to get food to
them from Christiania and from Stockholm.
Senator Nelson. Did you have representatives of the Red Cross
there at PetrogTad while you were there?
Mr. Francis. Yes ; we had representatives of the Red Cross there.
Senator Nelson. Can you tell about their operations?
Mr. Francis. They distributed a good deal of condensed milk, to
the children, and they were under Dr. Billings for a while, but only
956 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
six or seven weeks. Then they were under Col. W.. B. Thompson
from about the 8th of July until, I think, some time in December.
Senator King. That was 1917?
Mr. Francis. That was 1917. Then Col. Thompson returned to the
United States and they were under Col. Robins from that time forth.
Senator Xelsox. Did Col. Thompson and Col. Robins cooperate
with you in any way?
Mr. Francis. Well, I will not say that Col. Thompson cooperated
with me. I sent for Col. Robins. Col. Robins came to see me shortly
after Col. Thompson left.
Senator King. They were not military men. Those Mere just paper
titles ?
Mr. Francis. Yes. They were Red Cross officers. I had instruc-
tions from the department in accordance with my recommendations
that no American representative should have any official intercourse
with the soviet government. Immediately after the soviet govern-
ment came into power and after Col. Thompson had left, Col. Robins
had gone to Smolny, the headquarters of the soviet government — and
according to his statement to me he had admitted that he had been
opposed to them; that he and Col. Thompson had been supporters
of Kerensky; but Col. Thompson had gone — and he asked what their
principles were. They told him, and he approved of it. So he had
been maintaining relations up there.
Senator Nelson. Col. Robins had been maintaining relations with
them?
Mr. Francis. Col. Robins had been maintaining relations there.
Senator Sterling. Did he state that he approved of them after
their statement of what their principles were ?
Mr. Francis. Yes ; he said he approved of their principles, but he
did not approve of their excesses; and when I received this cable
from the Government here that no representative of the United States
Government was to have anj^ communication with the Bolsheviki
govermnent at all, I wired them to know if that included Red Cross
men in uniform. I received a prompt reply that it did, and that
Davison was going to cable Robins, severing his relations with
Smolny. I sent to Col. Robins. I said to him, " I have this order."
He said, " I have a similar order." I said, " I think it unwise for you
to sever your relations abruptly and absolutely; that is, I mean to
cease your visits up there. Furthermore I want to know what they
are doing, and I will stand between you and the fire." So I cabled
the Government to that effect, and I never received any reply to that.
So Col. Robins continued to hold communication with Smolny ; con
tinned to go there daily until he left Petrograd. Then he went to
Moscow. After going to Vologda with me and staying from Friday
until Sunday afternoon, he went to Moscow, and he remained there
until the 14th of May, I think it was, when he was recalled. I know
he was in Vologda on the 15th of May. I went to the station to see
him. The relations between Col. Robins and myself were always
pleasant. We did not agree about the Bolshevik government at all.
Senator Nelson. He was rather inclined to favor them, was he
not? . .
Mr. Francis. Well, he was importuning me, I think, all the tune to
recommend recognition of their government.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 957
Senator Nelson. Oh, he did?
Mr. Feancis. Yes; so I understood, and one day he said to me,
"Have you ever recommended recognition of this government?"
I said, " You know I have not, but I want to say I have not." He
said, "I will tell them that you have not recommended recognition,
and will not." I said, " You may tell them that I have not recom-
mended recognition, but I think it is undiplomatic to say what I
will do. If my Government should order me to recognize them,
I might do so, and I might decline."
Senator Kikg. No other government recognized them ?
Mr. Francis. No other government recognized them.
' Senator King. No other government has ?
Mr. Francis. No other government has.
Senator King. No other government has any diplomatic repre-
sentative there?
Mr. Francis. Except Germany and Austria and Turkey and Bul-
garia.
Senator King. None of the allied Governments ?
Mr. Francis. No.
Senator King. And no South American government ?
Mr. Francis. Why, they do not merit recognition. They do not
merit even business relations, because of their prejudices. They have
instituted a reign of terror. They are killing everybody who wears
a white collar or who is educated and who is not a Bolshevik. Sev-
eral of their provinces have nationalized women. I have seen that
the decree has been presented to you.
Senator Nelson. You know that is true, do you, of your observa-
tion and knowledge?
Mr. Francis. I only know it because I have seen it in the official
publications of the soviet government, the central newspapers. The
central soviet has never nationalized women by a decree, but it
has issued a decree, which I saw in Izvestija, the official publication
of their government, making divorce and marriage so easy as to
require only a notice to some man by a married couple that they
had agreed to separate; and likewise a notice that two unmarried
people had decided to marry. Now, there is no limit of time as to
how long the marriage shall hold.
Senator Overman. Or the cause of the divorce.
Mr. Francis. Or the cause of the divorce.
Senator Nelson. Did Col. Eobins ever state to you the reasons
why he wanted the Bolshevik government recognized?
Mr. Francis. He stated it to me in this way, that he thought if
we recognized them they would present an organized opposition to
Germany. I said, " If you will have them make that promise to me,
I do not know that I will recommend recognition, but I will recom-
mend the establishment of business relations or a modus vivendi
with them." But I always believed that Lenine and Trotsky were
German agents, and consequently I would not have trusted them at
any time. I would not have believed them. _
Now, just a short time before the Brest-Litovsk peace was ratified
they sent a cable, u think Col. Eobins sent it through the military
mission, but I paraphrased it and sent it also. It was an inquiry
as to what America and the allies would do, especially America,
958 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
toward assisting the Bolshevik government if this All-Eussian Con-
gress of Soviets failed to ratify the peace. It Avas simply a question.
I said in my cable, " If the department does not think this is suffi-
ciently answered in the telegram of the President to the All-Eussian
Soviet Congress, and will cable me replies, I will be pleased to submit
them through Eobins.'' I was not going to submit them myself.
They understand my position.
Senator Overman. You spoke about the conditions. Wliat about
the brutal starvation? Is there anything of that over there? Was
there anything while you were there ?
Mr. Francis. Yes; you could see long bread lines in Petrograd
when I left. I left there on the morning of the 27th of February,
I think. I arrived at Vologda on the 1st of March, I think it was.
You have well-authenticated reports now showing that hunger pre-
vailed to a very great extent in Petrograd. Zinoviev is the head
of the soviet in Petrograd. He went to Moscow, and heard this
telegram read from the President. Through the All-Eussian Soviet
Congress the President was attempting to address the Eussian peo-
ple. I think I had suggested that to the President. I do not mean
that I communicated with the President direct, but I had cabled
the State Department that this All-Eussian Soviet Congress would
meet to act upon this peace, and that I thought the Eussian people
should have some expression of interest on the part of the Ameri-
can people. He sent that cable to the Eussian people through the
soviet congress. This occurred while Zinoviev was down there from
Petrograd. Pie returned to Petrograd two or three days after and
said in a speech, " We slapped the President of the United States
in the face." The reply, you know, was not for the President of the
United States but to the workingmen of the United States.
Senator King. This is the reply, is it not ? [Eeading :]
The AU-Russian Congress of Soviets expresses its appreciation to the Ameri-
can people, and first of all to the laboring and exploited classes in the United
States for the message sent by the President of the United States to the con-
gress of the Soviets in this tinif when the Russian socialistic soviet republic
is living through most difficult trials.
The Russian republic uses the occasion of the message from President Wil-
son to express to all peoples who are dying and suffering from the horrors of
this imperialistic war its warm sympathy and firm conviction that the happy
time is near when the laboring masses in all bourgeois countries will throw off
the capitalistic yoke and establish a socialistic state of society, which Is the
only one capable of assuring a pei'manont and just peace as well as the culture
and well-being of all who toll.
Mr. Francis. That is the reply he sent, and which the soviet said
was meant as a slap in the face of the President of the United States.
Senator King. It was an invitation to revolution in this coiintry
as well as in all other countries?
Mr. Francis. Yes.
Senator King. I move that we take a recess until half past 2.
(The motion was agreed to; and accordingly, at 12.50 o'clock p. m.,
a recess was taken until 2.30 o'clock p. m.)
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 959
AFTER RECESS.
At 2.30 o'clock p. m., the subcommittee met pursuant to the taking
of the recess.
TESTIMONY OF MR. DAVID R, FRANCIS— Resumed.
Senator King. Mr. Ambassador, was the government in the north-
ern part of Russia, at Archangel, functioning in a true manner in
the territory over which it assumed jurisdiction?
Mr. Francis. I think it was.
Senator King. As you stated this morning, it represented at least
three-fourths of the people of that territory ?
Mr. Francis. At least three-fourths of the people of the zone occu-
pied by the allied forces, which extended along the White Sea and in
the interior about 100 miles.
Senator King. And they were anti-Bolshevists ?
Mr. Francis. They were anti-Bolshevists.
Senator King. The president or chief executive of that govern-
ment is now in Paris?
Mr. Francis. Is now in Paris.
Senator KI^'G. Representing his people there, and is still anti-
Bolshevist ?
Mr. Francis. Oh, he is still anti-Bolshevist, yes; and the Bolshe-
vists have more hatred for the socialists that they expected to be with
them than they have for the monarchists, or for the allies, even.
Senator King. They have a hatred for the bourgeoisie and for
those who want a stable, orderly, democratic form of government ?
Mr. Francis. Yes.
Senator King. And to carry out their purposes and to perpetuate
themselves in power, they resort to murder, assassination, and every
form of terrorism?
Mr. Francis. They do.
Senator King. And visit their displeasure upon inoffensive Rus-
sians, the same as they would on any other people, monarchists, or
enemies who are of an alien nationality?
Mr. Francis. They are not very severe with the monarchists, be-
cause the monarchists have been giving them money, according to
reports.
Senator Overman. The monarchists, after these people are through,
expect to be able to establish the old regime ?
Mr. Francis. Yes.
Senator King. Maj. Humes, I desire to ask you a question here.
Did one of the witnesses state that Mr. Rhys Williams aided in or-
ganizing the Black Hundred ?
Mr. H0MES. Oh, no.
Mr. Francis. The Black Hundred was an organization that ex-
isted long before the war.
Mr. Humes. He Avas employed and spent a month, for which he
received 300 rubles, in organizing the volunteer force and the vol-
unteer Bolshevik force, and trying to get volunteers for it. He was
at various localities in that effort.
Senator King. You were denounced by the Bolshevists as a capi.-
talistic ambassador, were you not?
960 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Francis. Yes ; and our Government was denounced as a capi-
talistic government. They said we had entered the war because of
the submarine warfare preventing our continuing to sell supplies to
the allies, and that the wharves in New York and all other ports
were crowded with war supplies, and that we had to participate in
the war at the instance of the Stock Exchange of New York, and
the capitalists of this country, in order to find a market for our
manufactured products.
Senator King. Did Lenine and Trotsky, or the Bolshevist regime,
or any of its officials, at any time exhibit any sympathy, or its rep-
resentatives exhibit any sympathy, with democratic institutions as
we understand them?
ISIr. Francis. They treated us better than they treated the British
or the French, because they were always hoping for and expecting
recognition by our Government ; but they declared themselves against
all organized governments, and they called our Government a capi-
talistic government, and said that it was oppressing the working
classes.
Senator Overman. Trotsky and Lenine proposed to Bolshevize
this Government as well as all other governments ?
Mr. Francis. Yes.
Senator Overman. That was one of their programs?
Mr. Francis. Yes; and I think they are doing propagandizing
here now.
Senator King. Do you remember a speech that Trotsky made in
Moscow, in which he denounced this Government ?
Mr. Francis. I remember several speeches that he made in which
he denounced this Government. I did not hear the speeches, but as
published in the official organs of the government he denounced this
Government.
Senator King. What did they d,o with respect to newspapers that
opposed their views?
Mr. Francis. They suppress all newspapers that oppose their
views.
Senator King. If any witness has stated here that they did not
suppress newspapers opposing their view, that is not true?
Mr. Francis. So far as my knowledge extends. And I know that
any newspaper that had a criticism of the Bolsheviki government,
or the soviet government, was suppressed immediately after its
publication of that criticism.
Senator King. Do you remember Gorky's newspaper that was
operated for awhile, when he was opposing the Bolsheviki?
Mr. Francis. Yes; it was suppressed.
Senator King. And when he espoused Bolshevism, no matter what
the reason was, they permitted a resuscitation of that paper, or at
least permitted him to publish another paper ?
Mr. Francis. To publish another paper.
Senator Overman. They nationalized every printing establish-
ment, did they not ?
Mr. Francis. I do not know that they nationalized all of the
printing establishments; but the soviet congress that adjourned at
3 a. m. on the 1st day of last February — I have been looking at the
declaration of principles it made since my testimony of this morn-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 961
ing — ^nationalized all natural properties and turned over to the peas-
ants and the workmen all instrumentalities of production, such as
factories, mines, etc.
Senator King. What is the fact as to whether or not various Ger-
man enterprises, banks, business houses, which were in operation be-
fore the war and during the war, have been continued under German
control by the Bolshevists?
Mr. Francis. I think Germany has had more control of the in-
dustries of Eussia since the beginning of the war than she had be-
fore, although they have nominally arrested a great many of the
officials and interned them. That was done under the Imperial Gov-
ernment, and it was pursued under the provisional government. But
the German influence is now in every line of human endeavor. They
not only own two or three banks in Petrograd, and as many in Mos-
cow, but, as I stated this morning, they control the manufacture of
glass, the manufacture of chemicals, and the sugar interest, and
varioufi other industries.
Senator King. Then they have not nationalized or taken from the
Germans the properties, especially those used in industrial and manu-
facturing enterprises, which the Germans own or control ?
Mr. Francis. I would not say that they have not nominally taken
them, but the Germans were buying up the stocks of the banks, and
I understood from what I considered reliable authority that the
Germans had petitioned the soviet government to postpone the de-
nationalizing of the banks in order to enable them to buy up more
shares of stock.
Senator King. So you would say that the Germans have greater
control of the part of Russia dominated by the Bolsheviki now than
ever before ?
Mr. Francis. I think so. That is my mature judgment. I wish
to say that I did not confine my inquiries to officials. At all times
my embassy was open to whoever called, and I saw all classes of
society. I even received the anarchists when they presented me the
resolutions that they would hold me personally responsible for the
release of Berkman, Emma Goldman, and Mooney. The first dem-
onstration of anarchism made against me was under the provisional
government. I was entertaining four or five or six people at supper
one night after the ballet, and one of my servants said to me, " We
received a telephone message here just now that a mob was forming
on the Nevsky to attack the American Embassy, being incited to do it
by an incendiary speech."
Senator Overman. Is the Nevsky a street?
Mr. Francis. That is the main street, the Broadway of Petrograd.
That was about six blocks from the American Embassy. I said that
that was a mistake, that the anarchists had nothing against America,
but in about five minutes the telephone rang again, and I sent my sec-
retary, who is with me here now, to see what message, if any, the
ring meant. He came back and said the police had telephoned a
warning that a mob was forming on the Nevski and was marching
down to sack the American Embassy. I had five guests, I think — a
man and his wife and daughter, and two other gentlemen. The
ladies were nervous, and insisted that I go home with them, but I
said no, that I would stay there to protect the American Embassy.
85723—19 61
962. BQLSg^^^JlOpAQANDAp
Tufuiiig^tcyniy colQfed.man,s§j-v-ai:it, AvJio^.cauje to^ me 30 year^ agp^
aj:i,d w)^aiJ^,tfiok,aveT- to JEurc^p^-T-tQ.Eussia-pI ,said/"^Dp, ybu^fe
where my pistorisP' ^ He said lie did, and I told"mni,to"^etjf.awSt
br-ing it,tp,ipe,49aded. ,,-][ then went dp-wp. to th^ v^stibulfrva]ja^4u9a'
se^eru soldiers th;er,e._ I said to,_a man.wEo was. with iji0;;33tfc'-1^jjt-^
ingtan-r-Dr. Huntington wa^witli me at thatjiiae, arid^tCe~:^aCyOl^ft
fii^t witness, I tliinic — who spoke Evissian^, ^'Afk. these /ra'eri Tjlij.tj
they are here, for,? " ^e asked tliem in Russian, an,^, turi>irig'>t'd'
ni|!r sajd "t,hey did .not know except, that tliey were,; sent. "there Ttp.
protect tlie' emhaasy. , That, was undei- the'proyisiojiaT.goverhment..,
I -said ,to , tliem, .""I am tlie Amei-.ican arobasiSp.clpr/;"Tt ,a maaj;
crosses -that threshold witliout my consent and yo4i''do .iiotshoi^t^
liini^T wiir. I have a loaded pistol here in, my pocket." . T, ^^^"" ,^"
-Ju^t at that time the cloor. opened and, a m.an.put'hi.s h^ad'^in and.
I- said,. ""'Ask that man wlio'lieis."" .The',niananswere(Jj' himself. He,
uiidefstQp.d -English. ^Jb said, "J/am the. chief .-.pfLpoKcej ^conle to_
protect j'ou." I told hiih that he' could enter. , Tlie ladies had abput-
put.on theij^^yraps at_ that, tin^e^ anjl I ^scortecl tliem out Q,fthe,''d,Q;Qi'-
l;foijiid:SCro]L' ,4Q, soidlers^^n .tl;ie-'sidewa,llv,,,all,wi,th fixed". b^y^rtsts^
who' had been.sent down'by, ti|ia,|ioIice. or','the'>ii}^ii-a„ta def ejld .'tJif-
American ^embassy,.. ,T_made" tlie'.i^-emark that^thi&.'had'^a.'^sferipus; ap'-'
pearance ^aowr when-^naan came .up'.arui.wMspere.d.T^P tjie. man who,
Av^as. iii.citizen's clothes, and.who. had fQld-ihe^^;was,.ohieJf, of.police,-
ari(l he lum^d..to me and said in' English,, "Tji.e iHp.b-hay.disiwrsed/
up.'p.n the Litainy," which, was a .blo.ck frqmli^he.emfessy.. . 1 ,i^ske^„
him why it had been dispersed and how, and he said thjftt a tl'bop. of',
CQ^pks ^ca,me; ajong and-asjied them Avhat, they;, weriyoing'-a^Eia
wh^e :^]^y ^yere -going, and w^'eiii they .; replied- that.tliey were gpiug,
to sack the American embassy, the Cossacks charged thern,, ancL cl&.^
ba^ided- them, -I att,emj^ted to get, into communication with.,$^e'
miuisters that hight,i^but-I.,did not dor so, :anil the 1:ollowiiji'grd;ayj"I-
heard,,that this ii^cendiary speech was^inade -by jLenine, but, J never-
got -pyoof .of it.. Tliemob w-as ^irous.ea/becauseTit ,was saict'thai.thej'j
spealier, AYhoeve;i' he was, .saicl,fha,t-there was ii, man in America -wh,o„,
was to be hanged beca.U^e^he was a','soci"alii3t"^hd,his nanie„was-M-u-u-i,..;
I |ia,d never heard of Muni, butl"'fbujid-qut it was, M'^ohey, of ;San.
Francisco, who, had, been condein'hed - to death, because he was an.
accessory before the throwing of -that bohib w^ich killed about 2.0' peo.-"
pie in the. preparedness - parade and _ wounded about 100 Jiiiioceut,.
people. I, was afterward, under- Bolshevik "rule, waited. upon by a
committee of anarchists, who had come f rom , JHelsingf brs. . They
were sailors. They presented, .me a Resolution- saying,lthat, if ,tlaejr
colj[(Bagues,~Berlanan ancb Emma Goldman and Mooney, -^#i;e not re-
leased^ they would hold me personally responsible. -I told them that-
I would consider, it. -They went out. I cabled it.to.t^ieGoveriuneiit'.
next day and said, " Do not let consid_eration for my s_afety interfere
with the course of the law." Later, in Januarj^, I was presented with.
a re&olntion thathad.been passed by about 200 anarchists, in-a,garage,
that was three and a l^alf blocks f roni my embassy, which resolution
stated thatif JBerkman and Emma Goldman and Mooney, and"others_
Avlio; were -likewise- imprisoned for some offense^ ' which they had
stjatedwas- because they had giv«ii up. their lives and all of their time
to the liberation oi tha oppressed, were not released, I would be held .
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 963
personally .Responsible for.it. Thfit was delivered at my embassy
§»ffiM4^^oVi6imgri5fifeire^'«^ /^ov oQ .,.v.iyl^oJ.5n-/
Mr. Feakois. Under Trotsky and Lenine. I showed it to Col-
Robijis Ijhe next day and he asked me who presented thig,'aridl^I 4^id
l^alMnd.' "iZalkifl'(i Was'Mista'iit''miiiister' 6f fdrei^A aflFjii-i's. ois'.nsr
;^4or;N^LB^jj:''fife^i^seMedit:i^^^ "'■' "' } -i 'i, -"il^
yMry^|"EAMfs,''liff''^VeB^ Hfe'diti notsajr & wOfd abotifr
Brotectlpn;, at alt _ Mr. Ebbiris SEtid, "I will t^ke(' this to Leninfe,'"' and'
lietootv'it TO Lmine. and ^Lenine removed Zaikinid and niade him niin-'
ifejtoiflfeMaiiiif.:/ ''''-' ]^^' -^ ^oi,,ooo en.-, no ^..i.,.?:. ■ ._
'^iSe^'agaii^^'i SiaS-givin'g'a i^eception '^)9ife'ltiigM''1;Q'the'rmilitary' at^'
taciie, tjen.'yu-dsori/ whw wh:^ k'feout-to legfef^hellT' Kad a teiep'hdne'
call about j^oon.from a .woman^a Mi^i Proctor f^'^Jto Was a^^Rilssiaif
by„ birjth^ biif ¥!t6^Md:mSfTied the' eldei* I!i-'d6toif'^Qlthfef-fifttf ©f^^Proc-
m{& 'tiaMle. "MS, 'fekiai that ' ^hd ' 'desii-ed 'te'= s^'' i(ieFMt-%le-^¥as
ffimr?Q%c<i#"1t?(5' 'th¥'efllTBas:g""kiid afi'aid-fo'M'?^ mfb.iAfi6iM\f}
Whbtise. ^'So'^I^I8fft-Br.'''Htihting;toJi'' aM'in;^ Wc^etilri^-"h6i[^5^-''Mr.i
^in'ston5fe'Wet^pi''al lhe-c6rhtf tHe'Hetiky' and'tit^tiSy a^'i'
oriSclcltW a?SrM&? 'Ml s^lid she had'B^ri .^^siteeffiy-k-^SaiM §M
--m|b-^f8F|rwliB''l&itMda'6MMtiBnit^
tT
to bf Wirc^l^5^?^-'f *atf"^hvmamut';gO^ ':^q.pl^^ -to-a^ formal' rec^p-
miW^ fo^Getf.f^Fupk^^'^Mtf/JilifMfeSout' it/^tod %f.ld-Rdbi'
ij|'#P^W^^d^Wffl^f^f^i«^ I did5ii6¥^belii^^6':4e ^Sdrj^o
Twilve Q^(JM'pifee(i/*aina',Wem'ftp^-mffil ^/irid thfr bonfb wa^ -iiM
ps.-P
?6t:ild
^iftse-^sSl'diel-V'^aine. "TMey-
icfe 'than' tlife TJo&ib-%diiIc['
Ka's^e^creatfedf 'b^caV^'Th^'d'.tw'o tK tlitee, guests who- w'fere Russian'
oMfiei^S:,;: feeing ;aciia!nl|5ces^. -im -^^^^cx^iki ' 6f -' ^ Judsel!,- ; 'whQ' ^ ha*
failed to Iremoye; the iiiM'gnlk Tr'drfi 'thM^^ "Theyyfrad Te-=
njoy'edvflicli'lnslgiiia "froni, "their' oteircoial^, but' Wheti' 'they got' in, thfe'
Vp'tifipfe tlley ,io6k' off their oyercoa'ts/and thereby displayed th« in^-
siinia" of /office. ' 'lt:^vas lill that n;^^' poflfer' could do'to preient these
Bwshfeyffci' sdldiei's ftopi gding .li'p airidn'g^^^a|l %M' 'guests aM taking
qffrthfe'e''iHSi'gnia df oiRce.', pyornkE,w'as-''a''^ very "bright fellow, and;
he 'skidj;!'^This is not'Eussikn territdry;tTiis'-|ii 'American territdfy*,'
anct':|f you'eo up there you Svill have^ trouble." So 'they did not go."
I clia itdt' learn of tliis 'Cttftil^ iftei^ards. ' TlTey played cards'"' all
ni'ght P gave therii 30'ruble^,'eacli' the next morniiig, and they looked
at the sura conteriiiDtUoit'sly, jbecause-'they had been gambling all nigh?
and bettiiiff,50 rubles at, a tiifie.'''T never sent for any more BolsheviM*
gWkrds.^"^'^^ ^ ,.-mi-:ain ^i.-u V9if5 ^ n. , ''^ ,a,H , - ,n.,. .
Senator Kii^fO. Just before the revolution whicL Lenine ariff'Prdt-
sky precipitated, was Xhere an advent of people from Ne'vi Ydrk and
other pla'ce'sf in tbe^TJnited _States„tQ Russia, some East Side Jews
as, well, as otiieTS ?-',_'■'=''''■ ' _, '■';'/'..' '."' ' ' ' ,/- ' ''■'';':''"■ -^L-
. 'MflrpEANCid. i' 'think there was. :I' think that^ they ' cSan^e 'ovei' '-in
la'rge^TiniJJerS,; bdtjii via Vladivo^tdli'-and thrdugh' SWeiien^^ sijcli-
liie^n^Tflevet'callfed'upon.ine. ■ pohly'kne-SYJt frdiil hearsay, '^ 'i-':-:-
964 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator King. Do you remember wiring the State Department
here about the great number that was coming and advising against
it?
Mr. Francis. I do.
Senator King. Do you remember 800 coming in one week?
Mr. Francis. I think I remember that. Trotzky, you know, went
over there from New York, and he was taken on the boat at Hah-
fax and kept there two or three weeks. I never saw Trotsky. 1
never had any conversation with him; in fact, never saw him. I
saw Lenine on one occasion. It was when I went as dean of the
diplomatic corps, accompanied by all of the chiefs of the missions
of the allied and neutral embassies, to demand the release of Dia-
mandi, the Roumanian minister.
Senator King. They arrested the Roumanian minister?
Mr. Francis. Yes ; and they put him in the fortress. This was on
their New Year's evening, which is our 14th of January. I called
the diplomatic corps to meet at the American embassy the following
day. They were disposed to have me go up there accompanied by
two neutrals and two allied chiefs, but they could not agree upon
the other members — the four members beside myself — and I made
the proposition that we all go up in a body. So we went in a body,
after I had arranged the meeting through the telephone with Lenine,
who speaks English. We were received, and Lenine said, "Let us
discuss the matter." I immediately arose and said, "No discussion
on the subject whatever." I said that a diplomatic representative's
person was inviolable and was immune, and we demanded the release
of this man. But the French ambassador began to talk, and we had a
discussion there of an hour and a half.
Lenine told me that he would refer it to the council of the soviet,
and let me know by 12 o'clock that night, or when they had passed
upon it. I told him that I would be at my embassy all through the
evening, and he phoned about 12 o'clock that the central soviet
had concluded to release this man, and he was released the next day
at 1 o'clock, but was ordered to leave Petrograd within 10 days after
that, and was given only 24 hours' notice. I went to say good-by
to him at his legation, and I found that he had gone to the Finnish
station. I followed him there and caught the train before it left.
He was going through Sweden. We crossed at Tornea, which was
about 30 hours distant, but he was three weeks in getting there. I
have heard since that a commissar, who had him in charge, had a
communication to the local commissar from the central soviet gov-
ernment at Moscow — or Petrograd, as it was then — to shoot the Rou-
manian minister, but they had had a revolution there, and the
Whites were in charge and had taken Tornea the day before from
the Reds. So they arrested this man, the soviet commissar, when
he came in, and I understood they shot him instead of shooting the
minister.
Senator King. Coming back to the question that I propounded,
what did those men who went from the United States to Russia do in
the revolution which Lenine and Trotsky brought about ?
Mr. Francis. They were constant agitators, and three of them
guarded the foreign office the night that the constituent assembly was
disbanded. They were not all Jews, however. I think one was a
Jew named Reissman or Reinstein, from Buffalo, one was John
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 965
Eeed, and another was a man named Humphreys. They were expect-
ing an attack on the foreign office that night, and these three Ameri-
can citizens were put there to guard it.
Senator King. Was Eeed recognized as one of the Bolshevik
organizers ?
Mr. Francis. Oh, yes. They attempted to appoint him consul
general at New York. He is the husband of Louise Bryant.
Senator King. Did you recognize him as a representative of our
country ?
Mr. Francis. I only saw him once. He came to me with a' letter
from a friend of mine in this country and I received him and his
wife, but I never saw him thereafter. But I told Robins to tell the
soviet government that he could not function in New York, I did
not think our Government would recognize him, and they withdrew
the appointment afterwards. Oh, he makes no secret of his Bolshe-
vik principles.
Senator Nelson. Was there not a kind of movement over there to
have either Col. Thompson or Col. Robins supersede you as am-
bassador ? Was there not a movement of that kind ?
Mr. Francis. Col. Thompson succeeded Col. Billings as the head
of the American Red Cross Mission to Russia, and he spent a
million and a quarter dollars of his own money
Senator Nelson. Thompson did ?
Mr. Francis. Which was disbursed through Robins to sustain
Kerensky in his fight with the Bolsheviki. . Consequently he was
very much frightened when the Bolshevik revolution took place,
and he left Petrograd within ten days or two weeks of that time.
He left Robins in charge. Robins went to the Bolsheviki and said
he had been fighting them and he wanted to know what their prin-
ciples were.
They told him their principles, and he was ever afterwards
persona grata at Smolny, and followed them to Moscow, and tried
to get me to go to Moscow, and I refused because I did not want
to be any closer to the Bolshevik government than I was.
Senator Nelson. Can you tell us anything further about his op-
erations in that connection?
Mr. Francis. About whose operations?
Senator Nelson. Col. Robins's.
Mr. Francis. Col. Robins I had heard was being quoted down
there as the mouthpiece of America. My relations with him were
pleasant. I had, as I told you this morning, told him that he could
continue to visit the soviet officials, because I wanted to learn what
they were doing. He was recalled on the 5th of May, and on the
15th of May he went through Vologda, going to Vladivostok. I
went to the station to meet him. We had a private conversation of
about 20 minutes — the train was there 50 minutes — and I turned
away from him, or he turned away from me; I have forgotten
which — not in any unfriendly spirit, and he told an Associated
Press man there and a man named Groves, who was one of my
employees, that if he could get one hour with the President he would
persuade the President to recognize the soviet government.
Senator Nelson. That is, the Bolshevik government of Lenine and
Trotsky?
Mr. Feancis. Yes. He said, " I have the goods on my person."
966 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
. riSeijatpr; , XEL*iG:x., Bo ' j-o^;;jklOff !^TS>"S|fefl¥%5(t 'M''S^:T^Mii
that he hfid on his person r , '.t—o , it .-Ta^i t,~ o.^-,^ ,„...■ -
;. Mr, FSAXCis.^Well, I -hef\«V:a;;^ev^ai^;q^It ,jnfi^elp^/J' ai^jiy^i^
that I - i'?iir-02T^
! :- ^enatei: X ja.sp|rj ,J)id IjajlT^avej ? j,'e(:J§irtjals J^-oin, ^he JiqJ^^iliJ gov-
ernment ?-,;:7Ta ■i^:^:'\■J. \o kasS^;ni -i'di 51 ^K .^^oY v^^Z ;,. [fi-i-*-
-.L Mt. ERA3?cjs,iIe,had x;pinrf\anjpi|aQi\s,fFoin thejEqlsl-^^viJ^^^^^'if-
ment addressed to our Government ; But I can hot learn smce,ai^yjing
■jJlJJWashiRgton/that■J^e:€veflpreselJte|:}I.tllo^(J ^ommiipi^atipij,^^' Ij]^
aiiiSenatoi';I*ri;LSDN,^H$ never, w^as ,receiyec\^hei;e. thep.p^^s.J]^ f'i'M?t*r
SitdQf-;'fiOTii:ihe;I5Qlsb«fikigDvefnmfpit4r inid vviv i-y/-..;: I yi-i "aij-,/
m^ (stStemebtstatyMo^awijtJtfit ^ J .i^uecL ,a.j§^ewen4^;iWM?<M'S<^l>W^
that ^Yhile Col. Eobins and I understood each otheifgiii;ftdjpW^ic^
irieiKH^Mtftii' esp.r68siQBs^Lot,i:^#i«rJQan^jiQljcy£tha.t^di^j)i6^o^B^iW
-from- ine,r.:wer^-«n&ttthoj'J0ei4^'i I[iillv§^-,a r<«a^Y,,Qtlthc^., ataf.?^}?j(ity^gj
I should like tofflelit tomto Jnyme.7om n ica n^di aiJl 5 lofaisa^ud
L.,GS-eniitm5,fjCbifiKiiM. .Ml ti^*fe5>;«.§ flb«<]^lifeeiTeiQ>CMl.9i^^jteJ^y^M0"
file.itqj ?r[ ban .sis^uK 03 aoi'.z'LlC ^^otj bsH afi-jiiamA 9di \o
Mr. Francis. I4i^r6lrTkjteH-.'fiiOiM?^dQbfiTTt-i^jiisjjo r. ba:i noiilirn
Senator Nelson. A'\^io was Radfefe? nosqmoiiT .viciiiaZ loiJins?,
i!JiMnt-r«A:s(EaiS;oRadidt49iliiei:B©Jsb'i5Sk2¥fc> iafflW iftj^iji^ t^Ii^rig
te-iTOV€rturnTih6-:.goy'ernmfihtH.fehfii^. -^d: diivr jn^a gui ni -rAni^is'A
.9;>Sfenaior JviNQ.,. 33e4lia^.beeftitigre..fori#Vfei' tfssQjj^ijimtl^- ,lHi^^e.,B9^,
entthreerimciotha? 17T o-i^T tc. irp.b it^j rtinjiyr turiwoiii-l ji9[ 91* b.it
t [iMitjFE3JS'cia.-:YSs.t..(.Her •wmi-theij liwjfi ■^vIiqw [ Tftliitfih^A'jP f?¥itvfr
■Yoiogda;ix) Hxexjute-rthe invateition tl^fitfhe li^a4:esteni4^:tft.u,§'tp(iQpi;ie
to Moscow. He was in uniform and had a pistol on th&..outeide,
which I -did n^trnotice at the. time ; b:ut I heai^d. jlfterwar4^, .^s f onfhg
from Radek. that'LCal. JElobins. was the ooiirjer foF- the go^^et govi?.riif
ment with pra'posals. to our Government togp&nt usjthe Sftnie <;on-
cessions, privileges, and advantages that it iHd. been foi'ced tq, grant
to Gfirmany in tire Bcest-Litovsk treaty, which is what Iilrave thought
Col. Eobins meant by "having the goods on him.'': I , asked -my
renresentative to whom Eadek had told this if the sa:n^e,prjviJ[pges
were extended to the English and the Freflch- jHe saiid<';":No:;.it is
oniy to the^\uTieric!ms7 andrWeido flotwailt the 1 Eiigli^i ' findithe
French, to. krrow" any tking?_-:'about;:it.V/. Well, -I, .cabled .that,ta:the
Government,- because' -I, 'ilid note think, tiiatthts',GovernJiient,.r;\^fiyld
prove treacherous. to it;| allies by. taking: any.such:adYaittag6^as; bljat.
£ can not: leari4''iiit.hough-I -have ':ma£l6.inquiri«S{sincer, arriving h^p,
fliafeiCol. Eobirfs erei: presented :tb6§e .cemmimicationsi l3ufl,fhey 'vterg
fctoing TrlratevBr they, roulct to. olif^in, recognition.-by: 0V:e3Go5jeCTiM*wt'-
T4iat is Svhyrjtheydid.not order mo- out Qfj.the.cOMatry^jiraii Oi: u^^'^dt.
:'.?Senatdi- NELSois".: They. Jiopei-: you iwctuld mienfc? .n::/; .tioiI tst.'j-
£ rMr.. ;F:^N.cis. oThey .always, hoj^ed tti: ha;ve;the , i-fiCogni^ion-Qf <^
Ga'\-arnm-enti ji5id:I: thought: tJiat ^nv .Gosiecnment: icoujd. iflofe ,r,^pogni^
thenr/ ahct.isa'^fit'Sfl-to ora?; Governmente ,':I: have: bewtrCPl^^tejii fin
that all aiona^xBud yoei-sisteHt.,- .i:.tlioug;ht-th&>ti:tiift}f w,€re;,'iiig!Wiist
our (^TDverhinentias Trelhasiagainst'^ll organized govemfiiQntsj'^ijat
their decrees concerning women, marriage, and divorce nieftj(ri>#f?
breakiHg-:Hg oithe fainiij'-and a returir to-baSt»arisifi ;.and Jj^ipfc so
now.
, Senator Nelson. And their land decrees, SoiiMStiMgalB laifd:^?
^'•■' Mi-.'-'MANcts'.^THeii- iaftd'lecrefes;'' c&fffisgati'ni alT^^lAnds' ftft* all
*fnlii^MdS ^h-atever/--- ''--'■^■'*", '.*>-' -'.^a :?c.ji. ■*):„• "'•;=:,!,;.;:-;,;,: :,r r,-„;;,;ui
"' ■■S6iiat6t''']fEL^ON/"Bafilc^-M^;'eve>ytKingi- :^i.i-~h'£^:iwi ''-^' '^-' "i-
Senator King. What was their Mtiifirde towkM.religisoii'atfd tcward
5 the churches? ,. , \;uO,!„::.i.'_ - - ,j;'_ :.M
latter part of the summer the Bolshevik Russians were inGl®i4d;to
'!3?i! ttrffiraiuMi.-^^'^'':'^ ;r.iLi-5,..^ iijt: :..o»r7 .^cH^aV T.yr,3c,w'
, SeAator Overman. Did they, not confiscate-tfeyehWchnisOiedlsiuj. •
"'-^'M?f f^AMl'^I fa Mgt'tMnk'^Hey •aid'.- I 'do:fet ^fei^kilieyl^on-
fiscated any of tKS ehui'dh laiia%?i-*'^{y •ft^Kf^mfefijfeer.-aSBkigy i^UBd
'i^ra^^gipl^-oii-'lht? iJSrfliHg bf" '-tEW M^M- PSbrfiaTy^,;2#fe-feii4he'.ifeWse^iet
*'^efiat6¥'''NlfisoN.*'^fiat'~''M4uM'iiiiif6Kide I^ftifch4^as,ii0£ dmifsesiiL
a»ch'JfeeiiMisfn0f csswirsKajbrJ'o-jq
'="S'er8i*8r''N«Ls9i?'. 'MM^erdwri^TMWS-'? -Tis^jd [^ny sm/bjO: ^rfJ .jjiisaa::!
Mr. Francis. And crown lands^,^ s\»d:r
^nator, Nelson. And \^¥^M€0o¥J^&i\A-§'i&.dimm'sMhv.:Aasr:.
■■'°l[r;^I%tN't!isPMid*^^^(?-Iand^ib§P#5 M| laniia0«^.iiersiO'4_...£T ;^}.:
;*^'SWira^(Sf. McggNV-vThat w»EiMi?i4s^tid%'i4lseD'th©:lar[d3'iof rthe miars,
^M;ip6ffini)ina!'-*pMpfertt?-'* '^''■"\ J-'»)i '-^ .i..a),-:i>ii ' , >jk ' ,>x:,-. um l;-tj,=
un.i^j,: ip^;^jf^fi§. 'Yete:- 'a-wd'ftft«©f ^ay-fhat Ij^waifnofopposedirtoiihat
tltvl^ion'oi ratfds,'%^a'lfse I'beffig^ve th'a?t-fh©se:wh®;i^iir'tke Lami'showid
2iw!i-^t^, "ancl I waslW-f eCvoI*' of '£t'<tisiiJiliutW%ttf the-tfends, iand;'SO- ex-
jMesfeed myself to' th^'-fi?st-p/6vi%iona^livg<>v^r-nmeiife<l;I^d:not;m^n
'uxi cbiifiscatioh: 'oF tHe- li'nas','"fe1i*-tte- A^portkiiiaiifent Oif "^rthe jlawds
!|m'(|ft^ thfe -feasants at'ifi'fixed fji-i^fe atid Tipoffl effi^ .terms: r :■ i-'s-/
'i.^^Sefffttbr ^kiMb-s'^'Ytin itieanT'ari Spp'Or^i^nmfenti^kat ^w»uld jgive
^tiie peasants-' a'title'^tb it, did ^M' hot ?;-'■' ?i' -ij-^u i;in; !;? 7..rr.i;7j;«
"-'"®r.~FRA*q^cis'.' "I^at "^oitld give tM 'peasant-si;at title to-the-la'nds;
'Msf'r;;'"'^''"' ' "' •■'"■*""■■'- ' ■-'-'■-■" -p^; - ^siiki-v- z r.3.1^ ; ,jp "- ;:./;?-
:'"'S'eiia'tof'N'ELs6N. NdV?', yoA fed%^that^tlmJBolshevik systemitas
■^utfthfed is hot to: give theni'titl'e|'but ^ita^ly- assign liSiiem, the use. of
fhe'lMsf^' "'^ '-^^''/ -'■■- -''->*•'" ■"-' •••! ' .;;:c.;:jw': ; ..i;;;;:ji..r
:r^r.\FEAkfciS.-';Exactly: ''■ '^'- r. 5 V ■.).!.:_ i.irr^ ^ ,:r :;:,;_:fTe^ : .:::u;;v
' ; *Seiifttbi' JfELS.oN;' AM-rio'3^ibi''te^4aiid' tlian-'they can till-liiejiiisels.es ;
'it^'landthat'ih'eyhWe tb'tlll -Wit¥'hiretivhdlp ?=•-•'-; - }ir';r :h:sPA-^- h^C^
^"■*g:^l^i&^cis;'-Nb.™^'^ '■vr.'VL:;- «.v..^ ,^:i.rr ;S^.o.:i:-.50 ;,:T ,;«-r
Hsri1rtor\Niii-_s65tr Is 'Mt that so* . ;iU';ii.i';r.iJ vT,:r ;; -,- t--,-'- jtc.-
,'-''" -.":'Jji::r;p;"'V .i^tii'WRUA
"a Russiiii"^easaarfJcBraid
Senator Nelson. Aiid he could shift around froHi.ion^^pl4«K;lo
another frojn year toy6rrr"<5buld'»'P*f ■^" 'f'"'' i---i 's::rj>x,^i^
Mr FSA%M^'-I'thiffi^SMer-fHat'%m(tff!:fefe^'e&Md. J}r,«:A.iT T-ivy
™WeMFl:iA^b.W^M^TdSa #'^sdih^ftiiMg€ik^'th6>pli£ tfe-fefagaad-
etone dftvised in Ireland ? '' ■|a..j-fii(:fib .ror't '
968 BOLSHEVIK PEOBAGANDA.
Mr. Francis. Exactly.
Senator King. The crown would set apart a certain amount of
money to purchase the land, and they would expropriate it and give
it to the peasant — that is, to the landseeker — and he would have a
certain number of years to pay for it?
Mr. Francis. Exactly.
Senator King. At a small rate of interest, and become the owner?
Mr. Francis. Exactly; so as to prevent it from being a hardship
on him.
Senator Nelson. Under this Russian system the peasant never
could become an owner?
Mr. Francis. No; he never could become an owner under the
soviet system. And they nationalized all the banks.
Now, the railroads were made the especial charge of the American
Embassy. A railroad commission came over there at about the
time the Root Commission came, headed by John F. Stevens. I took
John F. Stevens to the department of ways and communications and
installed him there. I say " installed him there " — ^he had an office
provided for him there; and later he was going down to southern
Russia, the Donetz coal basin country, to inspect the railroads down
there.
Senator Nelson. Down in the Ukraine?
Mr. Francis. Down in the Ukraine. He got back as far as Mos-
cow, and the revolution had broken out, and he wired me for in-
structions. I said : " Remain where you are as long as it is safe, and
then come to Petrograd. I will attempt to protect you here ; " and
he went, a few days after that, if not on the same day that he re-
ceived my telegram, to Harbin, where he is now, and is in charge
of the trans-Siberian Railroad. Now, I wired to him in May — I
think is was in May — to send Emerson and 100 of the engineers that
were of the Stevens party to me at Vologda. He replied that he
would send them at the first opportunity, but he sent a subsequent
telegram saying that he was opposed to the whole matter. Our
Government here asked me what I wanted with those railroad men.
Well, I said that I wished to use them to operate the trans-Siberian
road under tlie department of ways and communications, with the
subordinate officials of which department I had always maintained
pleasant relations. I got my trains from them; I got the train on
which I sent out my staff, the train on which I sent the nationals,
and the train on which I left Petrograd myself. Emerson left
Vladivostok the 19th of May, but he never has arrived at Vologda
yet. The Czecho-Slovaks, whose numbers were variously estimated
"from forty to sixty thousand, and who were escaped or released
Austrian prisoners whp had taken up arms against Austria, were
interfering with the operation of the trans-Siberian road, because
they were attempting to get out to join the forces on the western
front. This was in July of last year. No ; I think it began in June
of last year. I instructed our consul general at Moscow to join the
other consuls general in protesting against this treatment of the
Czecho-Slovaks.
Senator King. What treatment, Governor?
Mr. Francis. Interfering with their leaving the country.
Senator King. The Bolsheviks were attempting to restrain them
from departing?
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 969
Mr. Francis. They were attempting to restrain them from depart-
ing, at the instigation of the Germans. Trotsky issued an order that
they could leave via Vladivostok if they would give up their arms ;
and at the same time he issued a secret order that, any railroad man
who transported them — any conductor or any station agent— Would
be punished ; and they were all put to work.
Senator Steeling. Then, when Col. Eobins testifies that the move-
ment of the Szecho-Slovaks was not interfered with by the Trotsky
and Lenine government, at the instigation of the Germans, he is mis-
taken, is he, Mr. Francis?
Mr. Francis. I think he is mistaken, because I think the Germans
inspired the Trotsky government to interfere with the departure of
the Czecho-Slovaks. The Czecho-Slovaks have done excellent fight-
ing up there.
Senator Overman. That is corroborated by Col. Hurban, who
made the treaty with them, and who testified that after starting they
took all the guns away from them.
Mr. Francis. They took all the guns away from them, and they
promised them that if they would give up their guns they would
let them go out.
Senator Overman. That was the testimony of Col. Hurban, attache
for the Czecho-Slovak government, who was here ; and he also made
this contract, as I understand, Maj. Humes, did he not?
Mr. Httmes. He was one of the commissioners.
Senator King. After taking their guns away from them they at-
tacked them ?
Mr. Francis. They attacked them. Oh, they broke faith with the
Czecho-Slovaks. The Czecho-Slovaks were first attempting to get
to Vladivostok, and they afterwards attempted to get to Archangel,
where I was, but they were prevented by the armed Bolshevists
from doing either. I do not know what numbers the Czecho-Slovaks
now are in, but they are still there under Kolchak.
Senator Nelson. Over around Omsk?
Mr. Francis. Around Omsk; yes. You know, the distances in
Eussia are so immense — why, it is as far from Petrograd to Vladi-
vostok as it is from Petrograd to Washington — farther. It is over
6,000 miles.
Senator King. More than that ; about 7,000 miles.
Senator Sterling. Did you know Col. Lebedeff, Ambassador
Francis ?
Mr. Francis. Oh, yes ; I knew him.
Senator King. Vladimir Lebedeff?
Senator Sterling. Yes ; Vladimir Lebedeff.
Mr. Francis. I think I knew him. Mr. Johnston, is that the name
of the man who was
Senator Sterling. He was former secretary of the navy in the
Eussian provisional government.
Mr. Johnson (private secretary to Ambassador Francis). Yes;
you knew him.
Senator King. A dark-complexioned man, with whiskers; rather
small.
Mr. Francis. Oh, yes ; I knew him very well.
Senator Sterling. Was he considered a man of high repute?
Mr. Francis. Yes ; he stood well there.
'970
'feoL^Hjiivil'- piolScMi^.
j6A>fas;p'fl0t;if/t^vo'rbftTie'-^ ■'' " "''^-'- -'■jJ''-^ 1'^^
r";S^^HAkcig: 1 'ttehk'he WSs'ffi f avSf '&f i;}ie"'revo1iW%ifV4>«t Wo
"not irecalf ^acdy.'^'" '■ ■l^'^^V'.'";";' '',''' 'T^ — ''^!f^ ;*-.:, -a-j-.„- ,,i,
^^^.e.nator King. . Let meTfeallth^- matter WyiJfl'r'^^ft^
,',w^s diirf e|f '#di^' EBSsia-^d'ttfin-^ the - O^aristic .r^ffin^ec^iiS^^^ his
T«vbj-uti0it^ry • attmtfts?" S^'iva^ agaMt tlife'^Cifaf .••'f^5fe'%e^^ to^Ii^a^ge
an^ enliste'd''ai'i"pfifate/kM'^^Jbfght''th^e^^
and rose to the
Jwas oreaiitaenii
ItyioftM'^naVy 6?If9lr;
■-^^TenWto>gl>fefe>.*:^«^^^
;re-
Senator King. Yes
that is Li
3#PV^'
3ija^
_ __ , -WP^Mla^Mred
0 Wffl^ o^fblffiSK^ bsauno-tcr
. J Senator Kiiw., It was more than that. About a tlffiRi?^ •'ffigi^M.
'*f^r'lifMr*Bem tP'iv^f''Be^f-4«f?5frfffS%f'S'^°'«-<»^39sO Bdi :oi
Senator S^«J^G.^€o}f'^!K^^ff%aS'':^'ff§sM'*he Wef!^4S0?epHi
*^^% ifi'--tM¥i^io«^:<i^S iM
'^cBBe¥dre^Kyeofii1&ilte!»l«raS
r Senator SpiRLiNG. No ; he has nqt been here. ^ ^^8^^ Gsiaju
•''-■^MK'l&']S^i^cis:^heB^l's'fie'noWr-J baiofi.-Lu r,,^; . ^icriA.?'! ^M
''''SSeiia;i6i^"MSi? Me-?^ inTs^^i7 -He-tva^-herfe-iSnd ■«y^lSe&^itf«iea
•1@''qm!e4nniii^ri)f H&ifc^M dnd^puBlie ifi6fi^"ifi'tWei§y7-'3'3i^'' «
^:'''^M:^ilsNcfeFl[y*i«ipWssi&h'i%'ffi'at I'fflSt Ml«, dM F-iffl vlery'SMr
%'at he "stood vei^y well 0Yer^there.''Hg- stood 'very i^43.J%^SBFth'ere;•'i
Senator King. Ife"'there 'anything' -felse-j'<m '"WaiiM -"hk-e^ to'^ft^^ aBdUt
the Czecho-Slovaks and their tteatmeiit; so far' as iti#'-HSa!ie'f4aMe'this
inqiiti-yf ' ' " ■'■" 'L:^'---i ' ^ ■--""" ;ir;i;:' j).:;:o-:^i Jio-iA-i-i -M _
■ ;Mf. EEAJJCTs/'l^he "Gzech5SlQStfks''-w^'ife'^b^
ceive'd from "the ^depaftiiiett1?'hiere a JJuMie'^annoUnceiiient^ thtttij''6tir
Government symp!
and independence^ ^^^ ^^,-^^^^-.., c^^^v.^ „c,^^a ^^
'^aM&^t'canid tb-ffieifc Th«y Wfeg brfeve mfen.
They were not monarchists. In :'
ical form of government ; and ,£ _ ^ ^
too, because they were va. fayor,o:f^d^ii!ii£i^t^-f©i^m'b¥^|vferMfi%!^t—
Th^^er'# jMli-fots.
^-VI
out of
Infragc _
-eration' itf Kndoi5%if "th^'^h of 7ti?ri«aff . i'-i^"''' -V-K^'--
Senator Overman. Mr. Ambassador, you said thaf--
Mr. Francis. I do not think it is exceeding that^
Sepator OvERMAN.-^'Tla¥%eing^soX^y^ i^ #fat «Sfe-«9(j|ef'5|ent
of the'peoplft^-db Wot't)¥ertuiffi-"'this^BMkg^ ■g&g¥ffiieMI«M^ es-
:tablish order and law? ^"s.icr .^^ :<].::« m >e f arcA^jiT '3,
..iillCtg
TICM
Mr. Feal
Helsinj
We''(3alicasus'"aiiidi}i'e Odessa Sistricl,' in which tKey have jiii)4;,Qii|ro^,
fd^orth Qiitihey.do ijQt hay.e_,contr(jl ; ^a,nd, qJE. C9,pse,'jEli^^ Jj^ve
comrbl iii' Siberia" except nefe and'th.CTe in Jpcai/s'pQtg., .'^'"'.''..,^^.^..
,,, .Mr/FR4,NCis.^E:^actly- exac^^^^^ „, ,.;^;:Vr' V' -"- '-' t-V"^r~ Vu'"
:; featpi^-^Kf^c^.SQ it is ojttly;|i]b-our4I)^0W,t)P0 of the people :in-it^s-
Sa SvCTi'whom Ttliey feM-cJsecohtroL' -Instead' of ,l80,000,do'0rit' is
fctoif afek%,ei06^6o f : " ' ■ '^'■-" , '- 'f ^^^, f ' :.. , ■ \: ^": - :--' > ' - ; ";'• ' v;
■' Mr.'- m'ireisl -' Oh^y;>6o.,uoO,QOO;OAQ.^^'l. tihinl^: y% are;cQrKect,,:,t(?'-
cau,se,thev„(|plpt.^etto.l|t^e"j^^Jh,ife 1.50.miJie§,,and-they"dp;hot
getfoWe ^l'ctic;p'0;0iTrat^firhl|fisJt tfyJOO ^iiilepv ■"S'#homJ'wSich
is 200 miles soutK-ttfMlirifcajitg|t;ig 'ocCtipie4';%-the
rebuilding the Murman ria!aTi3'm;fl3fecause it ^asveij-ytfeeciirfely built
^, ^fefl%o¥'"^iN A " pid"'^tlie ]Cem
am W dlteS' agaihsrth«-cm^ •;■ *"■ ' ;^ " ■. v; ■'"-■'
ft#l"'^pcou4g|n^rit t. could to tU^in Jo; ,|?,resgnt .ao ,Qrg,i^iyzea„froh1b
in fefdef to prevent the" GernaarT divisions that had been on the g^t-
erji frpntironi;beins sent pvej,^ the western frq&fc. anOrtold EoMfe
tions, which he transmitted through the War iJIpal'tlhent" code, ask'-
972 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
ing what America and the allies would do ; but they invariably ac-
companied that by a statement that the great social revolution should
not be interfered with. As I stated this morning, I think their object
in the beginning was a vrorld-wide social revolution. The correct-
ne^ of that opinion has been demonstrated since by their propagan-
dizing in all countries against all government. They are attempting
to break up the family, which was the first outgrowth toward society ;
and I think the predominance of Bolshevism throughout the world
will mean a return to barbarism.
Senator King. You noticed that they had a large number of Rus-
sian Bolshevists in Argentine recently, and a strike was called and
many people were killed, and the government, in self-defense, had to
seize about 1,184 of them and put them on a vessel, and probably
they have shipped them back to Russia.
Coming back again to the question I suggested, you state, then,
that no proposition was ever made by that government — the Bolshe-
vik government — to join hands with the allies in resisting the aggres-
sions of the central powers ?
Mr. Francis. No proposition was ever made by the Bolsheviks to
the allies that came to me. Col. Robins said that
Senator King. Never mind what Col. Robins said. We are inter-
ested in knowing what you know as ambassador.
Mr. Francis. He said that the Bolsheviki asked the question as to
what America and the allies would do if they refused to ratify that
treaty. They ratified that treaty by a vote of two and a half to one
at the Moscow meeting, whereupon I issued that proclamation that
elicited from Kuehlmann a demand on the soviet government that I
be deported from Russia.
Senator Sterling. And it was at Lenine's demand that that treaty
was ratified, was it not?
Mr. Francis. Exactly ; it was at Lenine's demand that the treaty
was ratified.
Senator Sterling. The first impression was not to ratify, the
treaty, was not, at that soviet ?
Mr. Francis. I think I gave an interview at Vologda appealing to
the Russian people not to ratify the treaty, and there was some doubt
about its ratification. The second treaty was signed on the 3d of
March. The first treaty, as I said, was rejected by Trotsky in a
very dramatic way when he made that stage-play.
Senator Kjng. That was in December or the last of November?
Mr. Francis. Yes ; that was in December, I think.
Senator Nelson. December or January ?
Mr. Francis. December or January. They declared an armistice,
you know, without consulting any of the allies. I think that if Rus-
sia had stood up to her obligations the war would have been ended a
year before it was ended, and millions of lives could have been saved.
Russia lost more men in the war than any other country, although
she quit the war a year before it ended. I think she lost at least
2,000,000 men, and there were 2,000,000 Russians imprisoned in Ger-
man and Austrian prison camps when I arrived at Petrograd in April,
1916.
Senator King. When Lenine and Trotsky returned to Russia did
they announce as one of the purposes the immediate cessation of hos-
tilities so far as Russia was concerned ?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 973
Mr. Francis. Yes; they did after they got into power. Does
anyone suppose that Lenine would have been permitted to come
through Germany and into Russia without German consent? He
had the German approval. He came through Germany to Eussia
from Switzerland, and he was very profuse in his distribution of
money thereafter ; and, as I said this morning, I think that was with
a view of promoting the objective that he had in view all the time,
which was a world-wide social revolution.
Senator Nelson. Was it not strange that he had so much money,
being one of the convicts released from Siberia under the Czar's
government ?
Mr. Francis. I think he had been in prison under the Czar's
government.
Senator Nelson. Was not one of the mistakes of the Kerensky
government that they opened the doors to all political prisoners,
criminals, and everything else ?
Mr. Francis. Yes ; they did that, and permitted them all to return.
Senator Nelson. And they have returned to plague them?
Mr. Francis. Yes.
Senator Sterling. And the demotion of the officers in the army ?
Mr. Francis. And the demotion of the officers, and the abolition
of the death penalty. You know, when Kerensky became minister of
war, or after he became president, I do not know which, he issued a
decree abolishing the previous decree, or revoking the former decree,
i^hereby he had put an end to the death penalty.
Senator Sterling. Yes.
Mr. Francis. I heard him making a speech in the Marensky
Theater. He is a great orator. A man from the gallery interrupted
him, " What about the revocation of that decree abolishing the death
penalty ? " He paid no attention to that. The man repeated it three
or four times. Finally he said, pointing up to the man, " Wait until
I condemn a man to death." That meant that he was not going to
condemn anybody to death. That destroyed discipline in the army.
Senator Nelson. As a matter of fact, did not the Trotsky-Lenine
government, the Bolshevik government, after they came into power,
do all they could to disintegrate the Eussian army and demoralize it ?
Mr. Francis. They undoubtedly did.
Senator Nelson. And put it out of fighting capacity?
Mr. Francis. They undoubtedly did.
Senator Nelson. Under their cry, " Peace, bread, and land ? "
Mr. Francis. Yes.
Senator King. What contribution, if any, did they make in a
material way toward helping Germany and Austria after the treaty
of Brest-Litoysk ; that is to say, by furnishing them men, money, or
supplies ?
Mr. Francis. They did not furnish them any men, except that
they had a general exchange of prisoners. Germany and the central
empires demanded that the prisoners should be exchanged man for
man. Now, to nations at peace that is very unjust. In other words,
the central empires should have sent back all the Eussians and Eus-
sia should have sent back all the Germans and Austrians ; but Ger-
many and Austria — especially Germany — had an excess of war prison-
ers over what Eussia had, so they demanded that the prisoners be ex-
changed man for man, and consequently the excess of prisoners that
97.4 BOLSHEVIK ^EEOEAGANDA.-
Germanyaiij^ Austria held ovQr what Russia h^^d- of German Aiid
Aa|trian waTc^pngoners^AYere retained there fp- do, work in Germaiiy.
'Senator ^QisTG^ 'To add .to her industrial capacity? '• .' _;'
'Mr. FEAKCis.'^e.as to perinit the iiidustfial workers to go to tBp
western front. T spoke'to a subordinate ofilciaLnamed Vosnosenaki^
and he admitt6d„that- that was true, but he said,," We liaven't any'
power over those men"" ;"and. the Germans .and tlie AustiiaDsfinsiijted.
upon those prisoners who were exchanged,, being"' able-bodied men,^
and. in exchange for. able-bodied men theyi 'sent;^back Baissians .w^o
were ifiValids. . . ''"" , .., •' , '' ,. , '"t
Senator Nelsok. Exchanging disaijled Russians for souad Ger-',
mans? .:. „ .,.,.. ... ..j- - ...,., - .m '
Mr. Feakcis. Exchan^ng disabled Russians for sound Ge'rmaiis.
^Senator KixGi Whi(|h enabled them to keep se;veral,}n^9ced tlioii--
sand. able-bodied RtlssiWsTi^,t5er^ to aid the. industrial wbik.?.,
■'Mr. ' Feancis. Exactly." There was no inconsisteiic'y jp that,'.iis"
such has been German practices for .th.e. last 2'5year5.^ AsTreiriarked
this mornirig., .German}' lias^eeh.exploiting Russia fdr,3'QLar fO'yeajis.
and if thfs Bolshgvik government is left m contf 9I-, -if ^disprd^r pi)e-
vails,, jij, Russia, peaci will te injip.p,^}?lg. in Eiiroj^^ ,J.:iliihk Gjei-
man.y'witl exploit Russia if .the disoi'ger is' kllpwed^tp cpntiriuetthei-ie ;
so.tSat Getinan^j^^inatead.Q^TiAyiiig |jee-^i 'd,e|eategiripj|his .\j'a'r,/^iU
h>v,e,^^ined a .Viciorj^^"ancV..wiliCbe st^pjb^^
shXwfig'*'af ';the'j3''eginjiin|'; ot Jh,e '^ap;';;t; C". , i^',::'^^^^ \': _ - :. -, ^ ' :,, ,; ,
' Senator NiELsoSr. Dplyc^ii .not- r^^ga^a iJiisLBplgJje^lf gg'^ernrn^sut iii
Russia as a menace to the peace of "Eui^ope?",'.-^!^' ll'j..";^'^,^,- "..^'^J,^
,„^r.^J^]^4Nci§. I regard is ,as.,a.mgD[|ice„tQ tfp^,peape'Qf^Eu|^e'';a^d
aji^ei^ce to thje.p^ace oj? tha LW0|l;q.7 "■ T"'„.' '-w' _', -. ."^ '-^- 7-
LSj^Vtbr Nsiispis^^A.^ipen^.'c'e^'t^^^ the^worl^ r ^^n^^ ^^^'^S
lidyfe caii .He',aii.';'etf&/^ gtn'ernment'jst
ehmxnajte^ ... :,^,, , .^. . ., _, .^^..„^r •- ,.5 ^,- .-.-■■': --,.-•-■
Mr. TTkakcis., r thmk' iiLQt,*I^TKa|/is''iny.;"|g,^ih£ntj derived froni-
two'!y'ea^.an'd:eight.mohths7j|^' ■'^■i^^' -'• "^'ould he there'
still iiinj.liealth'jaermitte'S.V' 'j^^,r ^ , -^-.f "''. ^\
Senator" N^LSQx.;- Do \yQU- Beli'eYe...tliat 'piif Gbvernmerit. ajud the..
allies.ar^,.}iistified jnllielping .jiherR'tissian. people get rid of that Bpl-'
shevik go'vernment? ' " .". - _ _ ^_ %;^ .. _- ".r
Mr. Frakcis. You ar& asking.' a question of policj' nb.w that I (Jo
not feel like answering." " "'" ' " ' '-- " ." ,,(
Senator .Oversian. We willr'not press it,' but I will ask you.tliis
question: Suppose we removed the allied troops from that country,,
what would happen ? —j - -,-:-- , -'" -to;.i .'
' ]\Ir..FkAxcia..I think the.p'ussians^in'.the. zones ^pccupied B'y^alll<|d,
troops would all b.e mui-dered by. the^Botsheviki. Mr. Simmons te%^T
tified to that hereV I saw his statement when I was in PaTis.
.^enator 0a'ee3Ian. . Yes. , He told .ais. that. Twant to know what
ybu'.tliink about it. "7".:- "".,...-..,- •- — ' .■,.^ .-i..^^- r---
' . Mr. Feancis. I ihink so, .undeUlijLedly. .-Wliy;",A?^^QifTwas gom|
to leave Archangel .on the 1,4th of .'Pctpber, as I haO^plgEimed when I
could walk — that was before J. gotrinto the conditioh^where I had
tp^ he carried, on a stretcher— there 'was almost a panic in Archangel
because theyL'th,QUght-my xiepartiir4 meant the leaving of all the
American troops ^ and then they .said they would be-at the mercy ^
of the.,BoisheYiks. 7Tb.erefo're I. stayed there three weeks longej..
975i,
The Bolsheviks now number various thousands.of peopje that th^y
KaJWJ;Otf,;pim|^gredt)etQi;e;i, .:^p«„understand thafihS BtolsTxeVrki'-tire
iip|,ne^^y, 3^s,mimep^us ,,as,,tJ;iey-w^fe/:^out
the' other Kandp\thei|'pfiijy;'i5"s ,^l;r,ong^ji-^, bgfel&et as i^'said; I'ftls, iiiortf =■
ing, they have Chinese, tney have Eetts,''arifl they^liavfe'fcoyscrip^eid'
fl§eoat(5r $TJEELipjG/.'J[s.it7igi''p^^^ to, the pay the soldiers' now';
g^t-lmder, Bolshevist irule? -x'.: '^tr ^jir-.,. i.n: '■- i;_i ■ n-itii- - '. -.V
■^Mr. Francis; W«11, the Chinese were induced to go into their ij
a}|i};^/bjy, Ibein^: starved.'; There is no food for anybody who does ^
not join tlie army! ' '' ' ' ■' ■ ^ "', ^, ,-*'V'' ^^^''"!,'-'
Senator Nelson., They were the men who liad bae'rf employed, in''
building the Muf hiin 'Mirdrfd,' W£re t^liey-^iiot f '-^1 ■si-::^^'- - "-^>'-
"Mr. -If^ftiNcrS. There"-werfe ' ' 4'0(),eoe '-■CM'nei^' laborers "'m'- Rus^ia^'lt
was estimatecTwhegQ I ^-ent th'6fe"rlf''19lB'; ahd I do not'kn0W'-ho'#-
niajiy of them went Jjack to thfiir native .country, but I know the#e^"
ai-e-'f eirs' 'of ^thoils Jrii,as*o J 'tUmr iti'1;fie'' fiofeh'evik: -xarmySJi^^^Mf? '^ Tl^y
w|4,*^*"i>^^"^6i-e bec4iTse:tl^%,%ituId^iiot*'^ l^od' oth®=^i.sS"*?iFt5w
t^eBb'l§he^'lk~goveriii'hellt,"'a's f'^aSd Ellis'' forenoon'-' Wf)¥fhting
ii.aa^
at the rii.te„of .^0.,.0Op.,L
t^Qn^ly^^feejoirtg;;^!© 'a
course mey ean'atfoMfc'pay ahy'^agSi'^^fall-riesnice^SSry^
„Sen^tqr King. That is pure fiat money, of ccrArs'e ?., ''-'''^ .E£r:;"fTj eao
Bpij^\^^^^:; '"j^nd^llo lhe|hs';ir^;^i'oyM its redi^ihption,^''- t£^
vkioij. tickets. Fii'st^the spkliersf'theV^the'iiien wHo'-jviJrK-Witlf-tlMf''
haidaah^. work 'ei;ght hoifrs 'a d'ay.;'.ihten'^th^ rtlep who d??li'gHt'-wo-rk ;
then tlie intelligentsia^that'is the pfofessions.^ You aii'd-F'wButf be^-
callecl intelligentsia if we were oyer there. -.. ,^ ,2&i)q,.:::ais
;;SenaIoivJ''^i?i^ON.rAndlthen the ' capitalists?' ;;- ,^" '-"" '' "^-'^ ■:'■"-'''
Mr. Francis. 'The Capitalists have "nofie: '''--■"■?"■- "^ :-i;^-"'.":f:".:L~:;'i,
-3,en^tor. NJELSON.^Tliey get nonel ..,„^^. , , - yczs^ ^rs :.i,
■- Mr. TiJANOi^sJ They, get n-oh;e. '■ ' r;'V:i\;.";!''[/^':. ;':':t-c.'.-i t ■>:>[
Senator 'King. You mentioned the''troo3JS;'''.A^e' there not' some'''
Austrians and some Germans in the Bolshevik army ? :-,'" "-' "'
.Mj,,..^^RA?>fC.i§._I think there are._ ._^I have h'ad adviees-froni'(|ur
consul general at Irkutsk, Mr. Harris; Snxl from our consuls throug|n-
out .Siberjf),,,- stating , that thei:e .^were.^ Gernian"^a;nd';:Aus-fcrian "soldiers''
in the'raiiks of the 'Bolshevild." ' I'Mf- 'wer4 Undfeiihtec^^^
German officers.. . Xhe American .troops were sent clo-vVfi ftbinJAr|!h-^
aiiger.tow;ar<J TolOgda; and.up the Dyina Myer toward Kotlas. They
se^T'a:''very. 'perceptible impfoftoient in- the discipline of fh^-Red'-'
(jtiard, or the.,.B0lshevik. troops, and they attribute it to Russian^
ofiiper-s .whp.liave been_fo.rced to .drill their troops, and also'to Ger-'
iri;a;A an^i Ai^is1:rian' oliicers/ ^.;": ._^ ^^ r ^ _; "■ '-/^'- ' ■-"■''-■:■''
■SMart-or KiNTG. is.it coinhion knowledge 'thei^e that Russian women'
afS'S^lrd, asrfio^stages to secure tWservices of their husbands," to force
*^ """"** jiftt.6'r the, Vriny. t-O "reiider "services to tlse~\Re!d "Guard? -'"3
976 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Francis. It is.
Senator Sterling. Here is a statement from Col. Lebedeff in re-
gard to the Bolshevik army, which I should like to read and see
whether in the main it agrees with your idea. He says :
Finally the Bolshevlki formed a hired army of a peculiar kind ; it was an
army composed of war prisoners, mainly Hungarians and Chinese formerly em-
ployed by the Murmansk Railroad ; of Lettish detachments, almost all of whom
joined the Bolshevikl, and of the dregs of the population, lured by the high
salaries paid them by the Soviets, the light work in the service, the privileges,
and mainly by the prospect of being well fed, for at that time all of central
Russia was starving. Only the Soviets and the Red Army lived lavishly and
sumptuously on good rations.
Mr. Francis. I agree entirely with that statement.
Senator King. Did Lenine and Trotsky turn over the Black Sea
fleet and any munitions they had — cannon and guns — to the Ger-
mans?
Mr. Francis. They turned over the Black Sea fleet to the Germans.
Senator King. What became of the cannon and war supplies that
were on the western front at the time the treaty of Brest-Litovsk
was signed?
Mr. Francis. On the western front in Eussia or in France?
Senator King. On the western front in Eussia, which would be
the German east front.
Mr. Francis. I do not know. I think the Germans captured very
much of that. The allies saw that none of the supplies shipped to
Vladivostok were shipped into the interior; but in spite of our en-
deavors they shipped 100 cars a day out of Archangel and sent them
up to Kotlas, sent them down to Vologda, and to Petrograd and Mos-
cow, notwithstanding that they had agreed not to do it. The Bolshe-
viks did that. They were evacuating those supplies continually.
Senator King. Did they turn any of them over to Germany after
they had gotten them from the allies?
Mr. Francis. I do not know that they did ; but if the war had not
ended when it did, Germany would have captured a lot of the
supplies.
Senator Nelson. Have you reason to think that the Bolshevik
authorities in Petrograd got hold of any of the Eed Cross supplies
at any time?
Mr. Francis. I do not think they took any of the supplies, but
those supplies were distributed under Bolshevik supervision. Do
you understand me?
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Francis. They were distributed under Bolshevik supervision
in Petrograd and Moscow.
Senator King. Was that because of the sympathy of Mr. Eobins
with Bolshevism?
Mr. Francis. It was because of that; but I think they would not
have permitted the distribution of those supplies if they had not had
supervisory care of them. You know they could have prevented the
distribution. They were in supreme control of Petrograd.
Senator Nelson. We have had testimony here, and therefore I call
your attention to it, testimony from two sources, from Mr. Simons,
and also from a yoimg man who testified here yesterday, Mr. Hatzel,
who was temporarily in charge of the Eed Cross warehouse at
Petrograd as a keeper under Eobins, that they applied to Eobins for
BOISHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 977
supplies, that there were Americans there who were starving, or in
need of supplies, and that he was told by Col. Eobins that there
were no supplies. Now, Simons, as well as this young man who
testified yesterday, said that there were a lot of supplies there, flour
and canned goods and canned milk, and 300,000 pounds of salt beef,
and a lot of supplies, at that very time.
Mr. Francis. I do not know about that, because that was after I
left Petrograd ; but I know Dr. Simons very well, and I know he did
a lot of relief work. He was obtaining money from this country all
the time. He is a Methodist minister, and he was doing a great deal
of work there in the way of relieving suffering.
Senator Nelson. Is he a reliable and trustworthy man?
Mr. Francis. Oh, I think so ; absolutely. I think he is entirely so.
He was over there when I got there and I left him there when I left
Petrograd. I think he left Kussia before I did, but I left Petrograd
before he did. He had a very large congregation there, of resident
Americans in Russia, and he had some Russians in the congregation.
The middle-aged man, Mr. Simmons, who testified here, is a different
man from Dr. Simons. Mr. Simmons was before you early in your
investigation.
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Francis. I think Mr. Simmons is a very reliable man also. He
was condemned to death over there.
Senator Sterling. He was the forester who was sent over there
from this country?
Mr. Francis. He was the forester. I have known him for many
years. I knew him before he was in Russia. I knew his father-in-
law and I know all the Simmons's in St. Louis.
Senator Overman. The other man. Dr. Simons, is the one who
testified about the flu.
Senator Nelson. That was Dr. Simons, the preacher ?
Mr. Francis. Simons is a preacher and Simmons is the man that
the Agricultural Department sent over there to look after the forests.
Senator Overman. He is the one who was condemned to death
without trial ?
Mr. Francis. Condemned to death without trial. He would have
left Vologda with me, but he was sick. He was arrested three or
four days after that and taken to Moscow and he was put in prison
there, and a man who was a prison mate of his, whose name I have
forgotten, sent his regards to me when he was taken out to be shot.
Senator King. They killed him, did they?
Mr. Francis. They killed him.
Senator Overman. He says they shot them every day.
Mr. Francis. They did not hesitate. They did not stand on the
order of their shooting.
Senator King. There was no trial ?
Mr. Francis. No trial whatever, and no charges preferred.
Senator Nelson. "Was that the case in Petrograd, too ?
Mr. Francis. Yes; that was the case in Petrograd. They called
No. 2 Garoki, via the morgue. When a man was sent there he bade
farewell to hope. A man who had. recently been in Moscow stated
that he saw human blood flowing out under the gate of the inclosure
there, where they had been shooting men charged with counter revo-
85723—19 62
978 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
lutionary sentiments. They did not hesitate about shooting people.
When the cholera was prevalent in Petrograd, as it 'was last August
and September, Zenoviev, who was then chief commissar of the soviet,
made a speech in which he charged the bourgeosie with being respon-
sible for the cholera, and he said : " If any Red Guard thinks that a
physician is not doing his duty, he will shoot him on the spot."
That was giving license to the Red Guards to shoot down physicians
wherever they saw fit. Oh, it is a disgrace to civilization — not only
irreparable injury to Russia, but a disgrace to civilization !
Senator Nelsox. Is not that system of government as it is carried
on in RussiaTto-day really an anarchistic government ?
Mr. Fkancis. I should say it was. It is worse than an anarchistic
government, because anarchists believe only in destroying property,
as I understand it, while these people believe in destroying human
life.
Senator Overman. As well as property.
Mr. Francis. As well as pi"operty. Lenine and Trotsky and
Radek, and Tchitcherin, and Zenoviev realize that they have to kill
people in order to maintain themselves. The bourgeoisie of that
country and the intelligentsia are all cowed.
Senator King. I suppose they have no arms; that the arms arc in
in the hands of a few ; in the hands of the Red Guards I
Mr. Francis. They have no arms.
Senator Overman. Was there not a decree passed to take the arms
from everybody, to go through the houses and take arms besides
looting the houses I
Mr. Francis. That is what they did. They went through the
houses and took the arms and took everything of value, and I hiive
heard of their breaking mirrors, and sticking bayonets through Avorks
of art.
Senator King. I wanted to ask you one question this morning
when we reached that point, but we were diverted. If it had not been
for. the Bolsheviki would the Kerensky government have been able to
continue functioning and to have maintained the western Russian
front and to have aided the allies in the working out of the war ?
Mr- Francis. I think they would; because Kerensky was very
much hurt when waited upon by the British, French, and Italian
an^bassadors and told that their Governments desired the war prose-
cuted .mope vigorously. He made a display of coming to see me be-
cause I, did not accompany them, and he said, and Terestchenko,
who was the minister of foreign affairs, told me, that he was hurt
that they had urged him to do more when he was doing all he could.
Senator King. From your observations, were he and his govern-
rQ6:ni> doing everything in their power to aid Russia ?
Mr. Francis. They were doing everything in their power. But
Germany had her spies around and was exerting very great influence
under the provisional government, as she was under the Imperial
Government. Now, Germany sent me a million and a half rubles a
month to aid the civilians who were interned. I had 30 or 35 em-
bassy delegates who were going around distributing this money, and
I sent for one of them one day and said, " How do you distribute this
money ? " He said, " Why. I have a committee of interned civilians
who know their colleagues, and I go to this committee and give them,
we will say, 50,000 rubles, and I have them give me a receipt for it."
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 979
I said, " How do they distribute it, per capita ^ " He said, " Yes."
I said, " Eegardless of whether the recipients need the money or not—
need relief or not ? " You know there were many rich Germans who
had been interned. He said, " Yes ; I think they do that." I said,
" You tell that committee in your jurisdiction that I think that is
wrong, and that if they distribute tlie money by that system I will
not send them any more." He came back two weeks from that time,
and he said, " The chairman of m}- committee is a rich man from
Riga. He was a German banker before the wai. He was interned.
He said Germany makes no discrimination between her subjects;
that if 30 rubles Avill not relieve suffering 40 rubles a month will, and
that if 40 rubles will not suffice, 50 rubles will." I said, " Until I
have instructions from Germany to that effect, you will tell this
committee to give this money only to the people who need it." He
went down and told him. But soon after that I ceased to represent
Germany, and I do not know what system they were pursuing. Ger-
many sent me a million and a half rubles a month to distribute among
these 300,000 German civilians who were interned. Austria sent
about 600.000 rubles a month also.
I had a relief division, called the second division, that had charge
of that relief work. But I never was so relieved in my life as when
we severed diplcmatic relations with Germany, because it relieved
me of my responsibility.
Senator Ki>;g. When Lenine and Trotsky gc!t the control of the
Kerensky Government, what did they do with the representatives of
that govei'nment '( They killed them or drove them away ?
ilr. Fran'cis. Imprisoned them. The morning of the 7th of Xo-
vember Kerensky had left Petrograd. and the ministers had met that
afterncon in the A^'inter Palace where Kerensky had lived. It was
surrounded by Bolshevik soldiers and Eed guards. They surrendered
about 2.15 the next morning.
Senator Steeling. Kerensky had escaped.
Mr. Francis. Kerensky had escaped. He was the only minister
that escaped.
Senator Nelson. Is he alive yet'^
Mr. Francis. Yes; he is alive now.
Senator Nelson. Where is he 1
Mr. Francis. He is in some town in England near London, writ-
ing a book, I am told. I saw Miliukov. Miliukov had resigned
some time before that. You know he had been forced to resign by
Kerensky. He called upon me in London. He was sent out of
Russia because he had been affiliating with the Germans down in the
Ukraine, when he was at Kiev. He explained that to me. I thought
Miliukov was a very patriotic Russian. He said that the Germans
had sent an officer to him to know if he would accept a proposition
to ged rid of the Bolsheviks, and he replied that he would, pro-
vided they would set aside the Brest-Litovsk treaty. He said the
officer replied to him that he thought that was impossible, but that
he would report it at Berlin. So he returned to him in about three
weeks at Kiev, and said that the Germans would not set aside the
Brest-Litovsk treaty at all. So Miliukov told me that from that
time he had no more negotiations with the Germans. Miliukov was
minister of foreign affairs. He was leader of the Cadet party, a
very able man.
980 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. What became of the other members of the
Kerensky govermnent?
Mr. Francis. I saw Prince Lvoff and Kanovalov in Paris at a
luncheon that was given me on the Monday before the Friday on
which I left, and Terestchenko is in Norway. I do not know what
became of the others. Gutchkov is down in the Crimea, I think, or
possibly with Kolchak or Denekin in the Ukraine.
Senator Nelson. What became of the Grand Duke Nicholas, who
commanded the army at one time?
Mr. Francis. I think he is in the Crimea or the Caucasus, I do not
know which. He is strongly anti-German.
Senator Nelson. And a very able general?
Mr. Francis. A very able man, and a very able general, too.
Senator King. Mr. Ambassador, what do you say as to the
methods of the Bolsheviki — and that is the principal object of this
committee to ascertain — employed by the Bolsheviki to carry on
propaganda ?
Mr. Francis. They have been distributing Bolshevik literature
among all the armies of the allied nations, and they have not spared
our army. They have been distributing Bolshevik literature among
the Czecho-Slovaks, among Denekin's army, among Krasnov's army,
and among Kolchak's army. They are preaching Bolshevik doc-
trines to the peasants all over Russia ; but the peasants have become
disgusted with them because they have taken the peasants' grain
without paying for it. They offered to pay sometimes in these
rubles that they have printed off, but the peasants do not take them.
Senator King. Paper rubles?
Mr. Francis. Paper rubles. I sent my man out to have my glasses
repaired one day in Archangel, and I said, " I Avant these glasses
back the next day — to-morrow." Well, he said he took them to the
optical man and he said, " How long will it take you to repair these
glasses ? " The man replied, " Ten days." He asked him what the
cost would be, and he said, " Ten rubles." They were reading
glasses — spectacles. He said, " I will give you 10 rubles extra if you
will have them done to-morrow. The owner wants them." "No;
he can not have them done in that time." But he gave the man
tiiree cigarettes and they were done the next day.
Senator O^tirman. Did you hear anything of the action of the
Czecho-Slovaks in shooting Russians — shooting Bolsheviki or shoot-
ing anybody?
Mr. Francis. Yes; I heard that they did not take any prisoners of
the Bolsheviks because the Bolsheviks had disarmed . them under
false pretenses; that is, had promised them that if they would lay
down their arms they would be given the right of way out of Russia.
Instead of that they were shot. So they got hold of arms somewhere,
and I heard it said that they did not take any Bolshevik prisoners.
I do not know whether Kolcifiak, now their commander, permits that
or not.
Senator Nelson. Now the anti-Bolshevik forces practically have
control of the Siberian Railroad as far west as Omsk?
Mr. Francis. As far west as Perm. Perm is about 1,200 miles
east of Vologda. The distances over there are immense, you know.
You talk about Murmansk and Archangel as if they were very near
together, but they are 500 miles apart.
BOIiSHKVTK PROPAGANDA. 981
Senator Nelson. Murmansk is on the Kola Peninsula?
Mr. Francis. Yes ; it is on the Kola Peninsula, and the Gulf Stream
and is never closed in winter.
Senator King. Mr. Ambassador, I was asking about propaganda.
Along that same line, what are they doing, so far as you know, about
international propaganda, and do you loiow of their spending money
for sending persons abroad to carry on a Bolshevik propaganda ?
Mr. Francis. I only know what I have heard. I have not met any
of those people, but I believe they are sending their agents down
into Germany and Austria and England and France ; and they are
sending money over here to propagandize for Bolshevism.
Senator Nelson. There is said to be a Finn in New York who is
the head of a propaganda bureau in this country. What is his
name ?
Mr. Humes. Nuorteva, the Finnish ambassador.
Mr. Francis. I do not know him at all.
Senator King. Eadek, as you stated this morning, was in Ger-
many and has been there for some time. Do you know anything
about the amount of money which he used for propaganda purposes
in Germany?
Mr. Francis. I do not. I saw it estimated at 30,000,000 rubles.
Senator King. Do you know of the Russian representative sent
there by Lenine and Trotsky being exiled from Switzerland because
of his propaganda — his attempt to spread Bolshevism ?
Mr. Francis. Being exiled from Germany ?
Senator King. From Switzerland?
Mr. Francis. Yes; I saw that in the papers, but I do not know
anything about it.
Senator King. I did not know but that you learned something of
it in Paris from the representatives of the iSwiss Government.
Mr. Francis. The Swiss Government has no representatives in the
Paris conference, because Switzerland was not in the war.
Senator King. I notice that Denmark's representative, Mr. Sca-
venius. has been withdrawn
Mr. Francis. I know him, personally.
Senator King (continuing) . From Russia recently, and he told of
the atrocities and cruelties that are perpetrated in Russia — at Petro-
grad — under Bolshevik Russia.
Mr. Francis. I think he is a very reliable man. He was reprer
sentative of a neutral power, Denmark, and consequently was re-
maining in Petrograd when I left. I understand that he and his
wife did very material relief work there. He was called before the
Paris Peace Conference.
Senator King. He testified before them ?
Mr. Francis. And he gave a horrible account of the conduct of
the Bolsheviks. In Petrograd he said they were dying by the thou-
sands from starvation. He said when a horse would drop on the
street from hunger the populace would surround that horse and cut
it up for food. I have understood that for six weeks past the city
of Petrograd has had little but oats to live on, and not sufficient of
that cereal.
Senator King. Do you know anything about the efforts now being;
made by the Bolsheviks to destroy the incipient governments of the
Baltic provinces and of Poland ?
982 -'.: BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Francis. I only know what I have seen in the papers about
it. I am satisfied that they are doing it. They were increasing their
forces against this Archangel government when I left> there, and
have been increasing their forces ever since.
Senator Steeling. Speaking of propaganda, Ambassador Fran-
cis, do you recall the Root Mission ?
Mr. Francis. Oh, very well, indeed. I introduced that mission
to all the officials in Petrograd. I had been there more than a year
when the Root Mission came.
Senator Sterling. Do you lecall any propaganda following the
A'isit of the Root Mission, by means of cartoons, representing Mr.
Root in a somewhat ridiculous light, printed in an American paper
and then reproduced and circulated there?
Mr. Francis. Yes; I saw that. I do not know that the Russians
could understand that, however. They caricatured Mr. Root as a
corporation lawyer ; was not that it ?
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Senator Sterling. Do you know from what paper it was repro-
duced ?
Mr. Francis. I do not. I think it was some Bolshevik publica-
tion in New York. [Laughter.] I do not recall the name of it.
Senator Steeling. Was it the New York Evening Journal, Mr.
Ambassador?
Mr. Francis. That was a lapsus linguae. I did not mean to say a
Bolshevik jDaper in the United States. I meant that it was a Bol-
shevik paper in Russia. I do not know what paper it appeared in
first. I did not know why you were amused.
Senator King. Mr. Ambassador, is there anything else that you
feel that you want to state, keeping in mind the fact that we want
to confine our investigation to efforts of the Bolsheviki to carry on
propaganda ?
Mr. Francis. I think you have asked me all that I can think of
on that subject.
Senator Steeling. Just one question I would like to ask of you.
Mr. Francis. Col. Robins yesterday gave a very vivid account of
the way in which he got out of Russia, the accommodations which
were afforded him. the rapid transit through Siberia, with all con-
veniences afforded him and no searching of any kind, not even re-
quiring him to show any passports anywhere on the whole route, and
he described the trip as being made in extraordinarily rapid time.
Can you account for that ?
Mr. Francis. Yes; it is very easily accounted for. The Bolshevik
government, or the so\'iet government, whatever you may call it.
wired ahead to give him the right of way, because he was persona
grata, as I have told you.
Senator Nelson. They looked upon him as their friend?
Mr. Feancis. They looked upon him as their friend ; and I learned
afterwards that he was the bearer of communications from the soviet
government to our Government here. In fact, he told me that he had
an order from, Trotsky — ^^I think it was from Trotsky ; if not, it was
at Trotslry's instigation and signed by the minister of ways and com-
munications— ^that his messages sent by wire should have the right
of way.
Senator Nelson. He was getting more privileges than you werfe?
f~
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 983
Mr. Francis. Well, I was not getting any.
That reminds me of an order that was issued by the soviet gov-
ernment that all of the telegrams sent by our consuls through Siberia
and Russia generally should be in clear ; they must not be in cipher.
That was an unheard-of proceeding, and I think our consul general
at Moscow protested against it. I received after that an unciphered
message from our Consul Caldwell, who was in Vladivostok, saying
that he had been notified secretly to bring his messages to a certain
place unciphered, when they would be sent to me in cipher.
I immediately wired him that if the same privilege was not ex-
tended to the British, French, Italian, and the Japanese, who were
our allies, not to take advantage of the offer, unless it was extended
to all of our allies. I also wired the department that I had done so,
and the department immediately replied to me that they had given
him the same instructions that I had, upon receipt of the informa-
tion. Now, my idea of fidelity to our allies is to take advantage of
no privileges.
Senator Sterling. That they did not have?
Mr. Francis. That they did not have — that are not extended to
them.
Senator King. Did j-ou know Mr. Treadwell, one of our consuls?
Mr. Francis. Very well.
Senator King. He is still imprisoned by the Bolsheviks?
. Mr. Francis. I think he is under surveillance in his residence, and
the paper stated the other day that the British would release a com-
missar in exchange for Treadwell.
. Senator King. He has been under restraint for a good many
months by the Bolsheviks?
Mr. Francis. Yes.
Senator King. Brutally treated?
Mr. Francis. Brutally treated.
Senator King. Did you know Mr. Childs in Petrograd?
Mr. Francis. I knew him very well.
Senator King. A very high-class American, who was starved the
other day.
Mr. Francis. He was starved the other day. I knew Mr. Childs
from the time I first went there. He was the Western Union repre-
sentative there, and he had 30,000 rubles when I left Petrograd, which
I thought would keep him from starvation ; but he was advanced in
years, and a very delicate man anyway. They starved a Frenchman
to death there — a very prominent man who had lived in Russia 18
years — named Darcy. He was put in prison and released just before
he died.
Senator King. Did you know the British officer who was murdered
by the Bolsheviks in the British Embassy?
Mr. Francis. I did ; knew him well. That was Capt. Cromy. He
was in his embassy one evening when the Bolshevik soldiers entered
and demanded to make a search. There was no one in there with him
but the three Bolshevik soldiers. He killed two of them before they
killed him, I understood. The British commissioner at Archangel
told me that the British Government had notified Lenine and Trotsky
that they would be pursued after the war ; that no government could
give, them refuge, on account of this. ,
Senator Overman. Did you know Mr. Ray, United. States consul?
984 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Feaxcis. Oh, yes; I knew him. He served under me. He is
here now.
Senator Sterling. In Washington?
Mr. Francis. Yes; in Washington. He was in this room this
morning, was he not?
Senator Nelson. Is he here now?
Mr. Francis. He is here now. He was the consul at Odessa, was
he not ? He came to Petrograd, and I sent him to Chita.
Mr. Bailey. That is correct.
Mr. Francis. I was surprised to learn that he was here.
Senator Overman. Do you know when he returned? Is Mr. Ray
here?
Mr. Ray. Yes, sir; I am here.
Mr. Francis. Come up here, Mr. Ray.
Senator Overman. When did you get back here, Mr. Ray ?
Mr. Ray. I arrived in Washington just before Christmas. I have
been down at my home in Texas, and came back last week.
Senator Nelson. When did you leave Russia?
Mr. Ray. I left Vladivostok the 2d of November.
Mr. Francis. When did you leave Chita ?
Mr. Ray. I was never in Chita ; I was in Tomsk.
Mr. Francis. That is right.
Mr. Ray. I have been through Chita, but I never stopped there.
Senator Overman. I just wanted to identify you. Proceed, Mr.
Francis.
Senator King. Did you know a man named Rhys Williams ?
Mr. Francis. I have met him. I met him once. I understand that
he testified before this committee the other day.
Senator King. Did you know him in Russia?
Mr. Francis. I met him once there. He came to me with, and I
think he was introduced to me by, Mr. Harper — Dr. Samuel N.
Harper — who testified before this committee the other day. He was
the second witness, I think. I understand that Rhys Williams does
not deny that he is a Bolshevik in sentiment. He was a Congrega-
tional minister at first, and he was recommended to me as a corre-
spondent of the Evening Post, of New York, I think.
Senator King. Do you know whether he had any contact with the
Bolsheviks in Russia?
Mr. Francis. Oh, yes; it was a matter of common knowledge.
Senator King. Associated with them, spoke at their meetings, and
so on?
Mr. Francis. He was associated with them and advocated their
principles, and he issued one Sunday morning an address through the
Russian press calling for volunteers ' to organize an army of non-
Eussians to promote the Bolshevik cause.
Senator King. I have no further questions.
Mr. Humes. Governor, there is a provision in the soviet constitu-
tion that provides that all of the political rights of Russian citizen-
ship shall be given to all foreigners who are resident in Russian ter-
ritory. Do you know whether or not persons who were citizens of
this country and of other countries, and who went to Russia and
became a part of the soviet government, became Russian citizens by
virtue of their connection with the government under that provision
of the constitution?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 985
Mr. Francis. I do not know. I never heard of any man who was
foolish enough to expatriate himself from American citizenship and
become a Eussian under Bolshevik rule. John Reed was appointed
consul general of the Bolshevik government, to be stationed in New
York; but they withdrew that appointment when I told Eobins to
say to them that he would never be recognized.
iMr. HtJMES. Is there any requirement by virtue of which a man
must become a citizen of Russia before he can become an official of
the soviet government ?
Mr. Francis. I do not know that there is. But, if so, he can become
a citizen of Russia merely by expressing a desire to do so — an inten-
tion of doing so.
Mr. Humes. My point is, Governor, that there was a possibility
under that provision of the constitution that a number of these
American citizen who had participated in the soviet government
may have renounced their American citizenship by becoming affili-
ated with that government, and I wondered if you had any infor-
mation on that subject.
Mr. Francis. No; I have not. If I had I should have communi-
cated it to the State Department long since.
Senator King. As I understood you this morning, you did com-
municate with the State Department, protesting against so many
coming over from the United States, all of whom, or most of whom,
participated in the Bolshevik government ?
Mr. Francis. I think I did. If I did not, it was a very great
dereliction on my part.
Mr. Bailey. You did. I recall it.
Senator King. Were not some of those men, against whose advent
you were protesting, Americans; for instance, that man from Buf-
falo— Reinstein ?
Mr. Francis. Yes. He was an American citizen. But I think he
was in Russia before I knew of it — before I knew he was coming.
I protested against issuing passports to those agitators. I remember
now very well, Mr. Bailey.
Senator Overman. We are very much obliged to you.
Mr. Francis. I am very much interested in the subject, gentlemen,
and I apologize for not being able to stay here next week.
Senator Nelson. We are very much obliged to you.
Mr. Francis. Senator Nelson and I first served together 22 years
ago. He was Senator from Minnesota when I was Secretary of the
Interior, in the Cleveland administration.
Senator Nelson. And I had a good deal of business with Secre-
tary Francis.
Mr. Francis. Yes, you did; and I found you a very efficient Sen-
ator, and I hear you are still.
Senator Sterling. We corroborate that, sir.
Senator Overman. So do we all,
TESTIMONY OF MR. OLIVER M. SAYLER— Resumed.
Senator Overman. Proceed, Mr. Sayler.
Mr. Sayler. To resume my testimony of this morning, I arrived
in Moscow during the Bolshevik revolution, probably the bloodiest
epoch of hostility in the greatest revolution thus far. No one has
986 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
•
ever been able to estimate the number of lives lost in Moscow at that
time, but the most conservative estimate run from 1,500 to 2,500, in-
cluding Bolsheviks, cadets, the military students serving in defence
of the Kerensky forces, and civilians; because, as you know, street
fighting in a city the size of Moscow, which is almost as large as
Chicago, is no kindergarten affair. I myself saw 500 red cofBns
carried and buried in one grave, the contribution in dead of the
Bolsheviki in this affair; and that was not all, because the funeral
was held a full week after. The other public funerals were held even
later, and the number of bodies carried in line in these funerals is
no criterion of the loss of life.
Within a week after my arrival, however, things settled down to
a kind of order, a land of normal life, which existed throughout
the winter, a kind of desultory disorder and warfare, but the best
order, apparently, that could be maintained under the conditions,
under the dictatorship of one class over all the other classes, because
of course that, as you know, is the heart and soul of the situation
over there to-day.
Within two weeks after I arrived in Moscow I found a home
with a Kussian millionaire. Living conditions in Moscow were
about as difficult at that time as they have been in Washington the
last year. If you could not get any place else to sleep you slept in the
station.
I slept in the station the first night that I arrived. I found evi-
dence everywhere that Russians were glad to have Americans on their
premises for the sake of the safety that it would bring them. I must
say, without giving credit to any Russian individual or any Russian
class or any party, that Americans, as long as I was in Russia, were
more highly regarded and more cordially received and had more
privileges extended to them than any other class of people. That is
true in respect to any class of Russians, and also true as to any other
group of foreigners. Why that is so there is no use of going into
now, but it is more or less gratifying.
As I say, I. entered the home of this Russian millionaire and made
my home there as long as I was in Moscow, also using his private
room in connection with his offices in Petrograd while I was in Petro-
grad. He had two sons, both of them moderate socialists, as I am,
all of us thoroughly believing in violent political revolution when
necessary, but believing just as firmly in evolution instead of revolu-
tion along social lines, and, therefore, opposed bitterly and un-
alterably to the use of force by the Bolsheviki to gain their ends.
Senator Steeling. And if you can not get it by evolution, then by
armed force and violence ?
Mr. Saylee. No ; I have too much faith in the forward looking of
humanity to think that force is ever necessary.
Senator Overjiax. We do not want your views in the matter.
Mr. Saylee. I simply gave you those facts to give you the atmos-
phere under which I lived in Russia.
Senator Nelson. As I understand it, you are an evolutionary
socialist?
Mr. Saylee. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Who financed you to go over there?
Mr. Saylee. I paid it out of my own pocket.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 987
Senator Nelson. '\Miat did you want to go over there for? You
did not go as a representative of a newspaper.
Mr. Saylek. I had a curiosity as to what was going on in what to
me was the most interesting part of the world.
Senator Nelson. Did you not know that we had an ambassador
there, as well as consuls?
Mr. Saylee. Yes ; and I was on cordial terms with them all, I be-
lieve I can say.
Senator Overjian. Go ahead and tell us the facts.
Mr. Saylek. Let me group these facts, and I think it will save
time. I want to group my facts as to what I saw in Russia, the con-
ditions I left here, under two heads; one, those which seem to indi-
cate an utter demoralization of all of the civilized forces in Russian
life; and the other, those facts which indicate a persistence of a cer-
tain kind of order in Russian life, in spite of it all.
In this home where I lived there were 6 people in the family and
7 servants, and it took the 7 servants all of their time to find food
enough for the 13, so that in spite of the fact that I had all the com-
forts of a rich and i^alatial home, I had to scrape around for my own
food.
Senator Nelson. Do you not think they would have saved some-
thing by dismissing some of these servants instead of keeping seven ?
Mr. Saylee. Senator, I personally know that when I was there all
seven of the servants were busy finding food for the 13 of them. I
do not know what the result would have been otherwise.
Senator Nelson. But you being a socialist, I thought you would
have an easy way of getting food.
Mr. Saylee. I do not believe in easy ways of doing anything in
human life. Senator.
Senator King. Go ahead.
Mr. Saylee. I mention that fact simply to show that I saw the
Russian food situation as the normal Russian saw it. I had none of
the advantages for getting food from the embassy, as I have been
told other Americans did in Petrograd. I was in Moscow and the
embassy was in Petrograd.
I had, moreover, to face the problem of money in an unfortunate
way, and that gave me an even closer insight into the way the ordi-
nary Russian had to look at life last winter, because I had sent only
enough of my money ahead of me to Petrograd. with the ruble
descending in value all the time, to keep me until I could find out
how long I was going to stay, and then I could cable my father to
send me more of my money.
By the time I reached Russia it was impossible to have any kind
of international exchange along those lines, so that the money that
I had with me had to last me, and I found by inquiry that that money
averaged for the time that I found I was going to stay to make my
observations, about the income, of the average Russian.
To rfive you just a concrete idea of what food meant to the aver-
age Russian and to me, I arose in the morning, drank five glasses of
tea to persuade my stomach that I had had something to eat, and then
took one-half of a quarter of a Russian pound, three and three-quar-
ters ounces and not four, of bread — half of that with my tea — and I
started out on my day's work with that, and I waited as long as I
felt I could and keep at my work, until late in the afternoon
988 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. What made food so scarce? You have described
it. NoTv, what made food so scarce?
Mr. ISatlee. Senator, that is a long story. It goes away back into
the unreadiness of a country like Russia to endure a long war. Rus-
sia was hungry the winter of 1916 and 1917, before the Czar fell, and
a million men deserted from the army before the Czar fell. Those
are facts which were established before I came into Russia — facts
which I have never seen in our papers published at that time.
I took particular occasion, after I got back, to look back over the
files and find whether or not those facts were acknowledged. It was
probably felt, in order to keep up the morale and allied sentiment,
that those things had better be kept from the public. I do not ques-
tion that ; I only state that as a fact.
Senator Overman. This millionaire, he had plenty of money to
divide with you ?
Mr. Satuer. Let me tell you where his money was, and how he was
fixed on that. That will give you a concrete idea of what I have put
a little later in my list here, of the demoralizing conditions, and that
is the condition of finance. This millionaire, as I remember it, had
several enterprises in which he was interested. He had a ten thou-
sand-acre estate out near Smolnief. That was near the line of the
German advance. They later advanced, and the estate was overrun
by the Germans, and while I was there and before the Germans made
that advance the peasants took that estate.
Senator Nelson. That was right, according to your notion, was it
not?
Mr. Saylee. No ; I beg your pardon. Senator. It was
Senator Nelson. Was not that according to the socialistic plan?
Mr. Sayler. It was violent, mj- dear Senator. I object to vio-
lence.
Senator Nelson. No ; but he was living with you in Petrograd, and
those peasants went there and occupied his land. Was not that
socialistic?
Mr. Satler. It was violent socialism, and I object to violence. I
insist that everything shall be done by law passed by the majority
will of the people.
Senator Nelson. Oh ; go on, then. Go on.
Mr. Satler. Thank you. To go back to this host of mine, this
millionaire as you call him, he had this 10,000-acre estate, which
was taken by the peasants. For a time it was run in an orderly
manner. They had hogs that they wanted to sell. They knew
that it was time to sell them. They were in proper condition.
Those hogs were sold and the money was -kept in trust by one of
them for the owner of the estate, so that if by any future act the
estate should be turned back to him he could have it. If not —
if their tenure of the land was maintained — then the money would
be divided among them. That was all very well at the start; but
when you start to using force and violence to accomplish any social
change, then, my dear Senators, as I see it and as this incident worked
out finally, you descend from the days of comparative idealism like
that to the days when you are shooting and killing each other, as
they were before I left. The reports came from the estate.
Senator King. Starting with violence, the violence continues and
mcreases in order to perpetuate their system?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 989
Mr. Saylee. Yes; that is the way I see it. That is true, no matter
who rises up against whom. If we had a socialist government
acknowledged by the will of the majority and people should rise up
in force against it, you would have more and more violence and more
and more violence. It is simply a by-product of revolution and of
violence in any case. Violence breeds violence. The violence of the
old autocracy in Russia bred the violence of to-day. It is simply
cause and effect. The pendulum swings.
Senator King. The same manifestation finds expression in Ger-
many to-day. They had the autocracy of the Kaiser, and now they
have had a fair election, so far as we can learn, men and women
voting; but the minority are not satisfied, being tainted with this
violent Bolshevism, and Spartacides added to the Bolshevikis who are
there are fighting the form of government which was erected by the
people themselves.
Mr. Sayler. Yes. I think that was the result of the tyranny that
existed in the past in Germany. The pendulum swings.
To go on with the catalogue, briefly, of this man's activities, in
addition to this estate, he had a factory at Yaroslav on the Volga
Eiver, about half way between Yaroslav and Vologda. This factory
was not in operation, but he had to keep on paying his working
hands. How could he pay his working hands when the banks were
closed — nationalized and closed? There has been a great deal said
in the last two days, since I came to Washington, about the nation-
alization of the banks, but the banks, for all effective operations,
were also closed, and have been so since last Christmas.
Senator King. Nationalization meant destruction?
Mr. Saylee. It meant demoralization to such an extent that busi-
ness could not be carried on.
Business was carried on to this extent in the banks : If you could
prove that you were paying, or in a way where you had to pay,
workmen certain sums of money — certain wages— you would go to
the financial secretary of the soviet and get his signature on your
check — on your pay roll — and draw that money out of the bank,
if you had it to your credit, of course ; and you could pay your hands
under those conditions, and under those conditions only.
Senator Steeling. Otherwise, was it confiscation of the money
that a man had on deposit in the banks ?
Mr. Saytj:e. I am unable to say just when, or whether, that was
carried out. It was suggested, I know, in the newspapers, while I
was there, that all sums over 25,000 rubles should be confiscated, and
that all deposits less than 25,000 rubles should be respected; but
whether that was ever carried out in any of the Soviet directorates
I do not know.
That brings me to the point where I can answer the Senator's
question as to how this host of mine lived and how he made his
way — how he bought food. His own money, according to our way
■of thinking, lay in the bank, but he could not touch it. There was
any quantity of it.
Senator King. Theoretically?
Mr. Sayler. Theoretically.
Senator King. But I suppose, as a matter of fact, it had really
ibeen taken out by the Bolsheviki ?
990 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Saylek. Oh, yes: but the presses were printing more daily.
Money in Eussia has no vahie, except as it ^iH buy something aiid
passes on. It is a medium of exchange, purely. It is not a medium
of international exchange.
Senator Kixg. They had long ago taken out all of the metal money
and put in printed money?
Mr. Saylee. Yes ; if there ever was any there. Eussia, in four years
of war, had probably exhausted a great deal of her metal-money
supplies before they took the banks. At aaj rate, the scheme that
this man had to use to get sufficient money in his pocket for -the
purchase of the food he needed to consume was to pad his pay roll
to such an extent that he was able to get enough of his own money
out to carry on these oiDcrations. That he did, month by month.
There were other direct and indirect methods of getting your money
out of the banks. There are some of the most amusing stories that
are well authenticated of ^^hat happened in the banks of Moscow.
I do not know whether the Senators care to hear them or not. It
gives some idea of the state of demoralization.
For instance, one man — I am not able to substantiate this definitely,
but it was common talk and was never denied — one man got the sig-
nature of the financial secretary of the soviet to his check for o,()00
rubles for some purpose or other. I do not know what it was. That
check be presented at a bank to the Bolsheviki clerk. That 5,000
rubles was handed over the counter to him and the check was not
taken up. He picked up the 5,000 rubles and picked up the check and
put them both in his pocket. I do not know whether the thought
occurred to him as to what he might be able to do with them at the
time, but before the next week came around a bright idea occurred
to him. He took the check back to the bank again and got another
5,000 rubles on that same check, and again the check was left on
the counter, and he picked it up, took the 5,000 rubles, and again
went out. He repeated that over and over again until he had 100,000
rubles that he had drawn out of the bank on that one check for 5,000
rubles. Of course, that is simply scrambling things to the point
where you can not ever straighten them out. There are other stories
and details of that kind. That is simply a sample of the way that
things went on in the way of finance. Money was printed day after
tlay for whatever the govemment reeded for that day. No taxes
could be collected, of course, under the prevailing disorder.
I want to say light here and now something that I have not heard
mentioned in the last two days' testimony. We talk about the Bol-
shevid government, and we presume, apparenth', that the central
authority in Moscow is exercising a certain amount of control and
carrying out its decrees over a great part of Eussia, the parts which
Avere somewhat definitely indicated by the ambassador a while ago,
as you may remember ; but, as a matter of fact, as I found it, in Eus-
sia, the Bolshevik power — the power of the soviet — whether the
Bolsheviki control it in the given locality or not, extends only to the
immediately contiguous territory ; and that, I think. Senator Xelson,
answers a question that you asked one of the witnesses a while ago-
as to the state of anarchy in Eussia; the question as to whether
anarchy, as we know it, in that sense reigns. It does reign, becaii'^e
there is no power than can enforce its decrees.
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 991
Senator King. This central body has no control over the local
Soviets, and each local soviet runs itself ?
Mr. Satlee. Each local soviet is getting along the best way it
knows how. It is feeding itself the best way it knows how. If it
finds it has not enough grain, and the soviet across the way has some,
it goes ahead with the guns that it brought back from the front and
goes over and takes it. That is not done every day, but it is the sort
of thing that can happen.
Senator Nelson. I want to indicate, in that respect, that I thinlt
you are right about what you state now.
Mr. Saylee. Now, in another sense, however, the calling of what
is going on in Russia to-day a state of anarchy is very wrong, because
those who maintain the appearance of power in the central places of
authority, who represent to us what is the head of government, so
called, in Russia to-day, are not anarchists, and I want to bring out
later^ in an analysis which I would like, to give you of the propa-
ganda methods of the Bolsheviki, just the difference between the Bol-
sheviki and the anarchists. They are as different as you and I are
from either one of them, I assure you.
Senator Nelson. Is not the one assisting the other — cooperating?
Mr. Saylee. I think I can bring that out, too.
Senator Nelson. Is not one cooperating with the other — in the
bosom of the other?
Mr. Saylee. I can not answer that yes or no, Senator. I can bring
that out clearly and with better effect at a later point, if you care to
note it down and make sure that I do.
Mr. Humes. We will remember it. Go on.
Mr. Saylee. Very good.
Senator Oveeman. What has become of this millionaire? Was
that millionaire living there in style when you left ?
Mr. Saylee. There was not much style. There is no style in
hunger.
Senator Oveeman. The Bolsheviki did not get after him ?
Mr. Saylee. His place was requisitioned at least three times while
I was there — twice by the Bolsheviki and once by the anarchists. He
played the Bolsheviki off against the anarchists, and bought one or
the other off at different times — I have forgotten the exact details of
the matter — and as a result when I left Moscow on the 24th of March,
on my 37-day trip out of Russia, he was still in this home. I have
since had word from his brother, who is an American citizen and
has been for 20 years, that he and his family were moving to Kiev.
Senator King. For safety?
Mr. Saylee. For safety and for food.
Senator Nelson. Were you 37 days in getting out of Russia?
Mr. Saylee. Thirty-seven days; yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. By the Siberian Railroad?
Mr. Saylee. By the Siberian Railroad.
Senator Nelson. You were not as fortunate, then, as Col. Robins ?
Mr. Saylee. We did not go at the same time. The man M-ho went
before me 10 days or two weeks might have gone more rapidly or
more slowly. There is no order or common sense or anything else
about the v^ay things go on in Russia now, because the thing has gone
into that chaos which comes inevitably with violent social revolution.
Senator King. Mr. Witness, I suppose that Lenine and Trotsky,
992 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
wherever their troops are, exercise control over the local soviet by
terror — by rifles?
Mr. Satlee. Wherever the troops are they have their way if it
is possible ; but I do not laiow that you can say that they have control
over their troops, necessarily.
Senator King. No.
Mr. SayixEE. I am not prepared to say one way or the other about it.
Mr. HujiEs. The local Soviets where the troops are are more likely
to control them than the Lenine and Trotsliy government at Moscow ?
Mr. Satlee. Certainly; far more.
Senator King. Unless it is what might be denominated the national
army, composed of Letts, Chinese, and hooligans.
Mr. Sayler. If they are obeying their orders, and
Senator King. They are taking orders now from Trotsky, who
rides around on a horse as a military commander?
Mr. Sayler. He did not. appear in public while I was there. I
did not set eyes on him.
Senator King. Proceed, and excuse the interruption.
Mr. Sayler. I have touched on the demoralized condition as to
food, and of course you can imagine what the condition of health
must be with hunger stalking in the wake every day.
Senator King. The statements, then, as to deaths from starvation
are not overdrawn?
Mr. Sayler. I think they are not overdrawn. Of my own per-
sonal acquaintance I never knew anyone who died from starvation
while I was in Eussia.
Senator King. You left there a year ago?
Mr. Sayler. No; I left Eugsian soil the 1st of ^ay. I left Mos-
cow the end of March.
Senator King. So that a great change has taken place since?
Mr. Sayler. Things have gone from bad to worse. They could
not help it.
Senator King. So that the conditions are very much worse than
when you were there.
Mr. Sayler. Those conditions, as I tried to make perfectly clear,
went back into the days of the Czar, because of the inability of a
country like Eussia to face a long war. The seeds that are grow-
ing into weeds to-day were planted away back there, and in that
sense, gentlemen, please do not for a moment mistake me as defend-
ing the Bolsheviki in this, because I think I can prove that I am,
more unequivocally, by making this statement than if I did not make
it. The Bolsheviki are a symptom and not altogether a cause. The
fact that they have thrown Eussia into violent social revolution un-
doubtedly puts upon them the burden of having caused a certain
amount of the chaos which is going on in Eussia to-day; but there
is at least as much blame to be thrown back on the old regime and
its methods for allowing Eussia to get into the position where the
Bolsheviki could come, as one of the disruptive and violent forces
in Eussian life. I range hunger and the Bolsheviki side by side as
the causes of the old regime
Senator Kixc;. But the Bolsheviki stand as a dictatorship in the
%'iew of the proletariat?
Mr. Sayler. Yes ; Bolshevism is a desperate, fanatical attempt to
solve a hopeless situation.
!!l BOLSHEVIK PEOPAaANDA. 993
iSenator King. It is class warfare?
Mr. Satler. It is class warfare.
Senator King. It is a determination of one class, the proletariat, to
get power, even if by doing so it exterminates all other classes ?
Mr. Sayler. Yes; even if it by so doing exterminates. It would
prefer to disrupt all other classes and make only one class in the com-
munity.
Senator King. It would prefer to have people to agree with its
theory, failing which it would exterminate them ?
Mr. Satuer. Yes.
Senator Nelson. Do you believe in the Bolshevik system of gov-
ernment as they have outlined it in their decrees, if it could be ac-
complished without violence?
Mr. Sayler. Not in the world to-day, Senator. They are not
ready for it. I do not know whether the world will be ready for it
in the next two or three generations.
Senator Nelson. But you have some views that the world will somb
time be ready for it
Mr. Sayler. Ultimately, possibly; but it is a matter, to pie, of
deciding what to do day by day in order to make our lives a little
bit better and more efficient, a little bit more honest with our fellow
men.
Senator Nelson. Then you believe that there is a demand for the
Bolsheviki system of government, and that it remains simply for the
people to grow up to it ?
Mr. Sayler. Not necessarily. If the f iiture works that way all well
and good. I do not pretend to predict for the future.
Senator King. Do you not think that Bolshevism is founded upon
what might be called religious paganism; the destruction of all re-
ligious sentiment; that it inevitably leads to it?
Mr. Sayler. There is a materialistic phase of Bolshevism. So
far as I could see of their attitude toward the church of Russia
that is a point that I had intended to include on the other side of the
ledger, because it is one of the more or less normal features of Rus-
sian life, the life of the church. The Bolsheviki have not actively
opposed the church to my knowledge. They have more or less
sneered at it, in individual utterances.
Senator King. Recently; in the last two or three months
Mr. Sayler. I can not gay as to that.
Senator King (continuing). Have they not taken the churches,
and have they not established schools for the teaching of atheism ?
Mr. Sayler. I can not say as to that. I know of only one violent
act, which happened during my stay there, and which had any bear-
ing on this. The Alexander church in Petrograd, the third of the
churches in Petrograd, was seized by the Bolsheviki for public use,
and about the middle of February, 1918, I saw 300,000 men, women,
and children march in line in Moscow in protest against that act.
As I have read the utterances of individuals who have come back
from Russia since my return last August, it seems to me that mis-
takes have been made in both extremes. Those who have defended
the Bolsheviki have insisted that the church has no further influence
in Russia; and those who are against the Bolsheviki most bitterly,
usually, it seems to me, make the mistake of overemphasizing the
85723—19 63
994 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
unanimity of the Eussian church, and put upon it the burden of
rejuvenating Eussia. As I saw it, and I can only give my own
honest testimony, the truth lies somewhere in between there. There
is no doubt that the church in Eussia has lost a great deal of its old
hold, because a great deal of its old hold was through superstition
and fear, and the fact that* the church worked hand and glove with
the old regime in Eussia; but at the same time no one could have
stood with me, watching those 300,000 men and women and children
march in silent protest, with their gold ikons over their shoulders,
into the great Bed Square in Moscow in protest against this act of
the Bolsheviki, without realizing that there was some remaining life
in the Eussian church.
Senator King. Is not that borne out by the statement of Gov.
Francis, that perhaps only 10 per cent, or at least only a small part,
of the Eussian people believe in these violent methods of the Bol-
shevik rulers, and that the mass of the people are still what they
were before, honest, simple-minded peasants, desiring peace and to
work out their salvation as best they may ?
Mr. Satler. Well, now, if I were to assent to anyone's figures, the
figures of the Ambassador or anyone else, as to the proportion of
those who are supporting the Bolsheviki and those who are against
them, I would be making a false move to my own honesty, because I
do not know. I have no way of knowing. Figures are quoted as
to the number of votes cast at the constitutional assembly election —
which, by the way, I beg to correct in the statement as to when it
was held. I heard a while ago some one give the testimony that it
was held before the Bolsheviki came into control. I arrived in
Moscow after they had seized the power and were fighting to main-
tain it, and this election was held after my arrival in Moscow. I
was in Moscow at the time, so that the election must have been held
after they seized control. The nominations for that election, how-
ever, were made and confirmed before the Bolsheviki came into con-
trol. That I should like to refer to a little later in the matter of
propaganda, because, mind you, the Bolsheviki are using propaganda
in their own country just as much as they are trying to use it else-
where.
Senator King. In this country is well ?
Mr. Sayljer. Well, I have not seen with my own eyes anything like
propaganda intended for this country. I merely have seen posted in
Moscow the decrees and the dodgers and posters declaring what is
known as a holy war upon the whole world.
Senator King. That would include this country ?
Mr. Sayler. Yes ; we are part of the earth — a pretty big part. I
get away from my point here.
Senator Nelson. Now, can you not come back to facts instead of
giving us a lecture?
Mr. Satler. Very good, Senator.
Senator Nelson. Instead of giving us a lecture, give us facts.
Mr. Satler. I think I have been trying to give facts.
Senator King. I think you are.
Senator Nelson. Tell us what the difficulty is, and then give us
your remedy — your pilgarlic for it. Tell us what to do.
Senator King. I object to the views of the witness as to what we
ought to do. I do not think that is material.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 995
Senator Nelson. I think we ought to get information as to what
we ought to do.
Mr. Saylbe. Well, in any case, I will try to proceed according to
the wishes of the Senator, and give facts. I thought I had been
making facts the backbone of what I had said.
One of the' phases of demoralization in Russia undoubtedly is the
railroads. I could talk all night on my experiences on the Rus-
sian railroads ; but suffice it to say that the whole system has simply
gone to pot; and that goes back not to the acts of any particular
party but to the fact that Russia was not, as a nation, ready to
make a four years' war. The railroads had begun to fail to function
long before even the first revolution; and that is the chief reason,
the underlying reason, for the lack of food in the proper places. It
could not be carried, even if it was grown.
Senator Nelson. Are not the Russian railroads all State rail-
roads— owned by the government?
Mr. Satlee. They are, yes; but they are operated in a very pecu-
liar fashion. Senator. They are operated under district control.
One district has absolute control over the railroad in its own terri-
tory and another district has absolute control in another territory;
and when things began to look bad in Russia .
Senator Nelson. Is not that system of State ownership and opera-
tion of the railroads in Russia a lesson to you about the matter of
running railroads in this country?
Mr. Satuee. Oh, I do not know that you can draw conclusions
that quickly and rapidly ; no, I can not say so.
But to get back to the point, the fact that these railroads were
operated by districts led to the practice of one district " cabbaging "
all the cars that it got, and cars were congested in districts where,
possibly, they were not needed, but were desired for some future use ;
and in other ways demoralization bred demoralization, ftnd the thing
went from bad to worse. I will not go into that. I have waited for
two days and three nights for a tram in a Russian railroad station
because there was no way- of knowing when the train would come in.
I had the privilege, at the hands of the stationmaster, because I was
an American, of staying during that time in his office; but next door,
in the common waiting room, I hare seen, gentlemen, people, human
beings, dirtier than you and I are to-day but possibly just as good,
lying sleeping on the floor three deep, with their heads out for air —
such air as it was.
We have heard a lot about the Army during the last two days, and
one of the bones of contention seems to be over this matter of what
the soldiers took home from the front when they demobilized them-
selves— I will not say when they were demobilized, because most of
it was automatic. For days upon days up the Arbat, one of the
leading streets in Moscow, leading from the station going clown
to the southwestern front where many of Russia's Army were in
the field, melting away — for days upon days there was a constant*
procession from daylight until dark, and long after, of soldiers in the
olive drab of the Russian uniform marching up that street in pro-
cession on their way to other railroad stations; and I Avould not at-
tempt to make an accurate estimate of the numbers of arms they,
carried, but I should say that, roughly speaking, nine men out of ten
carried his gun over his back ; and those sruns went back to the f ai-ms,
S96 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
because they liad no further use for them. There was no sale for
them. Some rifles — extra rifles — were probably sold, as we heard, at
the front to the Germans for little or nothing before they left; but
usually the tovarisch, as the Russian soldier is known to-day —
" comrade " — carried his rifle on his back.
Senator Sterlixg. Did every Russian soldier at the front have a
rifle to begin with ?
Mr. Saixee. Toward the end. Senator, they were pretty well
armed, through the factories of Japan and our own factories and
the arms sent to Archangel from France and England; but earlier
in the war, at the time when they were needed, there was in some
Earts of the Russian front about one rifle to 12 men, and at the
ridgehead at Dvinsk the Russians beat back the Germans with the
sticks and stones that they could pick up.
Senator Sterling. AVas it not true in some of the later battles of
the war that disaster followed because of the lack of arms and
munitions?
Mr. Sayler. Very possibly. It was not properly distributed ; but
I onlj' give my word that I saw nearly every peasant go back with
his gun on his back. Now, that may be used to imply several things.
It may be used to .imply that they are able to fight and do fight to
maintain their rights, or that they ought to — or, you can interpret
it in any way you like. But there is one phase of the situation that
might be forgotten, gentlemen, and that is that a gun is of no use
imless you have ammunition : and imless they had carried back with
them more ammunition than any human being could carry that gun
could not be used forever. So, manifestly, the fact that the peasant
is armed has not as much to do with any given situation as at first
you might think.
Senator Sterling. After they disbanded, demobilized, and the
peasants returned to their farms, was there any means of getting
ammunition, even if they had their guns?
Mr. Sayler. Not that I Icnow of, Senator.
Education is another phase of Russian life which has gone pretty
completely to pieces. The universities have either been closed or
practically rendered inefficient by one phase and another of the de-
velopment of life under the Bolsheviki. They have, it is true, a
scheme for educating the whole of the Russian people, educating the
most ignorant first and letting higher education go to the winds; but
it is manifest that under a condition where chaos rules, practical
things, no matter how idealistic they may be, no matter how good
they may be in their consequences, can not be carried out. In other
words, gentlemen, whatever good the Bolsheviki have tried to do
has been impossible to accomplish under the conditions which brought
them to power.
Senator King. And under the methods which they employ ?
Mr. Sayler. Under the methods which they are compelled to use
to maintain their power.
Senator Steeling. I think that is well added — ^your last statement.
Mr. Satler. It is part of the story, undoubtedly.
Senator King. Of course they resort to all sorts of violence in
order to perpetuate themselves in power.
Mr. Sayler. Well, I saw little violence while I was there.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 99T
I want to come back to a question that you asked me, Senator, a
moment ago, in regard to the proportion of those who uphold the
Bolsheviki and those who are against them. It was my observation in
Russia, and it has been my observation as I have gone in other coun-
tries in the world, and have looked at social affairs in my own coun-
try, that the vast majoritj' of the people do not give a hang who is
in power so long as they have decent, normal conditions of living,
enough to eat, enough wages, etc. There is a great hullaballoo every
few years about political parties and elections, etc., and it is a pleas-
' ant pastime to talk ; but,-as in every other country, so in Russia to-day
there are very few people, as far as I could see, who cared particu-
larly ; who had conscious theories of government, in other words.
Senator Steelikg. Were you out much among the peasants ? Were
you at the various mirs or villages ?
Mr. Sayler. I did net go out in the villages, but I lived for several
days in Vologda — a country town of about 30,000 people, as I re-
member it — and in Samara, and I got out into the smaller villages
near Samara, but not to any great extent. Life was too difficult, and
I felt that I was seeing about all that I could stuff into my eyes as
it was.
Now, let me briefly sketch the remainder of a normal life in Russia
as I saw it. I do not intend to go into the details of why these things
persist. They do. I am simply showing you things as I saw them.
Take this matter of newspapers, which we have had up a great
many times during the last two days. I do not know what the official
action of the soviet government has been in regard to newsDapers. I
have heard it commented on. I may ha^'e read it at .sometime, but I
do not recall it- sufficiently well to make any statements on the case.
1 only know, Senators, that while I was in Moscow, from November
until March, 1918, there were times, at irregular intervals, when the
stress of affairs reached a certain point, when the newspapers in vio-
lent opposition — not all of those in opposition, but those in violent
opposition — ^to the Bolsheviki were suppressed. I know personally
that the Russkiya Vyedomosti, the New York Times of Russia, was
published, I should say, the greater number of mornings of my stay
in Russia, but there were times when it Avas prevented from publica-
tion. Likewise with the Russkoye Slovo; likewise the Ranneye
Outro — " Early Morning " is the meaning of it. Likewise with the
Outro Rossie or Morning Russia; and so on with the violent oppo-
nents of the Bolsheviki.
On the other hand, the papers representing the various shades and
opinions of the social parties, from the most moderate to the most
extreme, even including the anarchist paper Anarchia, in Moscow,
appeared usually during these times of storm and stress. In other
words, it seems to me that the Bolsheviki were willing to let those
v\ho approximated their theories as to ends to be achieved go ahead,
even though they disagreed as to the methods to be followed.
Senator Sterling. Did you hear of, any fines being imposed upon
the publishers of newspapers for publishing prohibited matter?
Mr. Satler. No; I never heard of anything of the kind. I knew
personally several individuals on the so-called bourgeoisie news-
papers iii Russia, and they never spoke to me of anything of the
kind. Life went on more or less normally with them. When they
did not appear, they did not appear ; and when they did, they went to
^98 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
tlieir work and did their work. They paid out vast sums of money to
try to get accurate news — these papers did ; but accuracy of news was
impossible under the conditions. It simply could not be arrived at.
I had to go all the way across Siberia to get out of my head the
idea, planted there by every newspaper in Moscow, that there were
1,000,000 Japanese soldiers in Siberia. That story was printed by
even the most conservative papers, because it seemed to come with
some authority from somewhere.
Senator Sterling. That was German propaganda, was it not?
Mr. Satlee. Possibly. There was plenty of it there.
The theaters went on, too ; and I speak there with something of a
very keen interest, because, of course, the criticism of the theater is,
as I indicated this morning, my chief profession ; and one of the two
things I went to Eussia to do was to make a study of the Russian
theater before it disappeared, if it should disappear in the revolution,
knowing that it was the most important theater of the modern world.
Tlie other purpose I had in going to Eussia was simply to be in an
interesting situation at an intensely interesting time.
The tlieaters wont on. I went, in the course of my time in Petro-
grad and Moscow, 87 times to the Russian theater. Xow, thei-e must
be some remnant of order left in a country if that is possible; and
the theaters that weie going were usually crowded to the doors, with
seats sold days in advance, and usually the most serious and the most
important and often the most tragic plays in the entire repertory
were presented at those theaters.
Senator Steeling. If you will pai'don this question right here, be-
cause it seems pertinent, are not people in tragic times like that apt
to seek relief in some kind of diversion, such as the theater affords?
Mr. Satlee. They are, Senator. But the strange part about the
situation in ^Moscow and in Petrograd was that the lighter theaters,
the theaters of meie amusement, did not persist. They were the ones
that dropped out fii'st of all. So there must be something else to ex-
plain that, and that goes into details which are not interesting or not
pertinent to this inquiry. At the same time these theaters were go-
ing on, life, as I have indicated, was abnormal in its lack of order,
in its chaos. There was not a single one of those 87 nights when I
came home from the theater in Petrograd or Moscow when I did not
hear shooting across the city or around the corner somewhere on my
trip.
Senator King. Death became so common that it attracted no
attention ?
Mr. Saxler. Death became common; but death to the Eussian
is not a matter of great import, either the death of some one else
or the death of himself. There is a certain far-Eastern fatalism in
the Eussian which makes for cheapness of life; and that, I insist,
gentlemen, is to be looked upon as one of the reasons for what blood-
shed there is in Eussia to-day — that fatalism and that cheapness of
life. It is not necessarily a selfish cheapness of life. You do not kill
any more readily than you are killed. It explains the dash and the
fire of the Eussian armies in going to the front and falling as they
did, losing 2,000,000 men, as we know.
Free speech is a thing that has been discussed ; and I can only speak
from my own knowledge of what I saw while I was there. I have
no doubt that since then, as life has become more bitter and more
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA; 999
intense,' there has been less of it than there was while! was there;
but I only know this, that I stood in a gxoup on the street corner
often — ^you could hardly pass a street corner without finding such a
group — ^and listened while some one in an impromptu oration simply
" gave hell " to the Bolsheviki. There is no other word for it. They
used all the violent terms and all of the terms of opprobrium in the
Russian language, and the Russian language is full of them.
Senator Sterling. Did that happen a short time before you came
away or when you first went there?
Mr. Satlei?. Up to the time I left. And often, gentlemen, I would
see next shoulder to me the Bolshevik Red Guard posted to keep order
at that corner, and he was simply taking it all in.
Senator Nelson. Have they good swear words in the Russian lan-
guage? [Laughter.]
Mr. SAfLEE. Oh, wonderful words. I wish I had brought some
of them back to England to my friends. [Laughter.] We had a
Belgian who had served in the Russian navy until he lost his com-
mission as an officer, who came out on the train with us, and of
course he learned them all while he was there; and he got out into
Peking, and expected to find a wonderful international society, all
kinds of jewels, and beautiful ladies, etc., to repay him for these years
of hardship in Russia ; and when he did not find it he let loose all of
that string of Russian swear words, translated into English.
To come back to the point, though, there was free speech, as far
as I could see, in Russia at that time. I do not pretend to judge as to
what has happened since. I should say, just as a guess, that if things
have become as intense and as bitter as they have, freedom of speech
is a lost thing in Russia to-day. It is one of those cases where vio-
lence breeds violence and tyranny breeds tyranny, and free speech
goes down after it has existed for awhile.
Drunkenness is another element that comes under the head of
order as well as disorder, because I can not swear to having seen
more than two people under the influence of liquor the whole time
T was in Russia.
Senator Sterling. Well, vodka had been prohibited.
Mr. Sayler. Vodka had been prohibited. Senator, under the Czar,
in the first month of the war. That prohibition had persisted
throughout the war under the Czar. It had persisted throughout
the regime of Kerensky. It persisted and, as far as I know, persists
to-day under the rule of the Bolsheviki ; because they know, gentle-
inen — there is no use in dodging this fact — that if they can not pre-
serve a certain amount of order where they are in power they can
not persist in power; and they know perfectly well that to release
that particular curse on the Russian people would bring about the
kind of disorder that they could not control.
The church, as I spoke of a while ago, and order in general, as I
have indicated, now exists where it exists simply for the reason that
the Bolsheviki know that if they do not preserve a certain amount
of it they can not retain their control.
Let me jump at once — I am taking too much time
Mr. Humes. I want to ask you one thing there. What are the
admissions to the theaters in Moscow?
Mr. Sayler. That gets into a point that I was going to try to side-
step. Major, because it involves the decision nf what a ruble is worth
1000 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
in our money. I can tell you what the admissions were in rubles, yes ;
but what a ruble is worth God knows, and I do not think He is very
sure.
Mr. Humes. What is it in rubles ?
_ Mr. Satler. At the Moscow Art Theater, the greatest of the Eus-
sian theaters of the drama, the prices run from a ruble and a half to
15 rubles. At the opera and the ballet the prices are higher ; and, of,
course, there is speculation. Where you have seats sold out you have
theater ticket speculation everywhere in the world.
Senator Overman. We will close this testimony right here, and the
case, subject to the call of the chairman. We will not take any more
testimony.
Senator King. Unless there is some particular point Maj. Humes
wanted to ask this witness about.
Mr. Sayler. May I submit, Senator, a memora,ndum?
Senator Nelson. If you will give us facts instead of theorifes we
would like it. I speak for myself only. Give us facts about this mat-
ter, instead of exploiting your theoi'ies.-
Mr. Satler. I do not know that I have any particular theories,
gentlemen.
Senator Overman. You are arguing all along; but you have been
a pretty good witness.
Senator King. Oh, I think the witness has been very fair, and has
presented his view, and it is very interesting. I appreciate it very
much. I am glad to get your view.
Mr. Sayler. May I, gentlemen, submit to you for incorporation in
the record my views of Russia, of the propaganda methods of the
Bolsheviks in relation to the Germans, the Czecho- Slovaks, the an-
archists, and the international situation? It seems to me that pos-
sibly would be pertinent to the record and to the case.
Senator King. I should be glad to have you do so; and, as a matter
of fact, that is really the primary purpose of this branch of the
inquiry.
Senator Overman. How long will it take you to do it?
Mr. Satler. To do it carefully, it would take me some time. I
could do it more carefully for you, gentlemen, if you wish me to
write it out.
Senator King. I move that the witness be permitted to do that.
Senator Overman. Can you not make your full statement, like you
have made it here, and hand it to me?
Mr. Satler. Very well. I will have it ready for you — when shall
I call on you, Senator?
Senator Overman. Can you get it ready by Monday or Tuesday?
Mr. Satler. Yes, sir.
Senator Overman. All right. Just make your statement and hand
it to me.
Mr. Satler. Very well. I appreciate your courtesj'.
Senator King. Speaking for myself, anything that you Imow rela-
tive to the propaganda of the Bolsheviks, not only in Europe but in
our country, in the Western Hemisphere, I should be very glad to
have incorporated in the record.
Mr. Satler. Very good. I have the last word in the now famous
Saratov decree concerning the nationalization of women — the last
chapter.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1001
Senator Nelson. Give us facts.
Senator King. What does it say — just put it in the record here
now — about the nationalization of women ?
Mr. Satler. I will submit in my memorandum to Senator Over-
man the entire decree.
Mr. Humes. He has the proclamation in Russian, just as it was
posted.
Mr. Satlee. Yes ; I have the proclamation in Russian, and I have
the translation of it; but the upshot of it is this : The so-called Sara-
tov decree concerning the socialization of women seems, as far as I
can understand by an interpretation of this proclamation of the
anarchists in reply to the original proclamation, to be a piece of
Bolshevik provocatsia — that is a Russian word; we have nothing
like it — provocation propaganda, against the anarchists, charging
the anarchists with this in order to oppose them at a time when the
anarchists were their most dangerous opponents, last spring and
summer in Russia.
Senator Overman. Do they have respect for women over there?
Do they treat them well?
Mr. Satlee. Why, the average Russian has respect for women,
yes ; as far as I could see, intense respect.
Senator Nelson. But the Red Guard, the Bolshevik leaders — what
about them ?
Mr. Saylek. I saw nothing to the contrary with respect to them at
the time I was there.
Senator Overman. Do you know anything about the Red Guard
going to the place where that seminary was, where there were three
or four hundred young girls, taking possession of it, and keeping the
girls in there with them ?
Mr. Satlee. I saw or heard nothing of that ; no.
Senator King. That was in Petrograd, where Dr. Simons was.
Mr. Satlee. I was in Moscow most of the time. I was in Petro-
grad two weeks.
Senator King. Only two weeks ?
Mr. Satlee. Two weeks only; 10 days of it after the embassies
had gone.
Senator King. I move that the hearings be closed, and that the
subcommittee adjourn subject to the call of the chairman.
(The motion was agreed to.)
Senator Oveeman. The testimony is closed.
(Thereupon, at 5 o'clock and 45 minutes p. m., the subcommittee
adjourned subject to the call of the chairman.)
(The following statement was submitted in writing several days
later:)
Additionat^ Statement of Olivek M. Saylek.
I have recountert to you, gentlemen, the facts which I observerl in Russia
from November, 1917, to.May, 1918, showing a complete demoralization of such
functions of civilized life as the food supply, railroad transportation, the
financial and hanking structure, the army, the educational system, etc.. existing
side by side with such survivals of order as the intermittent continuation of
even the conservative newspapers, the continuation of the theaters, the more
serious rather than the lighter ones of mere amusement, the existence of free
speech (so long as I was in Russia), the absence of drunkenness, due, as I
have said, to the fact that the Bolsheviki knew that they must preserve order
under their system or that system would fail, and the continued power of the
1002 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
church over the minds and hearts of a vast share of the population in spite of
the fact that it had lost such control as it used to exercise through the applica-
tion of fear by virtue of its connection with the old regime.
These facts seemed to me to indicate, as I have said, that although the
Bolshevik! by their program of violent social revolution by any and every
means have tended to aggravate the demoralization of the functions of life, they
are rather to be looked on as a symptom than as a cause — one of the coordinate
results of the oppression of the old regime making their appearance on the
Russian scene alongside and partly because of hunger, disintegration of the
army and of all industrial life, etc. In other words, they have been unable to
put into practical effect the idealistic plans they have contemplated because of
the existence in the Russian scene of the same conditions which brought them
to power and also by their determination, at any cost, to retain their power.
I should like to proceed, gentlemen, to recount the instances and the events
that passed before my eyes while I was in Russia which indicate the methods
of the Bol.sheviki in their attempt to spread their doctrine and system over the
world by violent social revolution. These methods in their various forms might
be termed, I suppose, propaganda. In every instance those methods took the
form of opportunism, a Machiavellian subordination of means to ends. In
their relationship to their own people, to the Germans, to the Czecho-Slovaks,
to the anarchists, and to the rest of the world this statement regarding the
methods they have used would. I think, invariably apply.
First of all let us take their relationship to their own people. In their pub-
lished statements of doctrine it has been evident to you that their program is
international even to the exclusion of any thought whatever for Russia as
Russi.'i. Sino' they are necessarily dealing with Russians and using Ru.ssians
for achieving their ends, they were compelled during my residence in Russia
to play fast and loose with the international idea, and in proclamations which
I saw in the streets and in the newspapers emphasis was occasionally shifte<l
to Russia when that cianso seemed advisable for the purpose of their retaining
control of their foices. This was particularly true at the time of the German
advance of Februai-y and Jlarch. 1918, in the d'lys before the treaty of Brest-
Litovsk was provisionally signed liy the Kommissars who had gone to the front,
A sense of national patriotism was appealed to in the handliills which were
strewn over Petrotrrad at that time.
Their opportunist methods, however .are eveii more clear in their relationship
with tlip constitutional a.ssembly, the elections for which were held after the
Bolsheviki came into power in November, 1917. The nominations for that elec-
tion had been made and confirmed under the Kerensky regime, hut the Bolshe-
viki had been the loudest in their demand that the assembly be hurried,' up
instead of postponed. Their intent, as it turned out, was to abide by the
decision of the assembly only if they could elect a ma.iority of its membenn.
As far as I could see in Jloscow the election was lield in an orderly and honest
manner, but the result of the election tliroughout the country gave the party
of the Socialists-Revolutionists a majority over all the other parties in the
make-up of the assembly, while the Bolsheviki elected a much smaller propor-
tion of the delegates. As soon as this result became known the efforts of the
Bolsheviki to retain their new power without the mandate of the assembly
became apparent. There was a question for a time whether they would permit
the assembly to meet at all, and numerous hardships were placed in the way
of opposing delegates in distant parts of the country in their attempt to reach
Petrograd. The time for the assembly %\'as postponed and the number of
dele,gates necessary for the opening of the convention was. placed so high that
they thought that that number could not reach Petrograd. Finally, however,
their conditions were fulfilled, the assembly was permitted to open and then
was closed before its first session was fairly over, never to meet again. Thus
the Bolsheviki had played fast and loose with the situation, acting arbitrarily
only when they found they had to do so to retain their power.
The inner relationships of the Bolsheviki and the Germans are still obscure.
From a thorough reading and study of their proclamations and their acts and
their newspapers and from conversation with numerous individuals who held
the Bolshevik faith, I am confident that whatever aid and orders the Bolshe-
viki took from Germany were accepted and carried out with the distinct under-
.standing in their own minds that they would use that aid against the German
imperial power ceaselessly and relentles.sly whenever the opportunity presented
itself. In fact, the All-Russia congress of Soviets wliich ratified the treaty of
Brest-Litovsk in JIoscow (I was in JIoscow at the time and observed the facts)
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1003
proceeded after the ratification of the treaty to consider means and methods
for breaking and nullifying that treaty. I know personally of the vast
•quantity of revolutionary propaganda which poured across the line into
Germany even as early as December when the armistice was signed, designed
to undermine the loyalty of the German troops to the imperial power. I
liave in my possession an original four-sheet illustrated paper, a translation
into English for record and souvenir purposes, of the document which was
■probably most freely used in this connection. That it is such a document
and such only and was not intended for use as propaganda in English-speaking
countries seems to me to be apparent from the make-up of the paper which,
through the choice of the illustrations, constantly plays upon the German mind
and emotions, and is not directed toward our institutions as it would be in
ca-se it was intended for use as English or American propaganda.
Ko one of the newspaper correspondents in Eussia had the least doubt that
there were German agents among the Bolsheviki. Who they were was prac-
tically impossible to determine in all the chaos of the situation. The best
reason to suppose there were such agents was the fact that in this chaos there
was nothing to prevent such action on the part of Germany, .nnd Germany
never passed up such an opportunity anywhere in the world. Under the
conditions, however. Germany's purposes seemed to be served best by merely
supporting and not interfering with the Bolshevik rgglme and program; for
it kept Russia helpless in a military way for the time being. The Russian or
rather the Bolshevik viewpoint at the same time was that it could afford to
take aid from Germany and execute German orders outwardly while at the
Same time it took advantage of the opening of the frontier to flood the German
proletariat with revolutionary propaganda. In this connection, it has seemed
to me that the point of the so-called Sisson documents was largely missed in
this country, for granted that they were accurate and true (which I do not
grant, except for the purposes of argument in view of the fact that I have no
personal knowledge of them or the facts and the situations which they purport
to reveal), even then it has seemed to me that they were most eloquent as
showing the opportunist methods of the Bolsheviki in accepting aid from what-
ever source in order to maintain their power and spread their doctrines when
the time seemed ripe throughout the world.
A great deal has been said of the fact that German and Austrian prisoners
■cooperated with the Bolsheviki in Siberia and in European Russia. On my
way out through Siberia I took the pains to talk with a number of these indi-
viduals, many of whom had been to America and spoke English, particularly
the Austrians, and I found that the larger share of these men who were work-
ing with the Bolsheviki were sincere Bolsheviks themselves, internationalists,
working with the Russian Bolsheviks as such rath«r than as German and
Austrian nationals. That this state of affairs was permitted and encouraged
by the German imperial power seems to me to be only a part of their general
•scheme to support the Bolshevik rggime for the sake of keeping Russia power-
less.
Bolshevik relationships with the Ozecho-Slovaks took much the same course
as their relationships with other forces and groups inside and outside Russia —
an opportunist course designed to further their course of violent international
revolution. My impressions in this matter were gathered from a close ob-
servation of the early days of the Czecho-Slovak expedition. I was in Samara
for 10 days while the matter of permitting the Czechs to depart from Russia
was under consideration and on my own way out I passed numerous units of
the Czechs who had preceded me. I wish to state here that I have never seen
a. finer, more manly, more soldierly group of men than those which made up
the rank and file of the Ozecho-Slovaks. Their behavior under my observation
was exemplary. While I was in Samara several conflicting orders and de-
cisions as to their disposal came through from Moscow. Trotzky's difiiculty
seemed to be in deciding whether the Czechs in the heart of Russia would be
more dangerous to the Bolsheviks than the Czechs on the frontiers. In the
former case they could be watched, in the latter they would be more or less
safely distant from the seat of power. Why the Czechs were not routed to
Archangel, which was then closed by ice but which would have been open for
their transfer to Europe in much shorter time than the Pacific journey would
have consumed, was a matter of mystery to all of us in Moscow and Samara.
That is a matter, however, involving the motives of the French and others who
stood financially back of the Czech movement and does not concern this in-
■ quiry. It is sufficient for me to add that from the moment the Siberian route
1004 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
was chosen I found many Russians with whom I talked in favor of the move-
ment for the sake of the chances it would ofCer toward the end of embroiling
the Czechs against the Bolsheviki as counter-revolutionists, against the knowl-
edge of the Czechs themselves, it might be. This fine body of men thus came
to be used both by the Bolsheviki and the reactionary Russians as a smoke
screen behind which and through which to further their own propaganda.
Bolsheviki methods of propaganda are excellently revealed, it seems to me.
in their relationships with the anarchists in Russia. As a party group, the
anarchists were the most dangerous opponents of the Bolsheviki during the
spring and early summer of 1918. Their strength in some communities becamo
so great that they seerned on the point of seizing the power from the Bolsheviki,
notably Samara, Saratoff, and. other cities along the Volga and also Irkutsk in
Siberia. To counteract this growing power, the Bolsheviki used any and
every means, finally arriving at a violent suppression of them about July,
I understand, some weeks after I had left Russia. Wliile I was still in Russia,
though, I observed one particularly eloquent piece of propaganda against the
anarchists. It took the form of provocatsia, a favorite Russian method of at-
tack, imputing to your opponent discreditable motives, etc., and signing his
name to it in public.
This is the explanation I am sure of the now famous so-called Saratoff de-
cree concerning the nationalization of women. I have a literal translation of
this famous proclamation, but I understand, gentlemen, that It has been pre-
sented heretofore in the testimony of former witnesses. I was in Samara at
the time this proclamation was posted in Samara, Saratoff, and other Volga
cities. I took particular pains to trace it down and in my quest I visited
the anarchists' clubhouse in Samara, a building which they had requisitioned
and confiscated from a Samara millionaire. In answer to my request for an
explnnation. a copy of a procbimsition which tl?ey had begun to post throughout
the city was handed to me and I give below a literal translation of the original
which I have In my possession :
" From the Samara Federation of Anarchists Regarding the ' Decree ' " (the
Saratoff Decree) :
"The enemy" (that is, the Bolsheviki) "is powerless. The enemy is falling
lower and lower. And in his fall he is blaspheming. And in his fall he is
slandering. And he makes use of the most repulsive provocative means.
" The enemy of the oppressed — he thirsts for domination, and worst of all to
him are the Anarchists who have raised high the banner of freedom.
" And the enemy Is spreading the vicious slander that freedom goes so far as
to do violence to women. In our name they spread with their dirty hands ' Tlie
Decree Concerning the Socialization of M'omen.'
" What a gross, absurd provocation !
"For centuries everywhere ■ the Anarchists have been fighting against all
decrees find laws of all powers. — could they, then, issue such decrees?
" As enemies of all violence, could Anarchists demand or even admit forcible
expropriation of women?
" How many asses of Buridan will be found who will believe this provocation
and join the ranks of the-se hissing reptiles?
"No! no! Trying to incite against us the unconscious masses, the enemy
did not think twice and only bared his own dirty little soul.
" Vlas ! — he has not yet learned the sharpness of our swords — he will find
out! " , .
"Death to the provocateurs! Merciless death! On the spot — without hesi-
tation— by any method and by any weapon !
" And everyone who will secretly or publicly spread this slander, feigning
the befuddled lamb, will be declared an accomplice of this black gang, or he will
be declared a provocateur. The fate of either will be the same.
"And everyone who is with us or not with us but lives and struggles hon-
estly will help us to mete out punishment, will himself take revenge on the.se
poisonous reptiles who are stirring up reaction.
" For the punishment we shall have plenty of weapons !
" And all means will be justified !
(Signed) "The Samara Federation of Anarchists."
Through the period of my residence in Russia, the Bolsheviki appeared to be
willing to take the aid of the anarchists, just as they were willing to take the
aid of the Germans or anyone else, In order to tear down the existing fabric
of civilization. The time came, as I have said, when the anarchists became a
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1005
power, threatening the Bolshevikl progi-am, which is at the opposite pole from
the program of the anarchists, the Bolshfivilil believing in a closely centralized
State, where the Individual is subordinated, and the anarchists in a loosely
constructed State, where the private contract is the only binding form of law.
And when that time came they used this means of undermining their opponents
set forth in the above-described situation, and finally came to violence in July
to put their opponents out of the way, having got out of them all they desired.
Gentlemen, it must be apparent from this that I would not be the person
to suggest or uphold official recognition of the Bolsheviki in any case or under
any. circumstances, for I understand, from seeing the operation of their
•methods of propaganda in Russia, that they would in all probability take
advantage of the presence of their official representatives in this country to
spread and incite social revolution of a violent kind in our own country, and
to that I am unalterably opposed. Just what should be the policy of our Gov-
ernment in dealing with the Russian situation and just how we should take
steps to counteract the spread of Bolshevist doctrine — whether spread from
Russia or whether arising from our own local situation — is a matter in which
I do not pretend to be an expert. I only know from my observation of the
workings of American governmental policy in Russia that we have not achieved
the success which all true Americans and all true Russians, with their deep
sympathy one for another, have wished and hoped for. The mistake in our
early po.icy, as I saw it in its reaction in Russia, was that we failed for too
long to realize that the Russian revolution was a social revolution, with inter-
national significance, and not a mere political revolution with significance for
Russia alone.
An even greater mistake — a mistake which I saw inaugurated and persisted
in throughout my stay in Russia — was the idea that Russia by some means or
other could be induced to take up actively and openly the fight against Ger-
many. It was for the purpose of showing you, if possible, how hopeless that
course was that I outlined for you so ftiUy in the first part of my testimony
the state of utter demoralization and disintegration of the entire fabric of
civilized life in Russia. Russia could not fight. Her armies were rotten to
the core from hunger and resentment against the treatment they had received
and from the failure to make plain to them the reasons for which the allies
were fighting. Their Czar had sent them to war, and they had found it a
thankless task. When they got rid of their Czar they felt that they had
gotten rid of the Czar's war, too, and so they quit. Even if they could have
been induced to fight for principles which they could be made to understand
and believe in, the material resources of the country and the channels for their
distribution were hopelessly inadequate for the sustaining of life in the civilian
population, let alone the vaster resources necessary to keep an army effectively
at the front. It is the failure to realize and understand this situation, I be-
lieve, which led to the mistakes and the cross purposes which characterized
our relationship with Russia during the spring and summer of 1918. I prefer
not to go into personalities in these matters, gentlemen, for the mistakes of the
past are not thus corrected. I should appreciate it, however, if you would
permit me at this point to pay a tribute to the unflagging zeal with which the
late Mr. Maddin Summers, our consul general in Moscow, faced a difficult and
dangerous situation. It was my privilege during my four months' residence in
Moscow to see Mr. Summers very often, and I found him in close touch with
the shifting problems with a keen eye to their significance. He was tireless in
his work and gave himself up as freely and as gladly for his country as any
soldier on French battlefields. Any recognition which the gentlemen of the
committee might think it fit to recommend that Congress give to the memory
and services of Mr. Summers would, in my opinion, be richly merited.
I hesitate, gentlemen, to express any conclufiions regarding tlie situation in
Russia to-day, so long after my departure. At the time I left I had the feel-
ing that the vast majority of the population were not interested in party or
class programs and only looked anxiously for the time when food oud other
supplies would be plenty again. I am, therefore, of the opinion that an unofficial
commission of some kind opening up the way for foodstuffs and clothing, etc.,"
Into the heart of Russia, dealing, if necessary, with the Bolsheviki themselves
in getting the needed articles to the starving population, would do more than a
million soldiers; yes, more than two million in restoring order and a normal
state of mind among the Russians. I am confident that Bolshevism has thrived
in Russia to the extent that hunger and disorder have prevailed, and food
and clothing will more quickly than anything else restore the Russians to the
1006 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
point where they can summon the energy to oppose the disruptive elements
in their country.
Although I realize only too keenly the sinister purpose of the Russian Kol-
sheviki to overthrow all the existing governments antl social structures of the
world, I do not greatly fear the .attack of their propaganda on us. I have
enough faith in the essentially firm groundwork of our democracy to resist
such attempts provided we keep ourselves and our house clean, and provided
we hasten our progress in righting industrial wrongs and social discrepancies.
So far as I know, no American has returned from Russia enipov\ere<l by the
Bolsheviki or authorized by them to conduct revolutionary propaganda. Those
who have returned — and I know most of them personally — with sympathy for
the Bolshevik doctrine, have that sympathy in all honesty because before tliey
went or while they were there they of their own free will made the choice.
While I do not agree with some of Ool. Raymond Robins's conclusious as
to the internal situation in Russia as he outlined them in the testimony he
has given before your eonnnittee, I am in thorough agreement with his opposi-
tion to intervention in a military way as a solution of the Russian problem and
In just as thorough agreement with his contention that the way to combat
Bolshevism and Bolshevik propaganda — no matter what its source — in this
country is to clean our dwn house of whatever injustice may have crept into
Its social and industrial structure. I shall not, therefore, repeat the ideas and
the theories and the solutions which he has so ably outlined to you. but merely
say that I subscribe to them as if they were my own. AVith a firm determina-
tion to make justice prevail, no matter at what cost to some of our traditional
ways of doing things, we shall keep ourselves beyond the danger of harm from
propaganda of any kind and develop our commonwealth richly toward the
vast opportunities which lie before it in its service to its own citizens and to
the world.
I thank you, gentlemen, for the privilege of bringing to you these facts and
these observations which resulted from my residence in Russia during diffi-
cult times and commend them to you for the consideration which I am sure
you will give to all the mass of evidence which has been brought before you.
I am.
Most respectfully, yours,
Olivee M. Satlbb,
Dramatic Editor, Indianapolis News,
Washington, March 11, 1910.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
MONDAY, MARCH 10, 1919.
United States Senai-e,
Subcommittee of the Committee om the Judiciary,
Washington, D. ('.
The subcommittee met pursuant to the call of the chairman, at 4
o'clock p. m., in Room 226, Senate Office Building, Senator Lee S.
Overman presiding.
Present: Senators Overman (chairman), King, Nelson, and Ster-
ling.
Present also, Senator Hiram W. Johnson.
TESTIIilONY OF ME. HAYMOND EOBINS— Eesumed.
Senator Overman. Col. Robins, you have been sworn, and I will
not swear you again. I understand you want to be heard again, and
we will be glad to hear you, but of course we want to confine our-
selves to new matter and not to repeat any of the old.
Mr. Robins. I will do my best to do that, Senator.
Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, on reaching Chi-
cago last Saturday evening, I read, as published in the Chicago
Daily Journal of Saturday, March 8, 1919, the following from the
testimony of the American ambassador, David R. Francis, as re-
ported to have been given before this committee on that day :
" I called Robins," the ambassador went on, " and asked him about his visit
to the Soviet headquarters. He told me that they had told him their principles
and said he approved of them."
If that is a correct report of the testimony of the ambassador, it
is an entire misstatement of facts. I never once said to the ambas-
sador that I had inquired at Smolny of their principles, or that I be-
lieved in them. On the contrary, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of
the committee, at all times, in this country and in Russia during my
stay there, and since inv return, I have been opposed to the prin-
ciples of the Bolshevik program. They are not unfamiliar to those
who have been careful students of radical social agitation for the past
20 years in the world ; and as such I was entirely familiar with them
at the time, and did not need to go to Smolny to inquire their prin-
ciples, and should not have gone in any event. It is a statement
without a scintilla of foundation in fact.
Senator Overman. What do you mean by the statement "if the
report is true " ?
Mr. Robins. If the newspaper report of the testimony is true; if
the ambassador made this statement. I have not seen the official
1007
1008 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. ,
report of his statement and therefore I can not say. I was unable
to get that this morning.
Senator King. As I understand, you are challenging now some of
the statements of the ambassador, and admitting those that were re-
ported to have been made by him which you think are correct, and
calling attention to those which you do not accede to?
Mr. EoBiNS. I am not admitting any statements made by the am-
bassador at all, but am simply referring to those that I wish specifi-
cally to deny.
Senator Hiram W. Johnsok. I might say to you that I tried for
Col. Eobins to get the testimony of the ambassador in order that he
might read it, and in that fashion take it up verbatim as to the mat-
ters that would be of moment, but I was unable to obtain a copy of
the testimony for him, and so he was unable to see his testimony as
transcribed.
Senator King. That is, for the purpose of meeting the reported
statement of the ambassador, and it was for that purpose that you
sought this opportunity to reappear before the committee ?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes ; thank you, Senator.
This report of the testimony of the American ambassador con-
tinues :
Robins did receive a cablegram so instructing liim. I told Robins I thought
it was unwlf-e for hiiu to sever his relations abruptly, und moreover, I wanted
to know what the Bolshevists were doing. So I cabled Washington along these
lines, but never received a reply, and Robins continued to go to Soviet head-
quarters.
In that particular matter it was the request of the ambassador that
I violate the instructions sent by the department, and the ambassador
said, " I myself am responsible in this matter, Col. Kobins, and
authorize you to continue your relations with the soviet government."
I make that as a deliberate statement of fact.
Senator Overman. I think that is what the ambassador said when
he was here.
Mr. Robins. Immediately upon verifying through other newspaper
offices that other papers in Chicago would priiit similar, and in some
instances more extensive, statements of a like character alleged to
have been made by Ambassador David E. Francis in testifying before
your subcommittee, I sent to the chairman of your subcommittee the
following telegram :
Respectfully request right promised me by you and the members of your sub-
committee to appear before your committee and present documents setting
forth and relating to instructions to me for ray relations \^ith the Soviet gov-
ernment of Russia by Ambassador Francis which refute false statements
alleged to have been made by him in regard thereto in testifying to-day before
your committee and printed in a newspaper here. Am returning to Washington
to-morrow and will be ready to meet the convenience of your committee on
Monday or any day thereafter. I make this request not alone for my own
right but also in the interest of truth and public honor. My address until to-
morrow is 1437 West Ohio Street, Chicago, 111.
Raymond Robins.
Saturday, March 8, 1919.
Subsequently I telephoned to your chairman, and was told by him
that your subcommittee had adjourned but that he would see if it was
possible to convene it again, and that he would advise me in regard
thereto.
BQLSHEViK pbopaga:itda. 1009
Eeferring to the above alleged statement of the ambassador and
the following statements published in the newspapers as named, on
Sunday morning, the 9th of March, 1919, I submit to your honorable
committee the following documents, with my comments thereon.
(The document was filed and marked as "Robins Document No.
This is an exact copy of a document in my possession which was
O.K'd and initialed by David E. Francis, as indicated on the face
thereof, and contains the written notations in his handwriting, made
by him in my presence in his private office in the American embassy
in Petrograd, Russia, on the evening of the 2d of January, 1918.
[Reading :]
Robins Document No. 1.
suggested communication to the commissaik for fokeign affairs.
At the hour the Russian people shall require assistance from the United
States to repel the actions of Germany and her allies, you may be assured that
I will recommend to the American Government that it render them all aid and
assistance within its power. If upon the termination of the present armistice
Russia fails to conclude a democratic peace through the fault of the Central
Powers and is compelled to continue the war I shall urge upon my government
the fullest assistance to Russia possible, including the shipment of supplies and
munitions for the Russian armies, the extension of credits and the giving of
such advice and technical assistance as may be welcome to the Russian people
in the service of the common purpose to obtain through the defeat of the
German autocracy the effective guarantee of a lasting and democratic peace.
I am not authorized to speak for my Government on the question of recog-
nition but that is a question which will of necessity be decided by actual future
events. I may add, however, that if the Russian armies now under command
of the people's commissaires commence and seriously conduct hostilities against
the forces of Germany and her allies, I will recommend to my Government
the formal recognition of the de facto government of the people's commissaires.
Respectfully,
(Note In lead-pencil at bottom : " O. K., D. R. F. Subject to change by Dept.,
of which Col. Robins will be promptly informed 1/2/18.)
(In the margin: "To Col. Robins.")
Senator Overman. What is the date of that?
Mr. Robins. The date of this is January 2, 1918, better than two
months after they had taken Petrograd, or just about two months
after they had taken it.
Senator Overman. Who?
Mr. Robins. Trotsky and Lenine.
That bears this notation in pencil " O. K., D. R. F. Subject to
change Jjy Dept., of which Col. Robins will be promptly informed ".
And then again in pencil on the upper margin, " To Col. Robins."
The circumstances for the preparation, O. K'ing, and initialing
of this document were as follows :
For some days I had been working under the verbal instructions
of the ambassador of the United States in conferences with Lenine
and Trotsky and other officers of the soviet government seeking to
prevent the signing of a German peace at Brest-Litovsk. To pro-
vide against the possibility of error in statement and subsequent
refutation of my authorization ' to represent the ambassador in the
manner indicated by his verbal instructions, this document was
prepared by me and submitted to him as a correct statement of his
verbal instructions to me, and was O. K'd by him. The next docu^
85723—19 64
1010 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
ment is filed and marked as "Robins Document No. 2." This is an
exact copy of an original in my possession, the notations on this
document being in the handwriting of the American ambassador,
written thereon in my presence in his private office in the American
embassy at Petrograd, on the evening of the 2d of January. 1918.
This document reads :
ROBINS DOCrilEKT NO. •!.
(Note in lead-pencil in margin: "To Col. Robins: Tbis is substiiuee of cable
I shall send to Dept. on being advised by you that peace negotiations termi-
nated and soviet government decided to prosecute war against Germany and
Austro-Hungary. D. R. F. 1/2/18.")
From sources which I regard as reliable I have received information to the
effect that Bolshevik leaders fear complete failure of peace negotiations because
of probable demands by Germany of impossible terms.
Desire for peace is so fundamental and widespread that It is impossible to
foretell the results of the abrupt termination of these negotiations with only
alternatives a disgraceful peace or continuance of war.
Bolshevik leaders will welcome information as to what assistance may be
expected from our government if continuance of war is decided upon. Assur-
ances of American support in such event may decidedly influence their decision.
Under these circumstances and notwithstanding previous cables I have con-
sidered it my duty to instruct Gen. .ludson to informally communicate to
the Bolshevik leaders the assurance that in case the present armistice is ter-
minated and Russia continues the war against the Central Powers I will recom-
mend to the American government that it render all aid and assistance possible.
Have also told Robins of Red Cross to continue his relations with Bolshevik
government, which are necessary for the present.
Present situation is so uncertain and liable to sudden cliange that immediate
action upon my own responsibility is necessary otherwise the opportunity for
all action may be lost.
Nothing that I shall do will in any event give formal recognition to the Bol-
shevik government until I have explicit instructions, but the necessity for in-
formal intercourse in the present hour is so vital that I should be remiss if I
failed to take the responsibility of action.
This is a proposed cable to be sent in the event of certain things
transpiring.
Senator King. By Mr. Francis ?
Mr. Robins. By Mr. Francis, yes; and I was to communicate the
substance of that to them in the event that it should be sent.
Senator Nelson. What date was that?
Mr. Robins. The same date.
Senator King. January 2, 1918 ?
Mr. Robins. January 2, 1918.
Senator Nelson. All that occurred before the treaty of Brest-
Litovsk?
Mr. Robins. Undoubtedly, sir.
The notation in the handwriting of Ambassador David R. Francis
made under the circumstances indicated is " To Col. Robiiis : This is
substance of cable I shall send to Dept. on being advised by you
that peace negotiations terminated and soA'iet government decided to
prosecute war against Germany and Austro-Hungary. D. R. F.
1/2/18."
This document was prepared by me and submitted to the ambassa-
dor and O. K'd by him, for the same reasons and purposes stated in
the circumstances of Robins Document No. 1.
The next document to be filed is marked " Robins Document No. 3."
This is a photographic copy of an original in my possession, which was
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1 0 1 1
written by Nicolai Lenine in his office at Smolny Institute, in Petro-
grad, Russia, on the evening of the 26th of February, 1918, im-
mediately subsequent to the cancelation by said Lenine of the prohibi-
tion jjreviously enforced against the departure of the train of the
American Embassy for Vologda, Russia, from Petrograd. The docu-
ment is in Russian, directed to the Soviet of Vologda, asking for pro-
tection and all courtesy to be extended to the American ambassador
and members of the American embassj', and is signed " Nicolai
Lenine," with the stamp of the people's commissars upon it.
The circumstances of this prohibitory order and its cancellation
were testified to by me in my previous hearing before this committee.
The American ambassador, David R. Francis, asked me to secure
from Xicolai Lenine, minister-president of the soviet republic, such
a letter for his safe conduct to and protection in Vologda; that is,
without the use of the ambassador's name.
The next document I wish to be filed and marked as " Robins Docu-
ment No. 4." This is a photographic copy of an original in my pos-
session which was prepared in the temporary American embassy at
Vologda, Russia, on the 9th of March, 1918, and was given to me by
the American ambassador to be used at my discretion as evidence to
Nicolai Lenine, minister-president of the soviet government of Rus-
sia, and the officials of the Fourth AU-Russian Soviet, which was
scheduled to meet at Moscow on the 14th of March, 1918, to aid in pre-'
venting the ratification of the Brest-Litovsk treaty, being evidence of
the willingness of the ambassador of the United States, David R.
Francis, to urge against intervention in Siberia. [Reading :]
Robins Document No. 4.
[Special cipher message.]
March 9, 1918.
Sbceetaet of State, Washington:
Col. Robins arrived at midnight. He returned from Petrograd after an
important conference wntli Trotsky on tlie 5tli.
' Senator Overman. As I understand, what you say about urging
against intervention in Siberia is your comment.
Mr. Robins. That was my comment. Returning to this " Robins
Document No. 4", it says:
Col. Robins arrived at midnight. He returned from Petrograd after an
important conference with Trotsky on the 5th.
Senator King. What is this communication?
Mr. Robins. It is a cablegram sent to the Department of State,
according to the statement of the ambassador, but given to me to show
to the soviet afterwards as indicating his attitude on the questions
involved.
Senator King. Based on the statement that you had made to the
ambassador, I suppose ?
Mr. Robins. Yes; and his own knowledge. This document con-
tinues :
The result of that conference he wired to me in the code of the military mis-
sion but as the mission had left for Petrograd of which fact you were advised,
with the code, I did not learn of the conference until the arrival of Robins an
hour ago. Since R. left Petrograd, Moscow and Petrograd Soviets have both
instructed .their delegates to the conference of March 12th to support the
ratification of the peace terms. I fear thai such action is the result of a
1012 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
threatened Japanese invasion of Siberia which I have anticipated by sendlne
Wright eastward. Trotsky told Robins that he had heard that such invasion
was countenanced by the allies and especially by America and It would not
only force the government to advocate the ratification of the humlliatinB
peace but would so completely estrange all factions in Russia that further
resistance to Germany would be absolutely impossible. Trotsky furthermore
asserted that neither his government nor the Russian people would object
to the supervision by America of all shipments from Vladlvostock into Russia
and a virtual control of the operations of the Siberian Railway but a Japanese
invasion would result in non-resistance and eventually make Russia a German
province. In my judgment a Japanese advance now would be exceedingly
unwise and this midnight cable is sent for the purpose of asking that our influ-
ence may be exerted to prevent same. Please reply immediately. More
tomorrow.
Fbancis.
Senator Sterling. This was from Francis to the State Department?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes ; that is the complete cable.
The next document I wish to file is " Robins Document No. 5."
This is a photographic copy of an original in my possession which
T.vas given to me at the same time and place and for the same use and
purpose as Document No. 4. [Reading :]
Robins Document No. 5.
f Paraphrase of special cipher.]
March 9, 1918.
Secstate, Washington:
I have seen the Bolshevik and anti-Bolshevlk press since sending my cable
of 12 o'clock last night. Both lay great stress upon the threatened Japanese
Invasion and all harmoniously express violent opposition to the same. I am
just in receipt of a confidential message from the Ruggles and he reports that
in accordance with his instructions he has Interviewed Trotsky besides the
Chief of Staff and the French Military Mission ; he states that as yet it is
too early to judge what the bolshevik leaders can do but thinks their intention
is to fight the Germans even if peace is ratified by the Moscow All Russian
►soviet Congress ; he personally urges avoidance of reprisals and occupations
and states that there is time therefor if the situation becomes hopeless later
on ; that he will accompany the Russian, French, Italian staffs to Moscow
March 11th.
I cannot too strongly urge the folly of an invasion by the Japanese now.
It is possible that the Congress at Moscow may ratify the peace but if I
receive assurances from you that the Japanese peril Is baseless I am of the
opinion that the Congress will reject this humiliating peace. The Soviet
Government is the only power which Is able to Offer resistance to the German
advance and consequently should be assisted if it is sincerely antagonistic
to Germany. In any case the peace ratification only gives Russia a breathing
spell as the terms thereof are fatal to bolshevlklsm as well as to the integrity
of Russia.
Senator Steeling. From whom and to whom is the last ?
Mr. Robins. From the ambassador of the United States, to the De-
partment of State at Washington, sent from Vologda, according to
his statement, he having given it to me as an evidence of his action
that I could present to the soviet leaders at Moscow.
Senator Steeling. Do you know that such a cablegram was actu-
ally sent.
Mr. Robins. No, sir ; I have not that knowledge. The files of the
department will, of course, inform the Senator.
Senator King. The deduction is inevitable, from that, that Francis
was doing all that he could to prevent the ratification of the Brest-
Litovsk treaty.
Mr. Robins. And to prevent intervention— Japanese intervention.
Both were working together in the situation.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGASTDA. 1013
Senator King. Yes; he felt that Japanese intervention- might lead
to a ratification of the Brest-Litovsk treaty, whereas the failure of the
Japanese to intervene might possibly influence the Soviets of Moscow
and Petrograd to oppose the ]3rest-Litovsk treaty.
Mr. KoBiNS. Quite so ; that was part of the situation.
Senator King. So that apparently he was doing all that he could
to prevent the ratification of the Brest-Litovsk treaty.
Mr. Robins. As we both were at all times.
Senator King. Because you and he both felt that that would be
hurtful to the allies ?
Mr. Robins. Absolutely. We did everything that we could to that
end at all times.
Senator King. That it would free the German armies on that
front and permit their return to France to aid in the assault upon
the French and upon the English and upon our own troops there.
Mr. Robins. Yes; and for the additional reason that it would re-
lease raw materials in Russia that would go to the central powers.
Senator Sterling. Did you not fear at that time that there would
be a ratification of the Brest-Litovsk treaty ?
Mr. Robins. Without the cooperation of the allies it seemed in-
evitable. With the cooperation of the soviet power with the allies
it seemed that it might not have been.
, Senator King. Assuming, of course, that Lenine and Trotsky and
those with whom they were associated were sincere opponents of
Germany ?
Mr. Robins. Not necessarily sincere opponents of Germany, but
sincere international revolutionists against all governments.
Senator King. Assuming that they were not internationalists bent
upon the destruction of all governments ?
Mr. Robins. No. Assuming that they M'ere sincere international-
ists, then they would be opposed not only to that Government but to
all governments, and we could use this fact at that point in opposition
to the German power. That judgment has been testified to by me.
If the Senator nad been at the other hearings at which I testified,
he would be familiar with that.
Senator King. I am familiar with your testimony.
Mr. Robins. Then you will know, sir, that that opinion was joined
in by the British High Commission, by Mr. Harold Williams, by the
representative of the National City Bank in America, and by other
persons, as was testified before this committee.
Senator Steeling. Do you believe that being internationalists and
opposed to all governments they would give cooperation, sincere co-
operation, with the allied powers?
Mr. Robins. Yes, Senator, I believe that people can always be re-
lied upon to do what is to their interest, even though it be at times
contrary to their formulas. I have seen that enough in life not to be
concerned with indoor formulas so much as with outdoor facts.
Senator King. Your idea was that if they could receive recogni-
tion from our Government and from the allied Governments, that
would give them greater power in Russia, and they could carry on
their propaganda later in this country or otherwise for the destruc-
tion of all governments?
Mr. Robins. Precisely.
Senator King. And all forms of organized society ? .
1014 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
Mr. Robins. Not necessarily that. That would be at the time pos-
sibly in their minds, but they would be led to deal with the facts of
life. To feed, clothe, and house 180,000,000 people is a job that you
can not do on formulas. In order to do that they would have to
modify their formulas in some instances.
I present a document filed and marked " Robins Document No. 6."
This is a photographic copy of an original in my possession and was
prepared in the temporary American embassy at Vologda, Russia,
on the date indicated in the document, and given to me by the Ameri-
can Ambassador, David R. Francis, to be used in the service of the
United States as his unofficial representative in Moscow or elsewhere
in Russia. [Reading:]
Robins Document No. 6.
(Stamp of the Embassy of the United States of America.)
Vologda, Russia, March 10, 1918.
CERTIFICATE.
The holder of this document, is (!olonel Raymond Robins, an American Citi-
zen, and Chief of the American Red Cross llission to Russia. I commend him
to the courtesies of all to whom this Certificate may be presented. Colonel
Robins is travelling in the Special Car No. 447 and is accompanied by eight or
ten men engaged in Red Cross Work. Colonel Robins will name these men if
required to do so. I specially request that he be permitted to enter Moscow
and any other city in Russia he may desire to visit.
[SEAL OF THE EMBASSY.] DaVID R. FbANCIS,
American Ambassador.
I present also a document filed and marked as " Robins Document
No. 7." This is a photographic copy of an original direct wire tele-
gram in my possession, ordered sent by the ambassador of the United
States, David R. Francis, through his private secretary as indicated,
from Vologda, and received by me at Moscow on the morning of the
22d of April, 1918. [Reading:]
Robins Document No. 7.
.Johnston on the wire to Colonel Robins from the Ambassador : Do not feel I
should be justified in asking you to remain longer in Moscow to the neglect of
the prosecution of your Red Cross work l)ut this does not imply any want of
jippreciation of the service you have rendered me in keeping me advised con-
cerning matters important for me to know and giving .suggestions and advice
jis well as being a channel of unoflicial coninnmlcation with the soviet govern-
ment. When will Webster and Hicks return? Will they stop at Vologda or go
<lirect JIfiscow from Omsk? Following message received from Thompson
American Consul Omsk yesterday " Please inform Webster and Hicks on their
arrival that Turens figures exceed theirs eight times. Tell AVebster copy tele-
gram not found at Joi-dans. Will mail staffs letters Monday Moscow?" Also
following from Halsey Murmansk " Forward to Robins and Wardwell latest
indications Chat Doras Red Cross cargo coming here early May. Advise you
urge I^ondon to send it directly to Archangel as it must eventually go there
Murman r;iil«-ay now."
Senator Sterlixg. Will you not read the first line again. Colonel?
(The telegram in part was reread by the witness.)
Senator Steelino. How long had you been at Moscow at the time
of the receipt of that wire ?
]Mr. Robins. Some six weeks. The first paragraph of this mes-
sage indicates the specific character of my unofficial relationship as
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1015
special representative of the ambassador with the soviet govern-
ment of Russia as late as the 22d of April, 1918.
I present a document filed and marked as " Robins Document No.
8." This is a photographic copy of an original telegram in my
possession, sent by the American ambassador from Vologda and
received by me on the evening of the 23d of April, 1918. [Reading:]
Robins Document No. 8.
Twenty-third. Please inform Chicherin his telegram nay first knowledge that
China prohibited any exportation to Russia and have instituted inquiries to
ascertain facts. Why does he think such is result of allied agreement and if so
why does he think same based on misunderstanding?
Fbanois.
Senator Sterling. May I see that ?
(The telegram last read was handed to Senator Sterling.)
Mr. Robins. This telegram evidences the continuation of my rela-
tionship as special representative between the American ambassador
and the soviet government of Russia.
I present a telegram filed and marked as " Robins Document No. 9."
This is a photographic copy of an original telegram in my pos-
session, sent by the American ambassador from Vologda and re-
ceived by me at Moscow in the evening of the 29th of April, 1918.
This document consists of three photographic prints of the three
pages of the original telegram, and reads as follows :
Robins Document No. 9.
Twenty-ninth from Chicherin in Russia enclosed in your letter April twenty-
seventh concerning the Chinese embargo about which I received urgent tele-
gram in Russian April twenty-second from Chicherin addressed American
Ambassador A^ologda. Immediately cabled Department also Peking and Har-
bin mainly for information. Received prompt reply from Moser Harbin —
Moser is the American consul at Harbin —
expressing regret could not request annulment of prohib'ition to which I as
promptly replied had made no such request but only inquiry as to facts which
again demanded reply through legation Peking. Nothing further from ' Har-
bin and nothing from Peking. Just received however cable from Department
giving detailed history of embargo which clearly shows government never
consented thereto. Quite contrary stated specifically to Chicherin such prohi-
bition inadvisable. February nineteenth American legation Peking advised
Department that food stuffs permitted go to Irkutsk and points east under
consular control — latter to prevent such shipments reaching enemy, war
prisoners at that time not being factor in situation. This agreement influenced
by my conferring with Chinese minister Petrograd and latters cooperation.
Obtaining this information within seven days is quick work and demonstrates
disposition of Department and Embassy toward embargo on food stuffs to
relieve distress.
Cannot account for renewed operation of embargo but expecting further in-
formation as Department cable says repeated to American Legation Peking
my cable on subject and its^
And will the Senators kindly note the language —
reply thereto. Might discreetly Inform Chicherin of facts above mentioned
but take care that iio friction produced between China and America or Japan
and America. If you fear imparting such information likely result in further
complication better withhold for present and only state that I am energetically
investigating embargo.
Fbancis.
1016 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
This document further evidences the nature of my confidential re-
lationship as the unofficial representative of the American ambassa-
dor in dealing with the soviet government of Russia. The char-
acter of this communication and the instructions in its concluding
paragraph indicate the willingness of the American ambassador
at that time to trust in my discretion in dealing with the soviet
government of Russia for the benefit of the American and allied
Governments, and his willingness to trust in my discretion in the use
of this important information to that end. This is now at a date
nearly six months after the inauguration of the soviet regime in
Russia and after more than four months of my continuous service
as special representative of the American ambassador with the soviet
government, something better than two months after the ratification
of the Brest-Litovsk peace.
Senator Overman. I understood Mr. Francis to say that you were
transacting business for him with his permission, and were of
service to him.
Mr. Robins. Most of his testimony indicates friction between Mr.
Robins and the ambassador, and other things indicate a lack of
confidence.
Senator King. I got just the other impression from his testimony,
Col. Robins, that you were acting for him unofficially, and he recom-
mended that you continue so to act so that he would have a conduit —
I think he used that word — to receive information from the Bol-
shevik government.
Mr. Robins. Of course I have not seen the testimony, and have to
rely on the quotations from it.
Senator King. That was the impression I obtained.
Mr. Robins. I am very glad if that was the result of the testimony.
Senator Overman. There is no doubt about that, that he admitted
that he was using Col. Robins as a conduit, and that Col. Robins
was of great value to him, and that you were friendly and that
there was no criticism.
Senator King. Yes, he stated that he went to Vologda and met you
there at the platform, and that the relations between you and him
were pleasant. It was suggested that there were differences of
opinion as to the schemes and purposes of the Bolsheviks ; that you
were attributing to them — this is not his language, but this is the
idea which I derived from his statement — a sincerity — I use that
term in the absence of a better one — in their motives that he did not
think they possessed, but that you gave him valuable information,
which he utilized for his purposes.
I have in mind a statement that was made early in December, 1917,
by the Bolshevik government, which led me at that time — and has
influenced my judgment someM'hat as to their purpose — to conclude
that they have conceived a propaganda to be prosecuted for the
destruction of all organized governments, and this is a part of the
language in the proclamation which was issued. I want to ask if
that came to your attention while you were in Russia, Colonel, while
they were insisting upon the right to send representatives to other
governments ? It is said :
It is necessary for us to maintain diplomatic relations, not only with foreign
governments through couriers, but also with the socialistic and revolutionary
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1017
parties which are endeavoring to overthrow the existing governments. The
soviet considers the existing situation intolerable. The people's commissioner
for foreign affairs has been ordered to refuse vis6s and general facilities to
those embassies which refuse to vis6 the passports of the couriers and create
other small chancery difficulties.
Do you recall that proclamation?
Mr. Robins. Very well.
Senator King. What I want to call your attention to is that as
early as the 22d of December, 1917, the Bolshevik government then
stated that it was necessary " For us to maintain diplomatic rela-
tions, not only with foreign governments through couriers, but also
with the socialistic and revolutionary parties which are endeavoring
to overthrow the existing governments." Do you not regard that,
Col. Eobins — probably I ought not to ask for your opinion, and you
need not give it if you do not care to, and it is perhaps not germane
to this inquiry — as a challenge by them then to all existing govern-
ments and expression of a purpose upon their part to get into com-
munication with revolutionary organizations everywhere for the
purpose of destroying all existing goveimments?
Mr. Robins. Thoroughly so, and from the beginning I was in fuU
understanding of that purpose, as stated here in my original testi-
mony. If a man is going to shoot at me with an ordinary gun, and
I am 5 miles away, I am not greatly worried, perhaps. But if I hap-
pen to have an enemy I want killed who is 200 yards away in line, 1
may even say, " Shoot, brother, shoot !" I felt that if there was revo-
lutionary propaganda, being universal in its nature, that would fall
into the hands of Germany and Austria and turn back upon them
that poison gas which they had been fighting us with in Russia, it
would be the best service that could be rendered to break the morale
of the central powers at that time, and therefore it seemed to be
desirable to the Committee on Public Information, and a number of
thousands of rubles were paid into my hands by Edgar Sisson of the
Committee on Public Information to forward that particular enter-
prise, in full knowledge of exactly what they were proposing, but
believing that as we were in a world war, it would be a good thing
as an attack on Germany, which was a danger very near, while
others were most remote.
Senator King. That is to say, you understood they were going to
light the fires of revolution everywhere ?
Mr. Robins. "Wherever they could.
Senator King. And after it had burned out in Europe we might
extinguish it in our own country ?
Mr. Robins. After it had burned in Germany, and it had been
sufficient to fight the central powers, it would not go further.
Senator King. But you knew it was the purpose to destroy our
Government as soon as they could.
Mr. Robins. Everybody there knew it. Their propositions of eco-
nomic cooperation and other things always contained the final words,
"We are doing this without in anywise losing our character as a
socialist revolutionary government."
Senator King. And you understood that their purpose was then as
it is now, the destruction of all organized governments?
Mr. Robins. The destruction of present organized governments.
They have a different, particular organization and program, which
I think is impossible and wrong.
1018 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator King. I recall your testimonj' in that respect.
Mr. Robins. I present a document filed and marked as "Robins
Document No. 10." This is a photographic copy of an original letter
in my possession written in the temporary American embassy at
A^ologda on the date indicated, and transmitted by special messenger
and received by me in the office of the American Red Cross mission
to Russia at the Hotel Elite, in IMoscow, on the 6th day of May, 1918.
The document consists of two photographic prints of the two pages
of the original letter. [Reading:]
■ RoHiNS Document No. 10.
VouHiDA, ilni/ 3, Zy/S.
Colonel Raymond Kouins.
Coiiiwandi)!;) Aiiivricn)! Red Cross Mix.von to Rusnin. Moscnii; Riin'<in.
My Deab Colonel: —
Note the date, May 3d —
Your telegram of Jlny second received this morning but it says nothing iibout
the uiipret-edeuted order of the Soviet Government prohibiting the reception and
transmission of cipher telegrams from any .source other than the Government.
I thou.uht until the receipt of your telegram that you were en route to Vologda;
suppose you have learned of this order today — did you know of it before it whs
issued ?
I may say that a telegram of mine crossed this letter advising him
that it was an error made on the part of the commissar of telegraphs,
and it was revoked at once. [Continuing reading:]
It my judgment this means the withdrawal of privileges heretofore enjoyed
by all diplomatic representatives and it may possibly lie the beginning of the
withdrawal of all diplomatic immunities; in that event all Embassies and Le-
gations will be subject to indignities and pilfering and regardless of personal
comfort or safety of their members, would through consideration of the dignity
of the (Jovernment they represent be compelled to withdraw from Russia.
Do you think the Soviet Government would opposed allied intervention if
they knew it was inevitable? I can understand the difRculty of the position of
Lenin and Trotsky and their colleagues and know they are compelled to profess
when organizing an army or preparing any kind of resistam-e, that such is the
promotion of wiu'ld-wide social revolutii>n; at the same time you I know have
always felt that it was necessary to encourage such iirol'i'ssious in (U'der to
organize any resistanc(> whatever to the Oentral Empires and were conlident
that such an organization would never be used against existing governments
including our own but it is difflcult to induce our government to accejit Hint
view. You are acquainted with my efforts to bring railroad men to the assist-
ance of the Soviet Government —
Lenine and Trotsky —
and you are also aware of my action in bringing about the aid of the military
mis.sions toward organizing an army —
The army of the soviet,
and you are likewise familiar with the result of such efforts —
They failed because the home government refused to indorse the
program. [Continuing reading :]
But Webster has just come in to tell me good-bye and I have not Ibe time
to write at greater length.
If this prohibition of ci])her telegrnnis is apjilicalile to neuti'als as well as
Allies, I shall as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps reconunend that united protest
be made and it will doubtless be made through the Consuls of all the Missions
that have Consuls in Moscow or I'etrograd. My opinion is that the Soviet
Government has made a great mistake in issuing this decree or order.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1019
There are innuy things which I would like to talk to you about and cannot
write even if I had the time. Yon are correct In thinking that I was not at all
disturbed by the newspaper surmise that I was to be succeeded by yourself, not
that I think such suggestion absurd but I did not for a moment feel that you
were a party to any such move.
Senators, it has been testified here by certain persons that I was
seeking the office of American ambassador in Eussia. No man who
knows politics — and whatever else I may be, I am not supposed to be
entirely ignorant or entirely a fool — would have entertained the idea
for a moment.
Senator King. Was that suggested by anybody execept Louise
Bryant ?
Mr. Robins. This paper stated that Dr. Simons testified that it
created confusion because I was persistently trying to be made am-
bassador and opposing American officials, and the ambassador stated
specifically that if there were any statements to be made referring
to himself or the Government, they would be issued by him, indicat-
ing that I was doing some such a thing.
May it under oath be recorded that I never made a single public
statement regarding my official position or unofficial service in any
paper during my work in Russia. May it be recorded that I never at
any time publicly in any wise pretended to represent the Government
of the United States, but did only, in the mattei' intrusted to me, act
quietly, and at most times secretly, to the end that we might handle the
difficult situation that was there. I conceived the ambassador and
myself as working, gentlemen of the committee, in entire harmony,
with certain differences of judgment as to the actual facts and condi-
tions that are reasonable and expected in honest and sincere men
everywhere. [Reading :]
It is possible that I niny \\-rite again tomorrow after learning more about this
prohibition of cipher telegram.
The food has arrived from Petrograd but has not yet been unloaded I nm
told.
Must close now in haste.
Tours sincerely,
David U. Francis,
(P.y direction,)
E. W. .ToHNSTOW, fieri/.
This document further evidences the character of my instructions
and services as the special representative of the American ambassador,
David R. Francis, in relation to the soviet government of Russia as
late as the date aforesaid, which was about six months after the in-
auguration of the soviet government regime in Eussia.
Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, you will note
that in* this letter the American ambassador writes of my acquaint-
ance with his efforts to bring railroad men to the assistance of the
soviet goA^ernment as well as his action in bringing about the aid
of the military missions toward organizing an army for that gov-
ernment and of the failure of his efforts due to the noncompliance
with his recommendations by the Government of the United States
at Washington.
Senator King. Anterior to that period, as you know, of course,
our Government had attempted to send material, and had attempted
to send railroad men, and so forth.
Mr. Robins. Yes, sir, but had restrained them from coming in.
Senator King. They had gone up into Siberia.
1020 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Mr. Robins. But had restrained them from coming in.
Senator King. They were in Siberia.
Mr. EoBiNS. No, at that time in Harbin, I think.
Senator King. And the uncertain situation there in Eussia de-
terred the Government from ordering them in.
Mr. EoBiNS. I present another document, filed and marked as
" Eobins Document • No. 11." This is a photographic copy of an
original in my possession written on the date incidated thereon and
handed to me by the American Ambassador David E. Francis per-
sonally. [Eeading :]
Robins Document No. 11.
Vologda, May 15, 1918.
The Honorable Paul S. Reinsch,
American E. E. & M. P., Peking.
Mt Deak Colleague: This letter will be presented by Lieut. Col. Raymond
Robins, who has been in charge of the American Red Cross Mission to Russia
for some months past and who is now en route America to inform his organi-
zation and the Government about conditions in Russia with which Colonel R.
Is very familiar.
Suggesting that maybe I did a little bit more than distributing
some milk. [Eeading:]
The Colonel has been in close touch with the Soviet Government since its
organization in October last and has kindly kept me informed concerning its
acts and policies so far as he was able to do so.
Senator Nelson. Let me see, right there. That quotation coincides
with what Mr. Francis testified to before the committee.
Mr. EoBiNS. If Eo, Senator, I am glad.
Senator Nelson. I can not see any issue between you and him on
that point.
Mr. EoBiNS. Well, I do not want to make any. [Continuing
reading :]
While the Colonel and I have not agreed on the subject of recognition we are
of accord and have been from the beginning in thinking it important if not
necessary that the Soviet Government should show resistance to Germany,
and have worked together to that end.
And I submit, gentlemen of the committee, they could not show a
resistance to Germany unless there was some sincerity in that situa-
tion. If they were believed to be German agents, you could not
expect them to take any amount of action showing resistance to
Germany.
Senator King. Pardon me, is not that rather a deduction that
might or might not be warranted ? It would depend upon the facts.
If a majority of the Eussian people wanted the Eussians to continue
the military operations, and the minority — assuming that Lenine
and Trotsky represented the minority — were opposed, then they
might be compelled to yield to the majority. Though in their hearts
they were opposed and might have been German agents, they might
have to bow to the majority.
Mr. EoBiNS. That would be tenable if it had not been so con-
stantly said that Lenine and Trotsky were in absolute command of
the situation, again and again, by witness after witness. [Reading :]
I commend the colonel to your favorable acquaintance and bespeak for him
your courtesies and assistance. Believe me, my dear colleague,
Yours sincerely.
David B. Francis.
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 1021
The American ambassador and members of his staff from the tem-
porary American Embassy at Vologda met the special car of the
American Ked Cross mission in Russia, at the railway station in
Vologda, on the said date, when I and certain members of the Ameri-
can Eed Cross mission in Russia were at Vologda en route to Vladi-
Tostock in obedience to cable instructions to report upon the Russian
situation to the American Government and the American Red Cross
in Washington. On this same occasion the American ambassador
spoke in the most generous terms to me of my services to him and to
the American Government, in the presence of other members of the
American Red Cross mission. The American ambassador on this
occasion also delivered into my hands, for safe-keeping and trans-
mission to the Department of State of the United States at Wash-
ington, a special sealed pouch.
The character of this letter of introduction to the American ambas-
sador at Peking, China, indicates my relationship between David R.
Francis, American ambassador, and the soviet government, and in-
dicates confidence and trust in me. The ambassador gave me at that
time and place several other letters of a similar character, to be pre-
sented to American consuls en route through Siberia, and to the
American ambassador of the United States to Japan, which letter
was delivered by me to said Ambassador Morris in Tokyo, with whom
T dined at the embassy and to whom I gave a confidential report upon
the Russian situation as I understood it.
Mr. Chairman and gentleman of the committee, in view of the
«xtraordinary circumstances surrounding the whole matter of my
relationship and the character of my services in Russia, both as
■commander of the American Red Cross mission and as unofficial
representative of the American ambassador with the soviet govern-
ment, I wish to submit and to have filed in the record of the investi-
gation by this committee, the following additional documents :
I present another document, filed and marked as "Robins Docu-
ment No. 12." This is a photographic copy of an original cable
message in my possession, sent Iw the director general of the Ameri-
can Red Cross, the Hon. Henry P. Davison, from Washington, D. C.,
■on the date indicated thereon. [Reading :]
Robins Document No. 12.
Impossible convey my admiration appreciation, and oongratulations upon
.your signal service to your country to Red Cross and to me. Some day history
will record service being rendered by you. Ai¥ectionate Xmas greetings to
:yourself and stafE.
Davison.
I present another document, filed and marked as " Robins Docu-
ment No. 13." This is a photographic copy of an original in my
possession. This cable message was sent from Paris, France, and was
received by me April 18, 1918, at Moscow, after I had been for four
and a half months commander of the American Red Cross in Russia.
[Reading :]
Robins Document No. 13.
•Consul Amekican,
Moscow Russia:
Sixteenth for Robins. " Be assured your services to Red Cross of extra-
■ordinary value and highly appreciated inside and ■outside Red Cross organiza-
tion. Distressed you should have misconstrued cable regarding assistance.
1022 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
You will be adviswl by cable later relative tbis point. Assume you will not
contemplate leaving Russia except for personal safety without advising me in
plenty of time. Seems to all here that it would be misfortune to have Red
Cross withdrawn from Russia and certainly as you have made such signal
success. Gi\e no further consideration question assistant until further advLsed
Perkins."
Shaep.
The occasion for this communication was a previous cable message
from Paris, suggesting the intention of sending certain assistants for
the work of the American Ked Cross mission in Russia under my
command. As there was no statement of the reasons for sending
such assistants, and as there was no need for any additional help in
the work of the American Eed Cross mission at that time in Russia,
I replied to the previous cable to the effect that I did not (need
assistance for our work in Russia, and that if my administration of
the American Red Cross mission in Russia was not satisfactory to
the administration of the American Red Cross in Washington, or to
the American Government, I should be recalled. To this answering
cable of mine, I received the cable message above set forth, marked
" Robins Document Xo. 13."
Senator Steeling. Colonel, how does that meet or refute anything
that has been said by Ambassador Francis in his testimony ?
Air. Robins. It meets this, Stenator. In the newspaper report of
the testimony it is said that the ambassador spoke of my recall, and
the nature of his words was an inference that I was recalled because
I was not useful or was not desirable ; or as it was reported, not in-
dispensable, was the way it seemed to me and to others. For instance,
I received a telegram, which I will submit in the record, from the
Chicago Tribune, saying :
Will you please make a statement for the Tribune answering Ambassador
Francis's charges in testimony?
The Chicago Tribune met me at the train and asked me for a
statement when I came here.
Senator Steeling. I did not get that impression from Ambassador
Francis's testimony,
Mr. Robins. But that is the impression it gives in the newspapers,
and I have the right to disabuse the public of that.
Senator Xelsox. Francis did not testify that you were recalled at
his request. He simply made the statement that you were recalled.
Senator Overman. He said the relations between him and Col.
Robins were most pleasant; that he had met you at the depot, and
that some conversation took place ; and said that he had authorized
you to go to the Bolshevik government and discuss matters with
them. I see no conflict between you.
Mr. Robins. Would you not see the conflict between
Senator Oveesiax. I am not talking about the press report.
Mr. Robins. No; but did not the ambassador say that I had gone
to Smolny to inquire as to the principles of the Bolsheviki, and had
come back and said that I agreed, with them ?
Senator King. I think he said substantially that.
Mr. Robins. That is not true at all.
Senator Sterling. It was stated, Col. Robins, that you went to
the ambassador and asked him if he was not going to recognize. the
soviet government of Russia, and he said to you that you knew that
he was not, or that in substance.
BOLSHByiK. PROPAGANDA. 1023.
Mr. EoBiNS. I state under oath that the facts in that relation are
that the ambassador called me into his office and asked me to serve
him in his special affairs in relation to the soviet government.
Senator Steeling. I think he so testified.
Mr. Robins. I present another document, marked and filed as
"Robins Document No. 14." This is a photographic copy of an
original in my possession, same being a cable message from the De-
partment of State of the United 'States of America and the American
Red Cross at Washington, D. C, and was received by me in Moscow
on May 9. 1918. [Reading :]
Robins Document No. 14.
American Consul General,
Aioscow.
128 Ninth Washington for Robins Moscow twenty two seventh lolOS 10095..
" Under all circumstances consider desirable that you come home for consulta-
tion we are very reluctant however to withdraw entire Red Cross Commission
anticipating that there will be many opportunities to help distribution food
and other Red Cross relief measures next two months must leave decision in
your hands for you alone can judge possibilities of personal welfare members
commission also likelihood continuing service but all here feel that Red Cross
will find much valuable relief work to do and hope you before leaving will
find possible arrange for sufficient personnel to remain and if you desire we
will endeavor send other Red Cross representatives to help in maintaining Red
Cross efforts position in Russia founded on fine basis established cable
promptly care Davison."
Lansing.
The character of this cablegram indicates that at that date, after
nearly six months of my administration as commander of the Ameri-
can Red Cross mission in Russia and as unofficial representative of
the American ambassador, David R. Francis, with the soviet gov-
ernment, the American Government and the American Red Cross,
at Washington relied upon my information and judgment in relation
to retention of the mission in Russia, the service it should undertake,,
and the matter of additional help to carry out its work. It also
evidences an appreciation of the merit of the work previously accom-
plished by the American Red Cross mission in Russia.
Senator King. The word " recall " as used by Mr. Francis did not
imply, as I' understood it, any rebuke.
Mr. Robins. I am very glad ; because as it was reported, it did.
Senator Overman. He said here that you were recalled.
Senator Nelson. That simply indicated that you were recalled, as
I understood, by the Red Cross.
Senator Overman. This is what was said [reading] :
Mr. Francis. Col. Thompson succeeded Col. Billings as the head of the Ameri-
can Red Cross Mission to Russia, and he spent a million and a quarter dollars
of his own money
Senator Nelson. Thompson did?
Mr. Francis. V^hich was distributed through Robins to sustain Kerensky
In his fight with the Bolsheviki. Consequently he was very much frightened
when the Bolshevik revolution took place, and he left Petrograd within ten
days or two weeks of that time. He left Robins in charge. Robins went to the
Bolsheviki and said he had been fighting them and he wanted to know what
their principles were.
They told him their principles, and he was ever afterward persona grata
at Smdlny, and followed them to Moscow, and tried to get me to go to Moscow,
and I refused because I did not want to be any closer to the Bolshevik gov-
ernment than I was.
1024 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGAKDA.
Senator Nelson. Can you tell us anything further about his operations In
that connection?
Mr. Fbancis. About whose operations?
Senator Nelson. Col. Robins's.
Mr. Francis. Col. Robins I had heard was being quoted down there as the
mouthpiece of America. My relations with hlra were pleasant. I had, as I
told you this morning, told him that he could continue to visit the soviet
officials, because I wanted to loam what they were doing. He was recalled
on the 5th of May, and on the 15th of May he went through Vologda, going to
Vladivostok. I went to the station to meet him. We had a private- conversa-
tion of about twenty minutes — the train was there 50 minutes — and I turned
away from him, or he turned away from me ; I have forgotten which — not in
any unfriendly spirit * * *.
Senator King. The word " recalled " there, the way he spoke it, did
not imply any rebuke.
Senator Overman. He just stated the facts.
Senator Nelson. He did not imply that he had asked for your
recall.
Mr. Robins. As it was reported it did imply that.
Senator Nelson. I gathered the idea that you were recalled by the
Red Cross authorities, and that letter indicates that.
Senator Sterling. There was not a word of Ambassador Francis's
testimony which could be construed as a reflection on the Red Cross.
Mr. Robins. Or on my work as unofficial representative, or on me
in relation to the subject ?
Senator Sterling. I would not say about that ; but as to your Red
Cross work, not one word of criticism.
Mr. Robins. May I say, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, that I wish
to enter my own statement of what I think to be the fact, having been
in constant relation with Col. William B. Thompson, that there was
no man in Russia during that entire critical period who was less
frightened at anything than William B. Thompson, and no man who
left in less haste. He left largely at my earnest request that he
should go out by way of England, and that he should make an
effort to get a correct understanding of the thing in England. At
that time Sir George Buchanan, the British ambassador, and Gen.
Knox, the chief of the military mission, were absolutely unwilling
to do anything like cooperating as did the ambassador of the United
States, to try to meet the needs of the situation ; and Col. Thompson
did go out and he saw Lloyd George, and the result was that the
British high commissioner recalled the British ambassador, Bu-
chanan, and the chief of the British military mission, Gen. Knox.
Mav I say this, and then I am through, and readv to answer any
question, if I can — may I suggest this? I have always taken the
position that the report of the committee would be of significance in
the radical situation in this country, and that it is one of the most
important issues before the country now. I did not suppose that the
committee would rest so soon. May I make this recommendation,
which mav be considered by the committee for what it it worth, that
Gen. William V. Judson, chief of the American military mission in
Russia, a gentleman there at that time, be railed before this com-
mittee and required to testify; that Maj. Thomas D. Thacher, sec-
retarv of the American Red Cross, who had special knowledge of
the situation at Murmansk, and who was there during the entire life
of the mission in Russia, until some time in March, be called; that
Maj. Allen Wardwell, who remained in Russia until the 5th of Octo-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1025
ber, 1918, and left Petrograd on the 16th day of October, 1918, be
called ; that Prof. H. G. Emery, of the Guaranty Trust Co., who was
also there for a long time, be called ; that E. E. Stevens, chief director
of the National City branch banks in Eussia, be called; that Mr.
Jerome Davis, Y. M. C. A. secretary, and ablest man of their number,
and who reached farthest in out-of-door contact, in my judgment, of
any of the Y. M. C. A. secretaries, be called before the committee ; to
the end that when the committee does make its report it can not be
questioned anywhere ; to the end that there shall have been before this
committee all of the real information obtainable. None of these gen-
tlemen are Bolshevik, every one is anti-Bolshevik, and some of
them will differ in their judgments from me; but I know that they
are all honest and able men, and all of them had serious tasks to
perform in the Eussian situation, most of them for periods as long as
mine and some of them longer, on different kinds of missions, scien-
tific on the one hand and business or relief and political on the other.
To meet the challenge of the Bolshevik program, which is the most
definite and fundamental in modern times, is, in my judgment, of the
very highest moment.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, for
the courtesy and privilege of this statement.
Senator Kixg. Col. Eobins, just a question or two. I think the
committee has gone rather far afield in this investigation. Eeally,
the technical duty rested upon the committee, in investigating this
Bolshevik situation, of inquiring only into the activities of the Bol-
shevik organization. Whether it was good or bad was immaterial in
this country, and generally its methods of propaganda, and my judg-
ment is that we have gone rather far afield in the investigation. Our
duty really was to ascertain whether the Bolshevik organization was
conducting a propaganda in this country, and incidentally in other
countries, for the purpose of spreading the doctrine and principles of
that organization. Therefore what its principles are or were was not
really material, as submitted by the resolution. And therefore,
speaking for myself, I do not think the committee should pursue the
matter any further, because there is evidence, it is obvious in the
testimony, including your own, that they are carrying on a propa-
ganda in this country as well as in other countries.
Mr. EoBiNS. Senator, if the findings of the committee do not find
in relation to the actual facts in Eussia and do not make a recom-
mendation in relation to Eussia, I believe that would be an exact
distinction.
Senator King. So far as I am concerned — I have not talked with
my colleagues
Senator Nelson. We have no jurisdiction.
Senator King (continuing). I should be opposed to finding any-
thing about conditions in Eussia, or what the principles of the Bol-
shevik government were and what they would lead to. Our findings,
if my views prevail, will be limited to finding as to the activities of
the Bolsheviki to spread their doctrines, and we are not called upon
to pass upon the goodness or the badness, if I may be permitted that
expression, of their peculiar political system.
Mr. EoBiNS. May I ask another question, Senator? If that is the
point of view, why was it that Santera Nuorteva, who I understand is
S.5723— 19 65
1026 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
a pro-Bolshevik, head of the Finnish bureau here, who has had more
to do with the propagation of Bolshevik ideas in this countiy than
any other one person in America, if I am correctly advised — why has
he not been called before the committee ?
Senator King. I never heard his name mentioned except by Miss
Bryant. I do not know him, and do not know what he is here for.
Mr. EoBiNS. I understand he has a bureau in New York and is en-
gaged in propaganda.
Senator Overman. It has been testified time and again that he is.
Senator King. Then would you say that the Bolsheviki are en-
gaged in propaganda here as well as in other countries ?
Mr. Robins. I would say this, that there are individuals in Ajnerica
propagating Bolshevik ideas — in fact, every I. W. W. is doing that
job and has been for 20 years — and if there is an organized propa-
ganda supported by money from Europe, that is something I would
like to know. I do not know it of my own knowledge. I have heard
it charged that that was so in the case of Nuorteva. If that is so I
would like to know it. I do not know it of my own knoAv ledge. ■
Senator King. But he Avas here?
Mr. EoBiNS. Yes.
Senator King. And is carrj-ing on a propaganda in favor of Bol-
shevik ideas?
Mr. Eobins. Whether he was doing that, or whether it was to get
recognition of the Bolshevik government — there may be some distinc-
tion between the two — but that he is a person who believes in its rule,
and may have the same right to do that that I have to believe against
it. But he was engaged in a definite propaganda here in this country,
and probably could tell you more about it than any other person.
Senator Overman. Mr. Humes is going to submit to this committee
a number of documents, many of them from this man you speak of.
These documents will be in the record, showing that the propaganda
is going on to a great extent.
Senator Nelson. We have a great number of documents which
have been submitted and printed in this country ; and I want to say
for myself that all I have cared about the Russian situation was to
ascertain what the creed and doctrine of this Bolshevik government
was, and then beyond that to see what they were doing in this coun-
Now, the resolution that authorized us to investigate it was simply
directed to their operations in this country — the Bolshevik propa-
ganda in this country. There were a number of these socialists who
came here who wanted to testify, who volunteered and insisted, and
they injected a lot of stuff about the Russian situation. They came
here to exhibit their own knowledge of Russia and their propaganda,
and to tell us about the situation, or rather to preach in favor of rec-
ognizing that government. We have nothing to do with that, but
the committee let them come and testify. I do not think we forced
you to come in. You came in voluntarily, as I understand.
Mr. Robins. I came at the request of the chairman. I was asked
by a gentleman, who said he was an agent of the Department of Jus-
tice, whether I would come voluntarily or whether I would have to
be required to come. I said, " I will come voluntarily."
Senator Overman. Just as you have done this afternoon ?
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 1027
Mr. KoBiNS. Just exactly ; only to-day at my request and before at
yours.
Senator Overman. Some of them requested that you be called, and
I told them I would be glad to call you, and I told them to ask you
if you would come without a subpoena.
Senator King. What Senator Nelson has said is my understanding,
and as far as I am concerned there will be no finding at all in regard
to the conditions in Russia, or whether there ought to have been recog-
nition of the Bolshevik government, or anything of that nature at all.
It will simply be a finding as to whether or not the Bolshevik gov-
ernment has attempted to propagate its views in t^iis country. That is
the oilly issue.
Senator Overman. I thought we ought to find out what their prin-
ciples are, and if they are a menace to us, if they are working an
injury to our own country, the propaganda ought to be stopped. I
thought we ought to know what their principles are in order to make
some recommendation to Congress as to future legislation. I asked
you that question, and you said you thought there ought to be some
legislation.
Senator Nelson. The main question in a nutshell is this: Are their
doctrines and propaganda a danger and a menace to this country?
]f so, how can we counteract them? That is all we have got to do.
Now I have listened to your testimony, and I do not see any real con-
flict between you and Ambassador Francis.
Mr. EoBiNS. I am very glad that that is so, resting on the record.
Senators. In the newspapers it was made a definite effort to appear
that the ambassador was discrediting me. I could not understand it.
I did not know why it was possible. Certain persons said to me,
" The ambassador is going to discredit you."' I said, " That is im-
possible, because there is nothing to discredit," and I went back to
Chicago with a perfect freedom of conviction as to our understanding.
Senator Overman. When you read the I'ecord in this case you will
see that there is no reflection whatever on you.
Mr. Robins. I am very glad to know that.
Senator King. I want to ask one or two questions. There are a
number of people going back and forth, or at least there were a
year or more ago a number of people going back and forth to Russia,
who were engaged in propagating Bolshevik ideas.
Mr. Robins. I do not know as to that. Senator. You see, I came
out in June, 1918. During the six months I have been out I do not
think anybodv could come out or go back.
Senator King. There were a number of persons who went to Russia
from the United States.
Mr. Robins. After the revolution?
Senator King. After the revolution.
Mr. Robins. A great number, sir.
Senator King. Some testimony here indicates that one week 800
went from the United States to Petrograd.
Mr. Robins. I should think that was entirely reasonable.
Senator King. And that a large number of them Avere from New
York and were Russian nationals who had been living in the United
States for some time, and that they participated in the revolution
and became followers of Lenine and Trotsky. Would your observa-
tion corroborate that view ? /
1028 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
My. Kobixs. Oh, as to a great many of them I should say that was
true. And on the other hand, some very loyal supporters of Kerensky
were men who were emigrants from the United States.
Senator Kixg. Do you know whetlier or not people have gone
from Russia to other countries, Germany, Switzerland, and other
European countries and our own country, and to South America,
for the pui'pose of carrying on the Bolshevik propaganda ?
Mr. Robins. I know absolutely in relation to groups of men going
into Germany and into Austria. I was told of one group that was
to meet on a certain night, and I was advised by Mr. Edgar G.
Sisson, of the Ameuican Committee on Public Information, that I
could probably use some money in forwarding that enterprise, which
"was in his judgment and in my judgment sound, and he gave me
the right to use 75,000 rubles in helping these men get into Germany
and Austria ; but when I got there and had held a conference with them,
they would not take the money, but said they were going there, and
discussed the enterprise. They had men there who were business
men and workingmen, and men who were soldiers, who spoke not
only the German language but Bohemian and various other lan-
guages of Austria, to go in there and spread the Bolshevik formulas.
Senator King. Do you know of people who have been in the
United States, and who are now sympathizers with Bolshevism, and
who are seeking to spiead it in this country? ,
Mr. Robins. I Avould not know w-hether they were spreading it,
but there are some people here who are Americans who are sympa-
thizing with the Bolshevik formulas, and who believe Bolshevism is
the best way out; that it is a wonderful new program, and all that
sort of thing.
Senator King. Do you know whether the Bolshevik government
has sent propagandists to South America?
Mr. Robins. I do not Imow, only by hearsay. I have seen it stated
and have heard it stated.
Senator Nelson. There is a man by the name of Eadek. I guess
you are familiar with him?
Mr. Robins. I know him very well. He is in Germany, and possi-
bly in prison or dead. Radek was possibly the ablest of the jour-
nalists of the Bolshevik group.
Senator Nelson. Was he a Russian or a German?
Mr. Robins. An Austrian.
Senator Nelson. A Hebrew ?
Mr. Robins. No, sir; he is not a Hebrew. He is an Austrian Gen-
tile and a very able man.
Senator King. He prepared many of the proclamations signed by
Lenine and Trotsky?
Mr. Robins. Yes; and wrote a great many of the documents sent
out to the army for Austria and Germany.
Senator Nelson. Do you know a Finn by the name of Nuorteva?
Mr. Robins. That is the man I suggested that you should have ap-
pear before you. I have met him twice.
Senator Nelson.- What sort of a man is he?
Mr. Robins. He deemed to be a very intelligent person and to be
thoroughly committ"id to his program.
Senator Nelson. You laiow there are two kinds of Finns — Swedish
Finns and real Finns.
BOLSHEVIK> PROPAGANDA. ' 1029
Mr. Robins. I do not know which he is.
Senator Nelson. What is his name ?
Mr. Robins. Santera Nuorteva.
Senator Nelson. That is a Finnish name.
Mr. Robins. I do not know. I am not wise in those matters.
Senator King. Of course, it is obvious that the Bolshe\'ik govern-
ment is now attempting to destroy Poland, and perhaps some of
those other governments which the allies, including our own Gov-
ernment impliedly, if- not openly, must support. Do you under-
stand that they are doing that now ?
Mr. Robins. As to Poland, I followed that with some care because
the Polish situation was constantly before us, and my understanding;
as to Poland was this, that there are two groups of the Polish citi-
zens, the Pilsudsky's group, the Socialist group, and Paderewski's
group which more nearly represents the bourgeois class, the land-
lords, and so on.
Senator King. You know they are working together, do you not ?
Mr. Robins. I know that there is a claim that they are, but there
are things in the press which indicate that they are not, and thosa
who are familiar with the situation can well understand that there
might be a conflict between them.
Senator King. You understand that the Bolsheviki, in line with
their view, are attempting to disintegrate or destroy the incipient
Polish republic and subject it to Bolshevik control ?
Mr. Robins. Put it this way, that they were throwing all the in-
fluence they had on the side of Pilsudsky and against Paderewski,
and that would mean a split and probably civil war.
Senator King. And that they are going to give military aid ii
necessary in order to destroy or prevent the formation of a republic
there which would be supported by the allies, or maintained by the
allies?
Mr. Robins. I do not know how far they would go. I do not Imow
what the purpose of the American Government in the Polish situa-
tion really is. I do not know what the purpose of the American
Government in the Russian situation really is. I have tried to find
out. but I do not know.
Senator King. I am speaking only of Poland. Judging from
what we learn, there is to be a recognition of the Polish Republic,
and a Jugo-Slav Republic, and a Czecho-Slav Republic; and the
point I am trying to get at is that the Bolshevists are trying by
propaganda to prevent the erection of these independent republics,
and to subject whatever governments may be organized there to Bol-
shevist control.
Mr. Robins. This is the thought I would suggest. The Bolshe-
vists will try to have what they call an economic soviet republic as
against what we might call a political democratic republic, and if
they find that in Jugo-Slavia after awhile, in the struggle there, there
is a socialist movement, they would support that socialist movement.
Senator King. By military force?
Mr. Robins. Yes; and before the story is over we may be in the
position of having to decide what we will do in matters of that
sort, just as we have had to decide about a very similar situation
down in Mexico. If I understand it truly, Carranza's program is
1030 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
very similar to the Bolshevik program, and I believe we have rec-
ognized them.
Senator King. I differ with you there, but I do not care to be
led into a discussion of Mexico.
ISIr. Robins. The subject is broad enough as it is.
Senator Kixg. Yes ; I can only say that I am not satisfied \yith con-
ditions in Mexico. But the point I am trying to get at is that
the propaganda of the Bolsheviks is not limited to mere preachments,
but will extend to military operations, as I understand their posi-
tion.
Mr. EoBiNs. If they have the power. They believe in the use of
force, and one of the reasons why a people who believe in settling
questions by the ballot are opposed to the Bolsheviki is because the
Bolsheviki believe in force.
Senator King. Then when they withdrew from the military op-
erations against Germany it was not because they did not believe
in force?
Mr. EoBiNS. Xot at all.
Senator King. They are willing now to organize armies, and are
attempting to organize armies ?
Mr. Robins. They organized resistance to Germany. They sent
the Red Guard out, and the sailors — sent them out against the Ger-
mans— but they were overwhelmed by the rotting old army, that fell
back as soon as the Germans advanced. They fought the German
advance, and the White Guard advance on the Finish border. They
fought the Ukrainian Rada and the White Guards. But they had a
desperate economic situation and a desperate disorganization of the
army to deal with. They kept saying, " We have got to fight Ger-
man militarism, because German militarism will not allow us to live.
As soon as we get an economic reorganization, as soon as we get a
new revolutionary army, then we can fight the German power, but
for the time being we have got to make peace." And the peace of
Brest-Litovsk was a peace of Tilsit — was a peace of preparation.
That was the program.
Senator King. My point is that they are perfectly willing to carry
on tjieir propaganda not only by preachment but by force.
Mr. Robins. Yes. So far as I understand their Jbelief, they believe
in self-determination; that any group has the right to determine its
own government. Xow any revolutionary socialist government
would receive support from Russia, in the desire that there should
be a world-wide revolution. I do not believe the soviet govern-
ment of Russia would send troops, if it had troops to send, into
another countrj', unless there was a revolutionary movement of the
workers and peasants of that country.
Senator King. We know that they sent Radek with millions of
rubles into Germany for the purpose of stirring up a revolution
there.
INIr. Robins. Yes. at a time when there were already absolute
soviet groups organized ; and probably Liebknecht and Rosa Luxem-
bourg and others called on their Russian comrades, and they went
over there.
Senator King. You know that in Germany they had an election,
and from all reports it was a fair election. The women participated.
Everi'body over 20 years of age, men and women, participated in
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1031
that election, and we have received from time to tim© without any
contradiction the returns of that election, which show that the
Spartacides received a very inconsiderable fraction of the legal vote,
but notwithstanding that fact Liebknecht and Eosa Luxemburg
and the Spartacides precipitated a revolution, and the Bolshevists
were perfectly willing to aid them in overturning the government
that had been established by a majority, and which represented, so
far as the ballot could express their views, the wish of the majority.
Mr. EoBiNS. There is no question about that.
Senator King. And they would be willing to send troops into
England or France or into our country for the purpose of aiding
Mr. Robins. For the purpose of aiding a revolutionary group in
any of those countries.
Senator King. No matter how insignificant that revolutionary
group was.
Mr. EoBiNS. That would be a matter of judgment. In general I
would say that is sound.
Senator Kino. So that their purpose is to foment revolution and
destroy governments, for the purposes of propagating their views
and their peculiar theories, and they believe in international revolu-
tion and dictatorship of the proletariat.
Senator Steeling. Mr. Chairman, I simply want to say this. I do
not want it to be implied from my silence when we were discussing
the scope of this investigation awhile ago that I assent to all that has
been said by members of the committee. I think it entirely relevant
to this investigation that we should have gone into the conditions in
Eussia, for we found there the source, for the most part at least, of
Bolshevism, and we can not understand Bolshevism in this country
until we understand its workings in Eussia, the intentions and
motives of its leaders there, and the excesses and atrocities committed
by Bolshevism there ; and I think this investigation has proven to be
most profitable from that standpoint. We know what Bolshevism is
there, and we know what a menace it is to the world by knowing what
it is there as described by various witnesses, Col. Eobins among them,
and we should prize his testimony for the information it gives us in
regard to conditions in Eussia.
Senator King. I suppose, though, technically speaking, in our
findings we will be limited by the resolution.
Senator Steeijcng. We may be limited to finding what conditions
are in this country, but in our report I think we would be authorized
to discuss Bolshevism as it exists in Eussia, as a justification for our
conclusion.
Mr. Eobins. That is the only reason I made the suggestion, because
it had gone that far afield, and having done so it ought to cover
those witnesses who would give you the largest information upon it —
creditable witnesses.
Senator King. My view was that we were limited to the purposes
declared in the resolution, and I still think that any findings we
might make would be limited to those that were indicated by the
resolution; and yet that is a matter about which I have no very
strong convictions.
Senator Overman. We can state conditions and findings separately.
Senator King. But that is not a matter that is material for the
record.
1032 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Senator Nelson. It seems, Mr. Eobins, that all the witnesses you
suggest calling would testify with reference to the operations of the
Red Cross.
Mr. Robins. No, sir. There is Prof. Emery, a most intelligent
man, who was at the head of the tariff commission, and who is a
university man
Senator Overman. He was captured over there.
Mr. Robins. Yes ; he was in the German camp and saw the spread
of Bolshevism there.
Senator Steeling. I should like to ask if the statement of Col.
Vladimir S. Hurban has been put in the record ?
Senator Overman. Yes; and the attention of Mr. Eobins ought to
be called to that. Then if he desires to make any reply, it can be
put in the record.
Mr. Robins. I have read his statement, and I have no comment to
make upon it.
Senator Overman. The committee will adjourn, subject to the
call of the chairman.
(Whereupon, at 5 o'clock and 37 minutes p. m., the subcommittee
adjourned, subject to the call of the chairman.)
(The following letter and accompanying statement were ordered
to be inserted in the record:)
Hotel Majestic,
New York, March 10, 1919.
Hon. Lee S. Overman,
Member United States Senate, 'Washington, D. C.
Mt Dear Senator Overman : I take pleasure in sending you herewith an
article of mine about the Czecho-Slovaks In Russia, which I have written with
reference to the recent testimony of Col. Raymond Robins before the Senate
Committee.
Trusting that this article will be of interest to you, I am,
Very sincerely yours,
Catherine Beeshkovskt.
The Czeoho-Slovaks in Russia.
[By Catherine Breshkovsky.]
With so many misrepresentations and calumnies afloat now about cpnditlons
In Russia, it is almost impossible to reply to every false assertion or testimony.
Yet there are matters of such great consequence, questions so pregnant witli
meaning that it would be a crime not to give the world a true exposition of the
actual facts. Among many other calumnies regarding conditions in Russia,
one of the most revolting is the recent testimony of Colonel Raymond Robinn
before the Senate Committee in the matter of the Czecho-Slovaks, their stay in
Russia and their fighting against the Bolsheviki.
Tlie events referred to occurred in the Spring of 1918, when the remnant of
this brave and honorable Army, who for three years had fought against Ger-
many together with our Russian troops, decided — after the treacherous peace
arranged by Lenine and Trotzky at Brest-Litovsk was signed — to go to France
and continue the war for the freedom of all the democracies of the world, and
their own as well. As it was impossible for them to cross the former Russian
front because of the German troops, the Czecho-Slovaks decided to go to the
east, through all Russia and Siberia, to reach Vladivostok and from there to sail
to France, — a journey of many thousands of miles by laud and water. As
for myself — I was at this time hidden in Moscow and through my many friends
could get news from some provinces along the Volga River, where small detach-
ments of the Czecho-Slovak Army appeared by and by, part on foot and part
by rail, all armed and even with some artillery. Then I began to get letters
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1033
from many peasants asking me who those mysterious troops were and what
their intentions were. To these questions they added that this strange Army
was a well-behaved one, never harming anyone and paying regularly for all the
provisions obtained along their route.
Soon afterwards we read in the papers thiit detachments of Czeeho-Slovaks,
armed and in good order, dotted the long way from the ^'olga to Eastern Siberia.
Finding it Impossible to be transported and fed in one large body, they had dis-
solved themselves into many groups and were continuing on their way. In tlie
meantime Moscow was ruled by the Kaiser's Ambassador, Count Mirbach, who
ruled all the Bolshevist provinces and whose obedient servants were Lenine
and Trotzky. In keeping with their purpose to cheat the Russian people, these
two leaders of the Bolsheviki let it be known secretly that they would begin a
new war against the Kaiser, " who has not fulfilled the terms of the peace," and
they even started a sham mobilization to undertake a " crusade against the
oppressors of the freedom of the Russian people," as Trotzky expressed liimself.
After two weeks of such proclamations, Lenine published another one la
wliich he said that, acknowledging the situation, he understands that it would
be foolishness to continue a war that would check the progress of the revolu-
tion, and therefore he asserts that " peace with Germany must be concluded,
whatever the terms may be." So, Mirbach, .smiling at all the comedies of his
Bolshevist assistants, ordered them to disarm the Czecho-Slovaks, who were
moving to the east, and to check their march.
It was in May of 1918 that some officers were sent by the Bolsheviki to Siberia
to order these brave men to lay down their arms. Some arms were given up
by the small detachments near Novo-Nikolayevsk, but about half was retained
by the Czecho-Slovaks. These happenings were reported in the. Moscow papers
without any comment, but intelligent peoiile began to understand the meaning
of the persecution of the Czecho-Slovaks. It was clear that behind the Bol-
shevist policy to disarm any force lighting the Germans in Russia, stood Count
von Mirbach.
And very soon afterwards we read again that some more officers and Rod
Guards had been sent to Siberia for the same purpose. But the Czecho-Slovaks
understood that it meant death for them to be left to the mercy of the Red
Guards, who already counted among their number many thousr.nds. of German
and Magyar prisoners, equipped and armed at the command of Moscow. In-
stead of surrendering, the Czecho-Slovaks turned to the west, and their first
deed was to turn the Red Guards out of the town of Novo-Nikolayevsk. The
joy of the inhabitants was intense.
The first of July, I left Moscow secretly \^ith a young friend, a member of our
Party, and proceeded to the East, where I hoped to encounter friends and parti-
sans able to organize a truly democratic government for all Russia. Crossing the
Ural Mountains, making a detour to avoid the front, stopping in the villages to
change horses and get some rest, on all sides we heard the same lamentations of
the peasants about the looting and violence of the Red Guards and about the
peasants' wishes to get aid from somebody. " There are people, the Czecho-
slovaks, good people," I heard from the peasants. " Why do they not come here
to turn out these brigands ! " And the nearer we approached Siberia, the louder
were the complaints of the people and the more eager the desire to have these
brave soldiers with them.
Tumen, an important trading center, was full of Bolsheviki when we entered
it. These brigands were turning the people mad with despair and fear of their
violence and robbery, taking from every family everything possible and empty-
ing all the shops and stores to send the goods to Ekaterinburg. It was just the
moment when the Czecho-Slovaks, having turned the Bolsheviki out of Omsk,
Tobolsk and the villages on the way, were approaching Tumen and were expected
from day to day by the tortured inhabitants.
The Bolshevist party has opened its ranks not only to criminals, but also to
many psychologically abnormal, almost insane elements. Given the privilege of
choosing their functions, these elements had every opportunity to satisfy their
cruel uistlncts. So, in Tumen, there was a Bolshevist inspector of the prison, a
ferocious monster who tortured the prisoners arrested by the Bolsheviki so
incessantly that some went absolutely mad, some died from their tortures and
some were buried under the stones and rocks before they were dead.
Having friends all over Russia, I was concealed by several doctors in a
hospital for some time, until we should find it possible to leave Tumen safely.
Then one morning shouts were heard throughout the hospital : " They are com-
ing' They are coming!" And they came, Colonel (now General) Sorovoy,
1034 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
with his snllant Czecho-SlovaliS, and a Russian general with some Russian
troops. It was a thanksgiving day ! Not only the town, but all the surrounding
villages were represented here with thousands of people praying, cheering and
crying with joy lilie children. The municipality, the schools, the churches,
all the organizations sent their delegates to invite the saviours to the common
feast. JIany of the women came dressed in mourning; some of the mothers
of the victims, of the Bolshevist terror had to be supported, for they could not
walk by themselves.
It was the first time I saw with my own eyes and came in close touch with
the Czecho-Slovak officers and men. They were admired liy all of us, not only
for their gallant appearance, but they were also highly esteemed as brave
warriors, most perfect gentlemen and splendid citizens.
After this memorable day I always had the most friendly relations with
Czecho-Slovak soldiers and officers. I was interested in their political aspira-
tion?, and everywhere and in all circumstances I found them the same : noble,
unselfish, strong in their duties and faith. In Omsk I was proclaimed by the
■Czecho-Slovaks the " grandmother " of their troops in Russia. There, as well
as in Ekaterinburg, in Cheliabinsk, in Ufa, in Samara, in all these places, I
always found them fine men, beloved and esteemed by all the Russians.
Yes, they were admired especially for their humanity, their sense of honor
and bravery. While Col. Robins tell his stories about the Czecho-Slovak
" atrocities," I have never heard any complaint against them, never a deroga-
tory remark, even by those who envied their valour, their constant and unfailing
success. AU intelligent Russians are proud to have them as brothers in the
Slavonic race ; all our simple people love them for their readiness to sympatheti-
cally aid every suffering human being.
It is natural that such excellent people, such examples of bravery and honor,
are hated by the Bolsheviki and their supporters, who are in character the very
antipodes of the blessed Czecho-Slovak people.
(The following note, submitted by Mr. Humes at the time of hand-
ing in the exhibits next appearing hereafter, explains the source:)
The character and nature of the propaganda now being carried on in the
United States can be readily ascertained from the literature and newspapers
published by the several so-called radical groups and by them circulated among
their own followers and the elements of the population whose support they are
seeking, and the following excerpts, extracts, and articles from various publi-
cations, books, newspapers, and periodicals are presented as a clear indication
of the nature of the propaganda now being carried on and as typical of the
character of the activities of the several so-called radical groups :
Extracts feom I'aiipht.et E^'titi.ed " Sabotage," by Eiiiia: Pouget.
!f * ^J- # * * *
What then, is Sabotage? Sabotage is:
A. Any conscious and wilful act on the part of one or more workers intended
to slacken and reduce the output of i)roduction in the industrial field, or to
restrict trade and reduce the profits in the commercial field, in order to secure
A-om their employers better conditions or to enforce those promised or maintain
those already prevailing, when no other way of redress is open.
B. Any skillful operation on the machinery of production intended not to
destroy it or permanently render it defective, but only to temporarily disable it
and to put it out of running condition in order to make impossible the work of
scabs and thus to secure the complete and real stoppage of work during a
strike.
Whether you agree or not, Sabotage is this and nothing but this. It is not
destructive. It has nothing to do with violence, neither to life nor to property.
It is nothing more or less than the chloroforming of the organism of production,
the " knock-out drops " to put to sleep and out of harm's way the ogres of steel
and fire that watch and multiply the treasures of King Capital.
*******
This booklet is not written for capitalists nor for the upholders of the capi-
talist system, therefore it does not purpose to justify or excuse Sabotage before
the capitalist mind and morals.
Its avowed aim is to explain and expound Sabotage to the working class,
■especially to that part of it which is revolutionary in aim if not in method, and
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1035
as this ever-growing fraction of the proletariat has a special mentality and
hence a special morality of its own, this introduction purports to prove that
Sabotage is fully in accordance with the same.
W Sr ^ ^ s|: j» J
Let us therefore consider Sabotage under its two aspects, first as a personal
relaxation of work when wages and conditions are not satisfactory, and next
as a mischievous tampering with machinery to secure its complete immobiliza-
tion during a strike. It must be said with especial emphasis that Sabotage is
not and must not be made a systematic hampering of production, that it is not
meant as a perpetual clogging of the workings of industry, but that it is a simple
expedient of war, to be used only in time of actual warfare with sobriety and
moderation, and to be laid by when the truce intervenes. Its own limitations
will be self-evident after this book has been read, and neeil not be explained
here.
* * * * 4: * H«
Well, now, for ar,gument's sake, why shouldn't you admire a striker who
went as scab, say, to work in the subway, and then by putting a red lantern
in the wrong place (or rather in the right place) disarranges and demoralizes
the whole system? If a single, humble red lantern can stop an express train
and all the trains coming behind it, and thus tie up the whole traffic for hours,
isn't the man who does this as much of a benefactor to his striking brothers
as the soldier mentioned above to his army? Surely this is " ethically justi-
fiable " even before the Capitalist morality, if you only admit that there is a
state of belligerency bettveen the ^corking class ancD the capitalist class.
Saboteurs are the gclaireurs, the scouts of the class struggle, they are the
"sentinelles perdues " iit the outposts, the spies in the enemy's own ranks.
They can be executed if they are caught (and this is almost impo.ssible), but
they cannot be disgraced, for the enemy himself, if it be gallant and brave,
must honor and respect bravery and daring.
Now that the bosses have succeeded in dealing an almost mortal blow to the
boycott, now that picket duty is practically outlawed, free speech throttled, free
assemblage prohibited, and injunctions against labor are becoming ejiidemic;
Sabotage, this dark, invincible, terrible Damocles' sword that hangs over the
head of the master clnss, will replace all the confiscated weapons and ammuni-
tion of the army of the toilers. And it will win, for it is the most redoubtable
of all, except the general strike. In vain may the bosses get an injunction
against the strikers' funds — Sabotage will get a more powerful one against
their machinery. In vain may they invoke old laws and make new ones against
it — they will never discover it, never track it to its lair, never run it to the
ground, for no laws will ever make a crime of the " clumsiness and lack of
skill " of a " scab " who bungles his work or " puts on the bum " a machine he
" does not know how to run."
There can be no injunction against it. No policeman's club. No rifle diet.
No prison bars. It cannot be starved into submission. It cannot be discharged.
It cannot be blncklisted. It Is present everywhere and everywhere invisible,
like the airship that soars high above the clouds in the dead of night, beyond
the reach of the cannon and the searchlight, and drops the deadliest bombs into
the enemy's own encampment.
Sabotage is the inost foi-midable weapon of economic warfare, which will
eventually open to the workers the great iron gate of capitalist exploitation
and lead them out of the house of bondage into the free land of the future.
Aktuko M. Giovannitti.
Essex Co. .Iatl, Lawrence. :\Iass., August. 1912.
Sabotage.
OEIGIN of sabotage — ITS EARLY APPEARANCE BALZAC ON SABOTAGE — THE ENGLISH
" GO CANNY " BAD WAGES, BAD WORK NEW HORIZONS PANIC AMONGST THE
BOSSES AN IMPRESSING DECLARATION AN EPOCH-MAKING DISCUSSION AT THE
CONGRESS OF THE C. G. T. — TRIUMPHANT ENTRANCE OF SABOTAGE IN FRANCE.
Up to fifteen years ago the term Sabotage was nothing but a slang word, not
meaning " to make wooden shoes " as it may be imagined but, in a figurative
way, to work clumsily as if by sabot * blows.
1 Sabot means a wooden shoe.
1036 boijShevik propaganda.
Since then the word was transformed into a new form of social warfare and
I he Congress of Toulouse of the General Confederation of Labor in 1897 re-
ceived at last its syndical baptism. The new term was not at first accepted by
the worliing class with the warmest enthusiasm — some even saw it with mis-
trust, reproaching it not only for its humble origin but also its immorality.
Nevertheless, despite all these prejudices which seemed almost hostilities.
Sabotage went steadily on its way around the world. It has now the full sym-
pathy of the workers.
* * * * * =9 t
The bourgeoisie, of course, has felt itself struclt at heart by Sabotage — that
is, struck in its pocketbook. -And yet^-lm it said without Oftehsive* intent ion —
the good old lady must resign herself and get used to living in the constant
company of Sabotage. Indeed it would be wise for her to make the best of
what she cannot prevent or suppress. As she must familiarize herself with the
tliought of her end (at least as a ruling and owning class), so it were well for
her to familiarize herself ^■^•ith Sabotage, which has nowadays deep and inde-
structible roots. Harpooned to the sides of capitalistic society it shall tear
and bleed it until the shark turns the final somersault.
It is already, and shall continually become more so — worse than a pestifer-
ous epidemic — worse, indeed, than any terrible contagious disease. It shall
become to the body social of capitalism rtiore dangerous and incurable than
cancer and syphilis are to the human body. Naturally all this is quite a bore
for this scoundrelly society — but it is inevitable and fatal.
It does not I'pquire to lie a great projihet to predict that the more we progres.«i.
the more we shall Sabot.
* * * -It + * *
The most important part of a strike, therefore, precedes the strike itself and
consists in reducing to a powerless condition the working instruments. It is
the A B C of economic warfare.
It is only then that the game bet\^'een masters and workers is straight and
fair, as it is clear that only then the complete cessation of work becomes real
and produces the designed results, i. e., the complete arrest of labor activity
within the capitalist shop.
Is a strike contemplated by the most indispensable workers — those of the
alimentai-y trades? A quart of kerosene or other greasy and malodorous mat-
ter poured or smeared on the level of an oven * * * and welcome the scnbs
and scabby soldiers who come to bake the bread ! The bread will be uneatable
because the stones will give the bread for at least a month the foul odor of
the substance they have absorbed. Results : A useless oven.
Is a strike coming in the iron, steel, copper or any other mineral industry?
A little sand or emery -powder in the gear of those machines which like fabu-
lous monsters mark the exploitation of the workers, and they will become
palsied and useless.
The iron ogre will become as helpless as a nursling and with it the .scab.
* * * * « * ♦
A. Renault, a clerk in the Western Railroad, has touched on the same argu-
ment in his volume " Syndicalism in the Railroads," an argument which cost
him liis position at a trial in which the commission acted as a court martial.
" To be sure of success," explained Renault, " in case that all railroad workers,
do not quit their worlf at once — it is indispensable that a stratagem of which
it is useless to give here the definition be instantaneously and simultaneously
applied in all important centers as soon as the strilte is declared.
For this it would be necessary that pickets of comrades determined to prevent
at any cost the circulation of trains be posted in every important center and
locality. It would be well to choose those worlcers amongst the most skilled
and experienced, such as could find the weak points offhand without commit-
ting acts of stupid destruction, who by their open-eyed, cautious and intelligent
action as well as energetic and efficacious skill, would by a single stroke disable
and render useless for some days the material necessary to the regular perform-
ance of the service and the movement of the trains. It is necessary to do thi.f
seriously. It is well to reckon beforehand with the scabs and the military.
* * 1 * » * *
This tactic which consists in reinforcing with the strike of the machinery the
strike of the arms ^^'ould appear low and mean — but it is not so.
The class conscious toilers well know that they are but a minority and tliej
fear that their comrades have not the grit and energy to resist to the end.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1037
Therefore, in order to check desertion and cut off the retreat to the mass, tliey
burn the bridges behind them.
This result is obtained by taking away from the too submissive workers the
Instrument of their labor — that is to say by paralyzing the machine which made
their efforts fruitful and remunerative.
*******
If the workers disable tlie machines it is neither for a whim nor for dilet-
tantism or evil mind but solely in obedience to an imperious necessity. It
•should not be forgotten that for many workers in the majority of strikes it is
a question of life and death. If they do not paralyze the machines they surely
go on to unavoidable defeat, to the wreck of all their hopes. On the other
hand by applying sabotage the workers will surely call upon them the curses
and insults of the bourgeoisie — but will also insure to themselves many great
probabilities of success.
*******
The workers' sabotage is inspired by generous and altruistic principles. It is
a shield of defense and protection against the usuries and vexations of the
bosses ; it is the weapon of the disinherited who, whilst he struggles for his
family's existence and his own, aims also to better the social conditions of his
class and to deliver it from the exploitation that strangles and crushes it. It
is the ferment of a better life.
Extracts from Pamphlet Entitled " Sabotage " by Elizabeth Gublet Flynn.
its necessity in the class war.
I am not going to attempt to justify sabotage on any moral ground. If the
workers consider that sabotage is necessary, that in itself makes sabotage
moral. Its necessity is its excuse for existence. And for us to discuss the
morality of sabotage would be as absurd as to discuss the morality of the
strike or the morality of the class struggle itself. In order to understand
sabotage or to accept it at all it is necessary to accept tlie concept of the clasd
struggle. If you believe that between the workers on the one side and their
employers on the other there is peace, there is harmony such as exists between
brothers, and that consequently whatever strikes and lockouts occur are simply
family squabbles ; if you believe that a point can be reached whereby the em-
ployer can get enough and the worker can get enough, a point of amicable
adjustment of industrial warfare and economic distribution, then there is no
justification and no explanation of sabotage intelligible to you. * * *
Sabotage is to this class struggle what the guerrilla warfare is to the battle.
The strike is the open battle of the class struggle, sabotage is the guerrilla war-
fare, the day-by-day warfare between two opposing classes.
GENEKAL FOKMS OF .SABOTAGE.
Sabotage was adopted by the General Federation of Labor of France in 1897
as a recognized weapon in their method of conducting fights on their employers.
But sabotage as an instinctive defense existed long before it was ever officially
recognized by any labor organization. Sabotage means primarily : the icitli-
drawal of efficiency. Sabotage means either to slacken up and interfere with
the quantity, or to botch in your skill and interfere with the quality, of capitalist
production or to give poor service. It is something that is fought out within the
four walls of the shop. Sabotage is not physical violence, sabotage is an internal
industrial process. And these three forms of sabotage — to affect the quality,
the quantity and the service are aimed at affecting the profit of the employer.
Sabotage is a means of striking at the employer's profit for the purpose of forcing
him into granting certain conditions, even as vvorkingmen strike for the same
purpose of coercing him. It is simply another form of coercion.
* ******
Working-class sabotage is aimed directly at " the boss " and at his profits, in
the belief that that is the solar plexus of the employer, that is his heart, his
religion his sentiment, his patriotism. Everything is centered in his pocket
book, and if you strike that you are striking at the most vulnerable point in his
entire moral and economic system.
1038
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
BOYD'S ADVICE TO SILK MILL SLAVES.
So it is with the quality. Take the case of Frederic Sumner Boyd, in which
we should all be deeply Interested because it is evident Frederic Sumner Boyd
is to be made " the goat " by the authorities in New Jersey. That is to say,
they want blood, they want one victim. If they can't get anybody else, they
are determined they are going to get Boyd, in order to serve a two-fold purpose
to cow the workers of Paterson, as they believe they can, and to put this thing,
sabotage, into the statues, to make it an illegal thing to advociite or to practice.
Boyd said this : " If you go back to work and you find scabs working alongside
of you, you should put a little bit vinegar on the reed of the loom in order to
prevent its operation." They have arrested him under the statute forbidding
the advocacy of the destruction of property. He advised the dyers to go into
the dye houses and to use certain chemicals in the dyeing of the silk that would
tend to make that silk unweavable.
* H= s** =1= * * *
Sabotage is for the workingman an absolute necessity. Therefor it is almost
useless to argue about its efCectiveness.
\\'hen a man uses sabotage he is usually intending to benefit the whole;
doing an individual thing but doing it for the benefit of himself and others
together. And it requires courage. It requires individuality. It creates in
that working man some self-respect for and self-reliance upon himself as a
producer. I contend that sabotage instead of being sneaking and cowardly is
a courageous thing, is an open thing. The boss may not be notified about it
through the papers, but he finds out about it very quickly, just the same. And
the man or woman who employs it is demonstrating a courage that you may
measure in this way: How many of the critics would do it? How many of you,
if you were dependent on a job in a silk town like Paterson would take your
job in your hands and employ sabotage? If you were a machinist in a locomo-
tive shop and had a good job, how many of you would risk it to employ
sabotage? Consider that and then you have the right to call the man who uses
it a coward — if you can.
EXTBACTS FEOM PaMPHI.ET ENTITLED " THE OkWAKD SwEEP OF THE MACHINE
Pbocess."
AVhile the craft unions (the American Federation of Labor) says that the
workers must organize to get a " fair share " of what they produce, the indus-
trial organization (the Industrial Workers of the World) says that the workers
must organize to get all they produce. The I. W. W. also says : " The workers
made the machines, and the workers run the machines ; therefore, by God, the
machines should also belong to the workers."
Extracts fkom Pamphlet Entitled " The Revolutionary I. W. W.," by
Geovee H. Peeet.
obganizing a new social system.
The I. W. W. is fast approaching the stage where it can accomplish its mis-
sion. This mission is revolutionary In character.
The Preamble of the I. W. W. Constitution says in part: "By organizing
industrially, we are forming the structure of the new society within the shell
of the old." That is the crux of the I. W. W. position. We are not satisfied
with a fair day's wages for a fair day's work. Such a thing is impossible.
Labor produces all wealth. Labor therefore is entitled to all wealth. We are
going to do away with capitalism by taking possession of the land and the
machinery of production. We don't intend to buy them, either. The capitalist
class took them because it had the power to control the muscle and brain of
the working class in industry. Organized, we, the working class, will have the
power. With that power we will take back that which has been stolen from us.
We will demand more and more wages from our employers. We will demand
and enforce shorter and shorter hours. As we gain these demands we are
diminishing the profits of the boss. We are taking away his power. We are
gaining that power for ourselves. All the time we become more disciplined.
AVe become self confident. We realize that without our labor no wealth can
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1039
be produced. We fold our arms. The mills close. Industry is at a standstiU.
We then make our proposition to our former masters. It is this : We, the work-
ers, have labored long enough to support idlers. From now on, he who does
not toil, neither shall he eat. We tear down to build up.
Extracts from Booklet " The I. W. W., Its Histoky, Structure and Methods,"
BY Vincent St. John.
THE I. W. W. A BEIEP HISTORY.
In the fall of 1904 six active workers in the revolutionary labor movement
held a conference. After exchanging views and discussing the conditions then
confronting the workers of the United States, they decided to issue a call for a
larger gathering.
These six workers were Isaac Cowen, American representative of the Amal-
gamated Society qf Engineers of Great Britain ; Clarence Smith, general secre-
tary-treasurer of the American Labor Union; Thomas J. Hagerty, editor of the
" Voice of Labor," official organ of the A. L. U. ; George Estes, president of the
United Brotherhood of Railway Employees ; W. L. Hall, general secretary-
treasurer U. B. R. R. E., and Wm. B. Trautmann, editor of the " Erauer
Zeitung," the official organ of the United Brewery Workers of America.
Invitations were then sent out to thirty-six additional individuals who were
active in radical labor organizations and the socialist political movement of
the United States, inviting them to meet in secret conference in Chicago,
Illinois, January 2, 1905.
Of the thirty-six who received invitations, but two declined to attend the
proposed conference — Max S. Hayes and Victor Berger — both of whom were
in editorial charge of socialist political party and trade union organs.
The conference met at the appointed time with thirty present and drew up
the Industrial Union Manifesto calling for a convention to be held in Chicago,
June 27, 1905, for the purpose of launching an organization in accord with the
principles set forth in the Manifesto.
The work of circulating the Manifesto was handled by an executive com-
mittee of the conference, the American Labor Union and the Western Federa-
tion of Miners.
The Manifesto was widely circulated in several languages.
On the date set the convention assembled with 186 delegates present from
34 state, district, national and local organizations . representing about 90,000
members.
All who were present as delegates were not there in good faith. Knowledge
of this fact caused the signers of the Manifesto to constitute themselves a
temporary committee on credentials.
This temporary credentials committee ruled that representation for organiza-
tions would be based upon the number of members in their respective organiza-
tions only where such delegates were empowered by their organizations to
install said organizations as integral parts of the Industrial Union wheni
formed. Where not so empowered delegates would only be allowed one vote.
One of the delegations present was from the Illinois State District of the
United Mine Workers of America. The membership of that district at that
time was In the neighborhood of 50,000. Under the above rule these delegates
were seated with one vote each. This brings the number of members repre-
sented down to 40,000.
Several other organizations that had delegates present, existed mainly on
paper ; so it is safe to say that 40,000 is a good estimate of the number of
workers represented in the first convention.
The foregoing figures will show that the precautions adopted by the signers
of the Manifesto were all that prevented the opponents of the industrial union
movement from capturing the convention and blocking any efCort to start the
organization. It is a fact that many of those who were present as delegates
on the floor of the first convention and the organizations that they represented
have bitterly fought the I. W. W. from the close of the first convention up to
the present day.
The organizations that Installed as a part of the new organization were^
Western Federation of Miners, 27,000 members; Social Trade and Labor Al-
liance,' 1,450 members; Punch Press Operators, 168 members; United Metal
Workers,' 3,000 members; Longshoremen's Union, 400 members; the American
1 Kxlsted almost wholly on paper.
1040 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Labor Union.' 16,000 members; United Brotherliood of Railway Employes, 2,087
members.
The convention lasted twelve days ; adopted a constitution with the following
preamble, and elected officers:
OKIGINAL I. W. W. PKB.MIBLE.
" The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There
can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of work-
ing people and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good
things of life.
" Between these two classes a struggle must go on until all the tollers come
together on the political, as well as on the industrial iield, and take and hold
that which they produce by their labor through an economic organization of
the working class, without affiliation with any political party.
" The rapid gathering of wealth and the centering of the management of
industries into fewer and fewer hands make the trade unions unable to cope
with the ever-growing power of the employing class, because the trade unions
foster a state of things which allows one set of workers to be pitted against
another set of workers In the same industry, thereby helping defeat one another
in wage wars. The trade unions aid the employing class to mislead the workers
into the belief that the working class have interests in common with their
employers.
" These sad conditions can be changed and the interests of the working class
upheld only by an organization formed in such a way that all its members In
any one industry, or in all industries, if necessary, cease work whenever a
strike or lockout is on in any department thereof, thus making an injury to
one an in.iury to all."
All kinds and shades of theories and programs were represented among the
delegates and individuals present at the first convention. The principal ones
in evidence, however, were four : Parliamentary socialists — two types — impos-
sibilist and opportunist, Marxian and reformist; anarchist; industrial unionist;
and the labor union fakir. The task of combining these conflicting elements
was attempted by the convention. A knowledge of this task makes it easier
to understand the seeming contradictions in the original Preamble.
The first year of the organization was one of Internal struggle for control
by these different elements. The two camps of socialist politicians looked upon
the I. W. W. only as a battle ground upon which to settle their respective
merits and demerits. The labor fakirs strove to fasten themselves upon the
organization that they might continue to exist if the new union was a success.
The anarchist element did not interfere to any great extent in the internal
affairs. Only one instance is known to the writer : that of New York City
where they were in alliance with one set of politicians, for the purpose of con-
trolling the district council.
In spite of these and other obstacles the new organization made some prog-
ress ; fought a few successful battles with the employing class, and started
publishing a monthly organ, "The Industrial Worker." The I. W. W. also
issued the first call for the defense of Moyer, Haywood and Pettibone under
the title, " Shall our Brothers be Murdered? " ; formed the defense league; and
it is due to the interest awakened by the I. W. W. that other organizations
were enlisted in the fight to save the lives of the officials of the W. F. M. which
finally resulted In their liberation. Thus the efforts of the W. F. M. in start-
ing the I. W. W. were repaid."
SECOND CONVENTION.
The second convention met in September, 1906, with 93 delegates represent-
ing about 60,000 members.
This convention demonstrated that the administration of the I. W. W. was
in the hands of men who were not in accord with the revolutionary program
of the organization. Of the general officers only two were sincere — the General
Secretary, W. E. Trautmann, and one member of the Executive Board, John
Riordan.
> Existed almost wholly on pappr.
' Berger in the " Social Democratic Herald " of Milwaukee denied that the Moyer, H|3J;
wood and Pettibone ease was a part of the class struggle. It was but a " border feud
said he.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1041
The struggle for control of the organization formed the second convention
into two camps. The majority vote of the convention was in the revolutionary-
camp. The reactionary camp having the chairman used obstructive tactics
in their effort to gain control of the convention. They hoped thereby to delay
the convention until enough delegates would be forced to return home and thus
change the control of the convention. The revolutionists cut this knot by
abolishing the office of President and electing a chairman from among the
revolutionists.
In this struggle the two contending sets of socialist politicians lined up in
opposite camps.
The second convention amended the Preamble by adding the following clause :
" Therefore without endorsing or desiring the endorsement of any political
party."
A new executive board was elected. On the adjournment of the convention
the old officials seized the general headquarters, and with the aid of detectives
and police held the same, compelling the revolutionists to open up new offices.
This they were enabled to do in spite of the fact that they were without access
to the funds of the organization, and had to depend on getting finances from
the locals.
The W. F. M. officials supported the old officials of the I. W. W. for a time
financially and with the influence of their official organ. The same is true of
the Socialist Party press and administration. The radical element in the
W. F. M. were finally able to force the officials to withdraw that support. The
old officials of the I. W. W. then gave up all pretense of having an organization.
The organization entered its second year facing a more severe struggle than
in its first year. It succeeded, however, In establishing the general headquar-
ters again, and in issuing a weekly publication in place of the monthly, seized
by the old officials.
During the second year some hard struggles for better conditions were waged
by the members.
The third convention of the I. W. W. was uneventful. But it was at this
convention that it became evident that the socialist politicians who had remained
with the organization were trying to bend the I. W. W. to their purposes; and
a slight effort was made to relegate the politician to the rear.
The fourth convention resulted In a rupture between the politicians and
industrial unionists because the former were not allowed to control the organi-
zation.
The preamble was amended as follows :
I. W. W. PKEAMBLE.
The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There
can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of work-
ing people and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good
things of life.
Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the workers of the
world organize as a class, take possession of the earth and the machinery of
production, and abolish the wage system.
We find that the centering of the management of industries into fewer and
fewer hands makes the trade unions unable to cope with the ever-growing power
of the employing class. The trade unions foster a state of affairs which allows
one set of workers to be pitted against another set of workers, in the same
industry, thereby helping to defeat one another in wage wars. Moreover, the
trade unions aid the employing class to mislead the workers into the belief that
the working class have interests in common with their employers.
These conditions can be changed and the interest of the working class upheld
only by an organization formed in such a way that all its members in any one
industry, or in all industries, if necessary, cease work whenever a strike or
lockout is on in any department thereof, thus making an injury to one an injury
to all.
Instead of the conservative motto, "A fair day's wages for a fair day's work,"
we must inscribe on our banner the revolutionary watchword, "Abolition of the
wage system."
It is the historic mission of the working class to do away with capitalism.
The army of production must be organized, not only for the every-day struggle
with the capitalists, but also to carry on production when capitalism shall have
85723—19 66
1042 ■ BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
been overthrown. By organizing industrially we are forming the structure of
the new society within the shell of the old.
The politicians attempted to set up another organization claiming to be the
real industrial movement. It is no'.hing but a duplicate of their political party
and never functions as a labor organization. It i^ committed to a program of the
" civilized plane," i. e. parliamentarism. Its publications are the official organs
of a political sect that never misses an opportunity to assail the revolutionary
workers \^•hile they are engaged in combat with some division of the ruling
class. Their favorite method is to change the revolutionists with all the crimes
that a cowardly imagination can conjure into being. " Dynamiters, assassins,
thugs, murderers, thieves," etc., are stock phrases.
Following the victory of the Lawrence textile workers the S. L. P. politicians
- renewed their efforts to pose as the I. W. W.
By representing that they were the I. W. W. and the only I. W. W. they were
enabled to deceive several thousand textile workers in Paterson, Passaic,
Hackensack, Stirling, Summit, Hoboken, Newark, New Jersey ; and Astoria,
Long Island, and collect from them initiation fees and dues.
In every instance these political fakers betrayed the workers into the hands
of the mill owners, and the efforts of the workers to better their conditions
resulted in defeat. At Paterson and Passaic the S. L. P. entered into an
alliance with the police to prevent the organizers of the I. W. W. from ex-
posing them to the workei's.
Their own actions, however, resulted in exposing them to the workers in
their true colors and today they are thoroughly discredited with the workers
throughout the district.
For a time the other wing of the political movement contented itself with
spreading its venom in secret. Since the conclusion of the Larence strike the
publications of the Socialist Party (with a very few exceptions) have never
failed to use their columns to misrepresent and slander the organization and
its active membership. Their attacks have extended to members of their own
party who happened to be active members or supporters of the I. W. W.
STEUCTUKE OF THE I. W. W.
In its basic principle the I. W. W. calls forth that spirit of revolt and re-
sistance that is so necessary a part of the equipment of any organization of
the workers in their struggle for economic independence. In a word, its basic
principle makes the I. W. W. a fighting organization. It commits the union to
an unceasing struggle against the private ownership and control of industry.
There is but one bargain that the I. W. W. will make with the employing
class — complete surrender of all control of industry to the organized workers.
The experience of the past has proven the mass form of organization, such
as that of the Knighst of Labor, to be as powerless and unwleldly as a mob.
I. W. W. TACTICS OB METHODS.
As a revolutionary organization the Industrial Workers of the World aims
to use any and all tactics that will get the results sought with the least ex-
penditure of time and energj'. The tactics used are determined solely by the
power of the organization to make good in their use. The question of " right ''
and " wrong " does not concern us.
No terms made with an employer are final. All peace so long as the wage
system lasts, is but an armed truce. At any favorable opportunity the struggle
for more control of industry is renewed.
As the organization gains control in the industries, and the knowledge among
the workers of their power, when properly applied within the industries, be-
comes more general, the long drawn out strike will become a relic of the past.
A long drawn out strike implies insufficient organization or that the strike
has occurred at a time when the employer can afford to shut down — or both.
Under all ordinary circumstances a strike that is not won in four to six weeks
cannot be won by remaining out longer. In trustified industry the employer
can better afford to fight one strike that lasts six months than he can six
strikes that take place in that period.
No par of the organization is allowed to enter into time contracts with the
employers. Where strikes are used, its aim to paralyze all branches of the
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1043-
industry involved, when the employers can least afford a cessation of vi^ork —
during tlie busy and when there are rush orders to be filled^
The Industrial AVorkers of the World maintains that nothing will he conr
ceded by the employers except that which we have the power to take and hold
by the strength of our organization. Therefore we seek no agreements withi
the employers.
Failing to force concession from the employers by the strike, work is resumed
and " sabotage " is used to force the employers to concede the demands of the
workers.
The great progress made in machine production results in an ever increasing
army of unemployed. To counteract this the Industrial Workers of the World
aims to establish the shorter work day, and to slow up the working pace, thus
compelling the employment of more and more workers.
To facilitate the work of organization, large initiation fees and dues are pro-
hibited by the I. W. W.
During strikes the works are closely picketed and every effort made to keep
the employers from getting workers into the shops. All supplies are cut ofC
from strike bound shops. All shipments are refused or missent, delayed and
lost if possible. Strike breakers are also isolated to the full extent of the
power of the organization. Interference by the government is resented by-
open violation of the government's orders, going to jail en masse, causing ex-
pense to the taxpayers — which is but another name for the employing class.
In short, the I. W. W. advocates the use of militant " direct-action " tactics
to the full extent of our power to make good.
The future belongs to the I. W. W. The day of the skilled worker is passed.
Extracts From Pamphlet Entitled " The Red Dawn," by Haeeison Geoege,
The Bolsheviki and the I. W. W.
Here the writer challenges all philosophers, both bourgeois and i)suedo-
socialist, by claiming that — now and hereafter — Wherever it is possible for the
bourgeosie to rule the proletariat, it is possible for that proletariat to accom-
plish its industrial freedom by revolution.
*******
Imagine the Industrial Workers of the World — the I. W. W. — as having-
organized American wage workers in its folds, and these workers controlling as
well as operating all industries, and you have the same thing, the Bolsheviki
have practically accomplished in Russia! Horrible! What? That depends.
Impossible? If so, read what the learned professors of Economic Science said
at their Association Convention of Minneapolis in December 1913. There, the
advice, already given capitalists by a famous economist to prepare themselves
for this very thing, i. e. ; the rule of the I. W. W. ; in the near future, over the
whole of American production ; the advice given ttie rich to put their pampered
sons and daughters to the acquiring of useful habits in factories, was read and
very seriously discussed ! — Overalls ! ?
*******
internationalism ?
The thought of the world is fluid and streams across national boundary lines-
The wave or bourgeois ideology that poured into Russia now is overturned and,
with terrific force, its proletarian crest sweeps outward over Europe. The war
between national groups of the bourgeoisie is changing, under pressure of Rus-
sian workers, into a war between classes.
Soon there will emerge an International Capitalist State of League of Na-
tions, with an international military power to crush such sectional revolts as-
happened in Russia. The bourgeoisie, ' excepting the extreme reactionists, al-
ready are endorsing " Internationalism " again, as in " Government Owner-
ship " feeding on the sentiment engendered by parliamentary socialists. The
bouro-eoisie always are forced to mask their robbery of the workers behind the
"camouflage" screen of popular (?) and representative (?) governments.-
1044 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The " internationalism " of the parliamentary socialists will remain only a
word, because with office-seeking eyes, they strive primarily to control national
parliaments and remain nationalists.
COSMO-INDXJSTRIALISM.
The world proletariat is forced into economic organizations by the pressure
of world capitalism. In various nations, Industrial Unionism, in itself a revo-
lutionary labor structure, is in a state of forced formation. It is inevitable
that industrial unty — solidarity — between the Industrial Unions of all countries
shall be established and girdle the globe.
World Labor shall establish a world industrial administration with a direc-
tive body of workers for efficient service to all mankind. The world proletariat
shall crush its enemy, without and within : break its rusty chains and establish
real freedom — Industrial Freedom.
The lession of the Bolsheviki and the road to power of the I. W. W. are
before you. The former, an example of the possibility of the " impossibilism."
Under different conditions than the I. W. W., the Bolsheviki took on tre-
mendous odds by attempting to establish an industrial administration practi-
cally born out of military mutiny.
• But America's strongest element is the wage-working class. Scientifically
organized labor is the efficient and bloodless weapon of the proletariat in its
accomplishment of industrial revolution : and, at the same time, it is " the
structure of the new society Avithin the shell of the old."
No lives need be lost, not one drop of blood need be shed, if tlie working class
will rally to the I. W. W. with its program of peaceful evolvement from wage-
slavery to industrial Freedom. Will you respond and do your share for your
own freedom?
Full Page Advertisement fkom Newspaper " The Butte Dally Bulletln "
" YOU, TOO !"
Down with capitalism ! Down with the system which is founded on robbery !
Down with the system that robs us in the factories, mills and mines, and bleeds
us to death on its bloody battlefields ! Down Arith an order that has the ethics
of capital — the morals of profit ideals; of legal plunder! Down with it! It
came covered with blood and dirt ; it will go out covered with dirt and blood.
DoAATi it ! Down it forever !
Captalism means the land and natural resources are owned by the landlords
and capitalist rulers who work not, but live by robbery which they call rent
^nd interest.
Capitalism means that the mills, factories, and railroads, are owned and con-
trolled by the capitalists and used for the further robbery of the working class.
Capitalism means that all the machines of production and distribution are
capital-owned by the capitalist, because they are not used for the production of
useful things for all humanity, but are only used for production for exchange —
for profit.
Capitalism means that you, the working class, have to ask the capitalist class
for a job, and when they give you one, you produce surplus value for them,
which in turn means that you are robbed every day you work of about four-
fifths of what you produce, or even more.
Capitalism means riches for the few ; luxury for the idle ; monkey suppers
for the indolent and debauched, whilst poverty, cruel-biting poverty, for the
many.
Capitalism means classes — the capitalist class and the working class. These
classes can not be abolished as long as the capitalism exists, for they were
brought in and will remain in existence through the very nature of capitalism.
The capitalist class are very few, but they rob the many of hundreds of
millions of dollars' w'orth of wealth each year.
The working class are many, and they, through the medium of machine pro-
duction, produce abundance, but they hunger and want because the capitalist
class rob them of the fruits of their toil.
The capitalist class can not consume all of the values that the working class
produce, even though they dress poodle dogs in silken shirts, and eat them-
selves to bursting.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1045
The woriiing class only consume that which their wages will buy back, which
means about one-fifth ; therefore, the markets become glutted.
The capitalist class will only run their factories, mills, and mines when they
can get the desired amount of profit ; therefore, the working class are thrown
out of employment when they have stocked the warehouses of the master class
full and flooded the market with the products of their toil.
The capitalist compete with one another in the sale of the commodities that
their various wage-slaves have produced, and they have wars with one
another.
The working class fight these- wars, although they have nothing to sell but
their labor power.
The capitalists also compete with one another for world financial domina-
tion— in other words, for who shall do the most robbing of the wage slaves. But
the capitalists throughout the world unite to crush any attempt on the part of
the workers to put a stop to the robbery.
The working class children are robbed in the mills ; their sisters beaten into
prostitution ; their brothers slaughtered in capitalist bloodfests, their fathers
bled white that userers may grow round and fat.
The capitalist class and the working class have nothing in common.
The capitalist class and the working class are in a fight to death.
The capitalist class and the working class are divided as masters and slaves.
The class struggle — the war between the capitalist class and the working
class is now reaching the final battle. The working class is lining up in Europe
under the banner of the international proletariat. The Imperialists are now In
the depth of their cunning schemes to rip the life out of the glorious Socialist
Eepublic of Russia — to drown In blood the revolution of Central Europe.
The working class of all countries must unite and down this brutal cunning,
robbing capitalist class.
The working class must act as a class. Fight en masse. Class-action and
mass-action are the same.
Are you with us, fellow-workers? This is a call from yoiir mates in the
factory — your comrades in oppression.
Are you a coward or a red-blooded rebel? If you are a cowardly cur : then do
your master's bidding, help him to crush your class ; stab the whitened bosom
of your sisters and wives and hold your children in the hell of capitalist
slavery.
If you are a rebel and hate your master's bloody, greedy rule, then arouse
your fellow-workers to action. Raise your banner high. The day is here. Push
back the tyrants. Rip their hypocritical masks from the faces made horrible
by their greed. Down with them, you sons of freedom !
No compromise ! No reforming slavery ! No more red herrings and sops to
quiet our voices !
Down with capitalism ! All power to the working class ! AVe have nothing to
lose but our chains ; we have a world to gain !
Come on you sons of toil — be you an artisan in the factory or a worker at the
plough ! Come on ! Down with capitalism ! Up with the glorious common-
wealth of the workers ! Come on !
Victory to the working class ; down with capitalism. Workers' Council of
Butte. "(Paid advertisement.)
EXTKACTS FEOM NEWSPAPER " DEFENSE NewS BULLETIN " CHICAGO.
^ X * * * ^ *
Wait not to be backed by numbers. Wait not until you are sure of an echo
from the crowd. The fewer the voices on the side of truth the more dis-
tinguished strong and distinct must be your own.
WOKKERS OF AMERICA, AWAKEN.
Justice .should be the surest the most available and impartial thing obtain-
able from the courts for man. But alas in America at least, it has become an
expensive luxury. It does not take a scholar or a student of any sort to realize
that the common, average man of the street has very little respect for the law as
it is administered in the Courts of the United States of America today.
1046 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
We awakened self-confidence and lit the fire of enthusiasm in the hearts of
Tnillions upon millions of workers of all countries. We sent broadcast the
-clarion call of the international working class revolution. We challenged the
imperialism plunderers of all countries. * * *
EXTEACTS FKOM PAMPHI^T ENTITLED " THE LaBOE DEFEXDEE," DECEMBEB 1, 1918.
*******
A mass-meeting of ten thousand people in Chicago, November 17th, cheered
for the red flag and the Bolsheviki, denounced foreign intervention in Russian
affairs and demanded the " immediate annulment of all sentences against
champions of the working class who have been subjected to trial and im-
prisonment under the pretense of war necessity.
SUCCESSFXJI. EEVOLUTIONS.
A successful revolutionary uprising cannot come as a bolt from the clear
blue sky. Mere dissatisfaction with existing conditions, no matter how vio-
, lently it may be expressed, cannot be successful in its initial onslaught, nor
can It remedy the conditions that were tlie cause of its outbreak. Such a revolt
may have the effect of merely overthrowing one class of oppressors in favor of
another. It cannot do away with economic oppression, because the oppressed
and rebellious class is not prepared to assume control over its own destinies.
Only when the masses have become inculcated with an Intense spirit of class
solidarity, only when there has been created within them an indomitable confi-
dence in their own powers, can they hope to reap the fruits of the great revolu-
tionary struggle. — Ludwig Lore.
stingbeettes.
They thought they'd get the Stars and Stripes into Berlin first, but the red
flag beat them to it !
ExTEACTS From Newspapee "The Industrial Unionist" Seattle, W^sh.,
Jakuaey 2.5, 1919.
notice to bulgaeian fellow woekees.
Other I. W. W. Papers Please Copy.
Your attention is called to the fact that a new Bulgarian paper has been
placed in the field. The name of this new propaganda medium is " Probuda "
and the first issue will be off the press on Jan. 20th. All Bulgarian Fellow
Workers should immediately decide how many copies of this paper they can
handle and write in for subscription books and bundle orders. If every one of
us does his share it will only be a short time until this paper is on a solid founda-
tion. Every new language paper that is put in the field is one more blow struck
at the citadel of capitalism. We, the Bulgarian fellow workers of Seattle ask
that everybody interested will get in and boost for the new paper. The class
war is spreading from Europe al! over the world and to prepare for our part in
the coming crisis we must have a strong wor]i:ing class press. The address of
the new paper is Probuda, 1001 Medison St., Chicago.
Fkcui THE Labor Defender.
CHANGE OF NAME.
With the next issue of this paper, we shall change the name to The Rebel
Worker. _
The time has come to drop the defensive and go back to the good old I. W. W.
doctrine of offensive tactics — offensive to the masters and to all their tools,
including the lickspittle editors, smug-voiced preachers and vote-hunting pollti-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1047
cians. There Is a new spirit throughout the organization. We have learned
that the best defense is aggressive organization and education. Come out of
your holes, fellow workers, and get on the firing line.
CHINESE I. W. W. OEGAKIZE IN NEW YOEK.
Just before Christmas, a Chinese branch of the I. W. W. was started in
New York City among restaurant and laundry workers, with an initial mem-
bership of seventy-five. They have applied to Chicago headquarters for a
charter and intend to start a Chinese paper. Their headquarters are at 33
Mott Street, apartment 19. The bosses' secret association have offered their
professional gunmen $500 reward if they will " get " the Chinese worker who
has put this across.
A :,; ,1: 4: iC ,(; :{;
Among the organzations actively affiliated in the new Workers Defense Union
of New York is the Syndicate of Chinese Workers.
TWO NEW I. W. W. PAPERS.
The Finnish I. W. AV. members in New York have just started a Finnish
paper entitled Loukkataistelu ("The Class Struggle"). The price is 25c. per
copy. The publication office is at 58 B. 123rd Street, New York. We urge all
Finnish Fellow workers to .lump in vigorously and help establish this newest
addition to the list of I. W. W. foreign language papers.
We have received the following letter regarding the publication of a new
Jewish revolutionary papers and ask that all Jewish speaking rebels in the
northwest comply with the request contained in it.
Fellow Workee : The Jewish speaking members of the I. W. W. in New
York organized into a Jewish Speaking Publishing Association have decided
to publish a Jewish papers which will be devoted to the propagation of Revolu-
tionary Industrial Unionism. We will soon announce the name of the paper
and request all Fellow Workers interested to send us articles, correspondence
job news, etc. All mail should be addressed to the following temporary address.
ZINA BENDER, 27 E. 4th St., N. Y.
Watch these columns for further announcements.
Extracts From Newspaper " The Industrial Unionist " of January 1, 1919,
Seattle, Washington.
we do not defend ; we accuse.
Ever since the time the United States entered the world war the servants
of the capitalist class have used the pretext of patriotism to wage a bitter
civil war against all the liberal forces in this country, with particular attention
to the Industrial Workers of the World. As a consequence, the sections of
the working class on whom the brunt of these capitalist attacks have fallen
have been obliged to spend considerable time in answering false accusations and
in trying to keep the record clear in the public eye. These conditions made it
necessary for the I. W. W. to issue various Defense Bulletins and to fight on
the defensive most of the time.
Right from the start it should be understood that this paper is not a
Defense Bulletin. It is an Offense Bulletin. We propose to carry the fight
into the camp of the enemy and to wage a war against the intrenched institu-
tions of as worthless a class as has ever been recorded in history.
If it be a crime to contrive to be dangerous to a class which has made a
mockery of the lives of the useful producers, a class whose position is based
upon the slavery and degradation of the vast majority of mankind, a class which
has its foundations in an enforced prostitution of the minds and bodies of men
and women and which has even sunk so low as to flaunt a tinseled pomp and
power created from the labor of babies in industries and sanctioned by the
Supreme Court, then we must plead guilty from the outset and confess that we
glory in our actions.
1048 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Even were we to admit the obviously false and accept the idea that the
I. W. W. has been guilty of all the things charged against it in the kept press
of the employers, still would the record of the capitalist class of America and
of the world be so black by comparison as to give the I. W. W. just reason
for pride.
The sordid history of the ruling class does not make nice reading. It
contains a record of adulterated food, shoddy materials furnished to the
government and to the private purchasers, of faultily constructed bridges, of
sawdust life preservers, of inflammable fire curtains, or purposely defective
arms, ammunition, aeroplanes and army equipment, of unsafe mines, of
coffin ships, and child labor, of robbery, murder, and rapine, and of interna-
tional gambling with the lives of helpless humans as stakes in the game. And
the fact that the peoples of other countries have already risen or are rising
and the gathering of the storm clouds in this country are proof that this worth-
less class has grossly mismanaged society.
So we do not defend ; we accuse. Tho we know that the answer may be
the torch or the rope or the jail from those whose reign is based on brute
force instead of logic, still we do accuse. With full knowledge of all it
entails, we, the indicted, herewith launch the Industrial Unionist as a weekly
indictment of the capitalist class.
EXTEACTS FROM XeWSPAPEE " THE NEW SOLIDAEITY " OF JakUAEY 18, 1919,
Chicago, Illinois,
american unit of international.
Superior, Wise. — The Workers Council idea is sweeping Duluth and Superior
like wild-fire. All the Socialists, with the exception of the Finnish Local in
Superior which out-yellows the yellows, have joined forces with the AVoblies
to create what we hope will become the American unit of the Red International.
Soon the Council will make a drive to line up the Bed minorities in the craft
unions.
The constitution of the Council states : " Its object shall be to prepare the
working class of this territory for the social revolution, that is, to demand
that the capitalist class surrender unconditionally the ownership of the means
of production and distribution to the industrially organized workers, and the
reconstruction of society on the basis of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
" This Council is prepared to use whatever methods and tactics may seem
from time to time most effective to accomplish its purpose. Its conception of
the new society and the way to attain it is identical with that of our com-
rades, the Bolsheviki of Russia, the Spartaeus Group of Germany, and groups
with similar purposes in every country."
:{: ^ :f: H: H< ^ 4:
CROCODILE TEAES.
Great sobs well up from the heart of the American press about the " Red
Terror " in Russia. Sorrow has been shed because of the killing of a few
business men and army tyrants, but nothing said about the " white terror "
of those same business men and army tyrants.
But sometimes a stray note slips thru that gives a glimpse of the facts.
Such a glimpse is afforded by three photos that are reproduced in the " Star "
of Rockford, 111. The statement that goes with the photos is as follows :
These photographs by Dr. Harold Nattwig, chief of the Norwegian Red Cross
brigade accompanying White Guard troops in Finland, were taken one immedi-
ately after the other.
No. 1 shows a firing squad immediately after a salvo. The troopers are
straining forward to see the results of their marksmanship on 16 Red Guards.
No. 2 shows those reached by bullets in various stages of collapse.
In No. 3 an officer is using his revolver to finish those not thoroughly done
for by the firing squad.
Note the vitality of one whose remaining life breath makes a white stream
from the mouth.
The White Guard executed after the method shown in these photos, upwards
of 10,000.
Such information as has been possible to get from Russia points to the fact
that no one was executed by the " Red Terror " except they had first been tried
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1049
and proven guilty. The facts as proven with regard to the "White Terror" is
that thousands were executed for no other reason than that they were workers
who were supposed to be in favor of equality and freedom for all. Where the
Bolsheviki slew their thousands, the imperialists have slain their tens of
thousands.
Extracts feom " Strike Bulletin " — Shipbuilders Industrial Union No. 325
or the I. W. W. — Seattle, Washington, Jan. 25, 1919.
* * * Any labor strike that ever occurred or ever will occur regardless
of its proportions was and Is direct action. Therefore direct action is not some-
thing new. We may say, however, with more or less truth, that its great value
as an abstract force — a modern force — has dawned upon the working class in
recent years. Its great possibilities are as yet not fully conceived by the
workers in general. Its final expression is the General Strike. The general
strike if well organized and universal will bring the situation to such a point
that a new system may be placed in operation without bloodshed.
THE PROLETARIAT.
[By Laura Payne Emerson.]
Crushed by the weight of Church and state
And driven by hunger's pain,
Lean and gaunt from toil and want
They are rising their rights to gain.
And the church says : " Here our brothers dear
Of you we are very fond.
Through preacher and pope realize your hope
lu the land of the great beyond.
The vultures of state both small and great
Good shepherds of the herd would be
Come rally around our platform profound.
Support us and you shall be free.
In the halls of fame give us a name
And your cause we'll ably plead ;
We'll pass just law for your noble cause
And to all your wants take heed.
So the siren's song through centuries long
Has silenced the crowd, alas !
While in serpent fold slimy and cold
Has struggled the working class.
And for reverence for law and the Gods that be
They are given the club and gun ;
Their blood soaks down through the groaning ground,
And their cause seems far from won.
Arise ! ye slaves, in tumultuous waves ;
Break barrier, bond and creed ;
The power you can wield on industrial field
Is the only savior you need.
You feed the world, you clothe the world,
You fashion, and form, and make ;
Reach forth your hand o'er the pulsing land.
It is yours, reach forth and take.
Let those play the game of political shame
Who have nothing in common with you.
On your own strength recline and in mill, shop and mine.
Build a structure substantial and true—
The social regime of the idealist's dream
You'll shape from the forces that be ;
And from church and state, murder and hate,
The earth shall at last be free.
1050 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
E-TRACT FROM " THE IXDrSTEIAL UNION BXJI.LETIN " NoV. 1.J, 1918, SEATTLE
District.
What we, as revolutionary inclustrial unionists, ardentlv desire is that the
worlcers of Germany continue their rebellion until every autocrat in that country
is either wiped out or set to do some useful work, and that the victori<ius
German workers then throw their energies into the fight against the enemies
of the revolutionary movement in Russia, Finland, and other countries to the
end that the working class of the world be unified and be given new hope and
redoubled deternnnation to abolish once for all this damnable curse of wage
slavery and to bring about a real and lasting world peace by the introduction of
Industrial Democracy.
Extract from " Cal. Defense Bulletin " or Jan. 13, 1919, San Francisco, Cal.
[By Eobert M. La FoUette.]
The Jloney Power of this country has been strong enough to defeat the will
of the American people and control our Government for many years.
It was Woodrow Wilson who said in his New Freedom :
'■ The Government of the United States at present is the foster child of special
interests. It is not allowed to have its own will."
The Special Interests that have defeated democracy in America are against
democracy everywhere.
The most soul-sickening hypocrisy in all this harrowing time is the pretense
of the interests and the Interest Press that their support of this war is
prompted by the unselfish desire to " make the world safe for democracy."
Are they at last to l)e unmasked? Are they finally to unmask themselves,
through their unrelenting hostility to the industrial democracy, which the Rus-
sian people amidst the havoc of revolution are .slowly building up?
The following is a list of Indnstiial Unions of the I. W. W., as well
as recruiting unions :
Bakery AVorkers Industrial Union 46
Marine Transport Workers of Atlantic 1(10
Marine Transport Workers of Great Lakes , 200
Metal and Machinery Workers 300
Shipbuilders Industrial Union 32.")
Agricultural Workers 400
Oil AVorkers Indu.strial Union 4.jn
Iron Miners 4Wl
Lumber Workers Industrial Union.- 500
Construction Workers Industrial Union .573
Railroad Workers Industrial Union 600
Marine Transport Workers — Pacific 700
Aletal Mine Workers ' 800
(;oal Miners Inilustrial Union — Eastern 90<J
Coal Jliners Industrial Union — Western 9.o0
Textile Workers Industrial Union 1,000
8,334
General Recruiting Union
Detroit Recruiting Union i 8-5
Minneapolis Recruiting Union <j4
Fresno Recruiting Union 66
Salt Lake City Recruiting Union 69
Sacramento Recruiting Union Jl
Stockton Recruiting Union ^jj
St. Louis Recruiting Union 84
Toledo Recruiting Union 86
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1051
Kedaing Recruiting Union 88
Oaldancl Recruiting Union 17-1
San Jose Recruiting Union 499
■Omaha Recruiting Union 599
Los Angeles Recruiting Union 603
Denver Recruiting Union 614
Spokane Recruiting Union 222
San Francisco Recruiting Union, Latin Brancii 173
New Yorls: Recruiting Union, Finnish Brancli 599
Portland Recruiting Union 92
Sandusky Recruiting Union
Pocatello Recruiting Union
Kansas City Recruiting Union 61
Bisbee Recruiting Union 65
Seattle Recruiting Union 178
4,567
Extract from " International Weekly " Seattle, Washington, Friday, Jan-
uary 24, 1919.
The rosy promise of " Freedom, for All, Forever," is dispelled before the
reality of the bankruptcy of capitalism. The world may now be safe for
democracy, of the soup-house variety, but that is small consolation to the people
who have slaved and sacrificed for some vague thing they believed would guar-
antee happiness and prosperity to them.
When again the flabby-brained and looselipped orators of the capitalistic class
<;ome before the workers with their rosy promises they will hear the shout :
Ye are liars,!
Your Democracy is a lie !
Your Freedom is a lie !
Your Prosperity is a lie !
Your Equality is a lie !
Your Humanity is a lie !
Your Liberty is a lie !
Your Religion is a lie !
Your Eternal Justice is a lie !
Your God is a lie !
Everything you praise, all that you eulogize and adore, is a lie !
Extract from the " International Weekly " Nov. 29, 1918, Seattle, Wash.
" FRENCH ]\.'EN O'WAR RESCUE RED BANNER OF INTERNATIONAL WORKING CLASS FROM
soldiers and SAILORS IN KEW YORK CITY," BY ARFIPROLEWEITEE.
It happened in New York City, as soon as the news of the signing of the
armistice flashed through the world, instantaneously and spontaneously the
workers burst forth in celebration. In groups of two, five, ten, fifty, hundreds,
joining other groups, they marched the streets, while thousands thronged the
sidewalks, doorways, roofs and fire escapes, carrying and making use of every
means and device at their disposal and appropriate for the celebration.
A young girl stood waiving a red flag, when suddenly a group of soldiers and
sailors sighting it, grabbed it away from her. Instantly, quicker than a flash,
a group of French men o'war made for the soldiers and sailor, seized the red
banner and unfurling it, high up, they preceded proudly in defile, while quickly
thousands of men, women and children joining the procession lead by the
French men o'war carrying the red banner amids the echoing cheering of the
thousands that thronged the streets, marched down Fifth Avenue.
Thus the French men o'war, on the soil of the new world, demonstrated their
loyalty to their class by rescuing the red baniier of the International. — From
Authority and reliable sources.
1052 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Extract tkoh " Woeld Republic " Bitlletin of the Rising Labor Comaion-
wEALTHS — New York, 1918.
SAVE the revolution IN RUSSIA BY SAVING IT IN AMERICA — BEST WAY TO KEEP RED
FLAG FLYING IN EUROPE IS TO KEEP IT FLYING IN AMERICA — SUREST WAY TO
HAUL DOWN THE SOCIAUST FLAG IN PETROGRAD IS TO LOWER IT IN NEW YORK.
*******
Help the Bolsheviki of Russia, comrades, by standing your ground firmly in
America. Build up the socialist party here. That is the best way* to lielp
Lenine and Trotskv. ' * * — Extract from " The Labor Defender " Dec. 15,
1918, Xew York.
Every strike is a small revolution and a dress rehearsal for the big one.
Extracts from the " International Weekly " Dec 20, 191S, Seattle, Wash.
SPARTACUS GROWS R.APIDLY IN GERMANY — PUBLIC SENTIMENT UNDERGOING RE-
MARKABLY SWIFT CHANGE.
Berlin. — The Spartacus group thru Its organ "Die Rote Fahne " (The Red
Flag) has announced its platform as follows:
Revolutionary uprising of world masses ; disarmament of police ; seizure of
all arras and ammunition ; organization of workmen's military and red guard ;
the trial of HohenzoUern and military leaders ; seizure of food supplies for the
people's benefit ; Soviets to replace existing legislature bodies with central
Soviet as chief body ; six hours to be the maximum working day ; all real
estate, banks, mines and large fortunes to be confiscated ; government to control
public utilities ; confiscation of dynastic fortunes ; cancellation of all war debts
and war loans and the creation of a single Socialist republic.
The children are being organized by the Spartacus group and they are hold-
ing, carrying red flags and demanding the overthrow of the present government.
POLITICAL PRISONERS MUST BE RELEASED IMMEDIATELY WORKING CLASS MUST
UNITE TO SECURE FREEDOM OF THOUSANDS OF FELLOW WORKERS HELD IN CAPI-
TALIST BASTILES — NOTHING TO BE EXPECTED FROM RULERS.
One of the first things the American government demanded in the armistice
which ended the recent war was the immediate release of American prisoners
in German prison camps.
And one of the first things that we should demand for the continuation of the
war against our masters is the immediate release from the penitentiaries and
prisons of this country of OUR prisoners, the prisoners of the class war, taken
during the recent drive to make the world safe for democracy.
Into thousands of cells in hundreds of prisons thruout the land they have
thrown those of us who incurred the displeasure of the upper classes, those of
us who have had the courage to defy them openly, those of us who worked
constantly for the freedom of our class from the hellish scourge of capitalism.
And are we now to desert them? Are we now to let them die in the hell-
holes of our masters while serving sentences of five, ten and even thirty years?
They who have sacrificed life itself that their class and our class might the
sooner see the day of emancipation when all men shall be free, are we to leave
them to their fate, solitary and unaided?
The working class must not allow its prisoners to stay in the hands of the
enemy one dny longer than necessary. Already Germany and Austria have
freed their political prisoners. Liebknecht and Adler are free men even now,
they who were convicted by the most autocratic governments on earth to
sentences of two and four years for treason. Dozens of workingmen have been
sentenced to twenty years in this country for declaring that the recent war
was the outcome of capitalism. The sentences inflicted by the judges of this
country put to shame Czarism's performances in its flower. The class juries
of "peers" in America automatically preclude justice for workingmen.
What are you going to do about it?
Shall we bow and scrape before the government of the United States and
humbly beg for the release of our prisoners? Shall we point out in decorous
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1053
tones that this country should also be safe for democracy? What answer may
we confidently expect if we do so?
All governments in bourgeois nations are merely the law and order com-
mittees of capitalism; to stifle the cry of the robbed while the robbers suck
away life itself, to exterminate those who strive to abolish the damnable
system of robbery, to safeguard the robbers in their loot. Expect nothing from
the law and order committees. Expect everything from yourselves, and your-
selves alone !
Emma Goldman is working in a prison factory turning out endless numbers
of garments. Because her failing health does not allow her to turn the number
required daily she is denied all touich with the outside world; no letters,
hooks, or magazines. Louise Ollvereau is completing the first year of a ten-
year sentence. She also is denied even the small joy of receiving letters or
books. Hundreds of men in the various penitentiaries because they refuse
military service are chained to the walls of black dungeons for days at a
stretch on a bread and water diet. That is what they are sacrificing for us.
What are we willing to sacrifice for them?
There is nothing to gain by appealing to the government for release of these,
our prisoners. It is futile to wear the skin off our knees in entreaties before
Wilson. We must act !
Agitate • Expose the system which prates of democracy and Christianity
and yet makes of the beautiful earth a living hell for the workers.- Open the
eyes of the dullest workingman to the monstrosities being committed thruout
the length and breadth of this land.
Organize ! On the industrial and political field in effective organizations
so that when the time comes you can arise and throw ofC the shackles that bind
you to slavery and thus you will
Emancipate ! Not only the thousands of our prisoners who are living in
death in the prison camps of our masters, but yourselves as well.
Extract pbom " The Ohio Socialist " Jan. 22, 1919.
needed eeconsteuction in party propaganda.
Now that war time restrictions upon the use of print paper are removed,
numerous Socialist publications of various degrees of usefulness to the move-
ment are being launched by individual party members in all parts of the
country. Without questioning in the slightest degree the sincerity or well
meaning of these comrades in their desire to serve the great cause to the utmost
of their ability, we wish to reiterate our oft-repeated statement that Private
Control of the Party's Propaganda is Dead Wrong.
If there ever was a time when the welfare of the Socialist movement demanded
party control of every avenue of propaganda, well organized, well financed and
heartily supported by every member, that time is now. The welfare of the
party, the course it must pursue in the great events of the immediate future,
the questions it must meet and answer, the problems it must solve, all, demand
unquestionably a party controlled press.
The Socialist movement should seek to establish enough activities to absorb
the energies of every comrade who desires to serve the revolution. It should
establish itself so firmly and formidably in the various propaganda and organiza-
tion measures as to leave no room for individual and ofttimes Injurious enter-
prises.
The acquisition of party owned dally, weekly and monthly publication of
various types that will cover all the different phases of our propaganda are
vitally necessary. This is the problem of the immediate future. Every comrade
should give his earnest support to this forward movement. Let us prepare to
take this step.
BXTEACTS FROM THE " INTERNATIONAL WeEKLT," JaN. 10, 1919, SEATTLE, WASH-
INGTON.
REVOLT LIKELY IN DOMINION OF CANADA.
Winnipeg. — The Socialists and revolutionists in Winnipeg are demanding the
overthrow of the Canadian government and the establishment of a government
1054 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
similar to Russia's. Similar demands are going up from Labor all over tlie
Dominion, from Toronto, Montreal, Quebec, Calgary, Edmonton, Pernle, Van-
couver and Victoria.
In the course of a big meeting in Winnipeg, greetings were sent to tlie Bol-
sheviki and heartfelt wislies for a similar government in Canada were ex-
pressed. The meeting demanded the release of all political prisoners and the
free expression of working class sentiments thru speakers and the press.
The government came in for hisses and jeers, also many of the prominent
business of Winnipeg. The socialists declared that they should be out earning
their daily bread as well as tlie men who are forced to dig di.ches.
B. B. Itussell, business agent of the metal trades workers and a prominent
member of the Trades and Labor council, in making an appeal for the workers
to demand the withdrawal of allied intervention in Russia, declared that a
revolution was about to take place in Canada in which the workers would
triumph and the capitalists would be in the same position as tho.se in Russia. He
stated that blood would be spilt in Canada the same as in Russia and Germany
if the conditions which exist in Canada now are not bettered. "The blood, which
is spilt in Canada," he declared, " will depend on the working class. We must
have freedom of speech." He appealed strongly to the workers to establish the
same furm of government as has been established in Russia, so that they might
have Russian democracy here. " The only way in which to prevent tlie coming
revolution in Canada, he said, is for the government to establish a form of
government, such as the Bolsheviks have already established in Russia and are
now establishing in Germany. Capiaolism is now defunct and must disappear
from the face of the earth."
When Jlr. Russell made reference in a sarcastic manner to " this great demo-
cratic Canada of our " jeers went up from the audience and hisses a,L;ainst the
members of parliment.
PKAISES BOLSHEVIKI.
Alderman Queen acted as chairman of the meeting. He told the socialists
present of the many advantages gained in Russia by the Bolsheviki government
and asked that the workers establish a like government in this coun'ry. He
proclaimed that every person, capitalist included, should be earning' his daily
bread. " And those," he said, " w ho do not worlv daily for their allowance of
bread should starve."
SPEEAD OF BOLSHEVISM SIEANS OVEETHROW OF CAPITALISir WORKING CL\SS BULK
IX RUSSIA AND GERMANY THREATEN END OF BOrEGEOIS RULE IN ALL NATIONS.
At last we have forced International Capitalism to take the Defensive. For
fifty years and more the revolutionists against the iDresent intolerable economic
system have been fighting, have been jailed, clubbed, starved, and killed; for
fifty years and more we have been frankly on the defensive ourselves, rallying
our forces and slowly gaining ground.
Hitherto we have been sneered at as " theorists ", " faddists ", and " dream-
ers." But our dreams have come only too true, our theories have been proved
to be only too correct ; Capitalism is now entering upon a definite international
alliance against the menace of our growing strength.
We, the toilers, who have had nothing to lose but our chains, now control half
the civilized earth; strongholds of capitalism have fallen beneath our blows;
we are fast awakening Mith the sole purpose of overthrowing every bourgeois
government on earth and establishing the Industrial Democracy, giving the
earth and its products back to its owners and producers, the workers, the only
useful class in society. Already our comrades the Bolsheviki have thrown off
the imperialist shackles in Russia, our comrades in Germany, the Communists,
have done likewise. Today the capitalist system In all Western Europe totters;
tomorrow it will be overthrown and cast on the rubbish heap of ancient history.
The representatives of Capital are gathered in Paris not only to settle the
past, the problems of the late unpleasantness across the water ; they are gath-
ered there to devise ways and means of staving off the spread of Socialism as
long as possible by the creation of an international understanding and interna-
tional unity of capitalist action airainst the militant workers.
But we are strong and cannot be staved off. There are actually at the present
time a liundred million workers animated by the same ideal and acting for the
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1055
same end, the establishing of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It has taken
a world war to awaken the workers.
But the slaughter of 10,000,000 of our comrades has at least brought out to
the dullest workingman the full meaning of Capitalism. It has been worth the
price. The mask has been torn from Capitalism. There it stands, our One Big
Enemy, ruthlessly killing us by the niilhons In wartime, pitilessly crushing out
our lives by the millions in peace-time. Whether in peace or war it is equally
hateful and there is nothing left for us to do but follow the I'xample of our
comrades in Russia and Germany and overthrow the \i-hole capitalist system,
root and branch, before it plunges the whole world into chaos.
From every industrial country of the earth come the premonitions of the
great impending change, ^\'itllin a year the workers of Italy will take the
power into their own hands, France and Spain will follow shortly after. The
workers on the Clydebank and in South Wales are leading the English move-
ment. In our own country, the East Sides of our industrial hells which are
dignified by the name of slums are stirring and who knows what may come of
it? In Butte and Seattle definite preparations are under way for the creation
of a workers' government which shall assume control when the time comes.
Workingmen everywhere in America are beginning to realize that they are
regarded as mere slaves, nothing more ; that they are handled with less con-
sideration than machines; that they have not a fundamental point of agree-
ment with their employers and the system the employing class have built up
for their subjection, and that there is no hope in reform, no hope in anything
but the complete elimination of the present ruling class with its legal, judicial,
religious and journalistic satellites.
The only course of action at present before the class-conscious workers is
thru intensive propaganda in the shops, mills, mines and factories, in the union
halls. Show your fellow workers the glaring inconsistencies of capitalism, how
it deprives the worker of everything that means life and makes of him merely a
machine slave with a' mind and a body bound to the machine and its owner.
Prove to him the fact that the working class and the employing class have noth-
ing in common. Spread true information concerning the government of the
workers in Russia and Germany, of the rising rebelliousness thruout the world.
Concentrate on propaganda, the spoken and the written word by mass meet-
ings, propaganda weeklies, leaflets and pamphlets. Working together we can
offset the poison gas of the capitalist newspapers for we bring a vital message
to the worker whereas the press merely lies to him.
In due time then we can organize our own administration in embryo, develop
it so that when the great crisis comes we can step in with a plan of action,
united and daring thru our strength, establish the complete dictatorship of the
proletariat and begin the real work of civilization, that of making life worth
while, full of meaning and vitality to every useful member of society and thus
end forever the damnable system of tlie leisure class and its slave class.
INTERNATIONAL TLAG OF FEEEDOM.
[Tune : Star Spangled Banner,]
O, Comrades we see, the dawn of the day.
When our brothers in toil, redeem this our nation,
From ignorance and vice and war's desolation.
And this for our hope, it will lighten the way.
Then this flag, it will be, a sign we are free
And not stand for spoils on land and' on sea
And the Bolshevik flag of freedom, the red flag will wave.
Over the home of the free, no longer a slave.
When we read the full tide of our hearts' fondest dream.
And our battles all won and our slave days are ended,
We will fling to the breeze this flag that has been
The emblem of right for which we have contended ;
Then conquer we must, for our Cause it is just !
With courage undaunted we'll prove true to our trust.
And the Bolshevik flag of freedom, the world's flag of right
Will scatter the hosts of our masters in flight.
1056 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Three cheers for the flag, and a cheer for the Cause
That gave it a place in the world's estimation
In justice and truth we'll fashion our laws,
And peace and goodwill will again bless our nation ;
Then hoist it on high, long may it fly —
In this sign we will conquer or by it we will die ;
The international flag of freedom, the red flag will wave,
When we shatter the chains from the hands of the slave.
— By J. A. Engsteom, A Seattle Yipsel.
WE DIFFEK.
The Liberator for the current month makes " flve immediate demands of our
government". They are as follows: The right to speak; The right to know;
Liberation of prisoners ; Hands off Russia, and the end of organized libel thru
the press.
We agree most heartily with the Liberator that these are demands on which
the militant workingclass should unite. But we disagree with the Liberator
in asking them of " our " government. If the Socialist theory of the class
struggle means anything it means to begin with that bourgeois governments
in no conceivable sense are " our " governments. They function purely as the
law and order committees of capitalism.
Their nature being this, the foolishness of asking " our " governments- for
any concessions must be apparent. We should demand these flve points and
in addition the overthrow of capitalism not of " our " governments, but of
ourselves. For it is upon our organized strength that we shall be emancipated
and not thru any kindly condescension of the masters.
It is valuable, necessary, that we stress constantly these five immediate
demands. If our actions and our strength become menacing, " our " govern-
ments will probably in the interests of their own prolongation be forced to
accede to them. That will be a victory for us and will not delude the workers
into thinking that " our " government is so interested in our welfare that it
will grant our wishes if we only ask.
The last Soviet Congress sent the following message to the WorKmen's, Sol-
diers' and Sailors' Council of Germany :
" Soldiers, Sailors and Workers : Do not drop the weapons from your hands.
The safety of the revolution demands that with weapons in hand you take over
the power and form a Workers' Soldiers' and Sailors' government under the
leadership of Liebknecht. Don't be betrayed by promises of a Constitutional
Assemblage."
A TROUBLED IDEALIST.
All is quiet in the voluptuous sleeping chamber of His Excellency in the Murat
Mansion. The body servant has performed his offices and the great democrat
reposes in the gilded gondola bed. The silken coverlets are tucked about him
and the lights are low, but still he does not sleep. " Uneasy lies the head that
wears a crown."
*******
Sleep comes not, nor does he want it, for sleep brings more alarming fears.
Into his slumber there invariably steals the grewsome figure of the Bolshevik who
cries " The World for the Workers !"
The Bolshevik is not lulled by the narcotic of His Excellency's Idealism.
The Bolshevik cries "Away with the Imperialists. The World for the Workers !"
The Bolsheviki declared long ago through their newspaper the Pravda that
His Excellency represented the American Imperialism and they haven't suc-
cumbed to idealistic verbiage up to date. They want the goods.
His Excellency stirs uneasily in the gondola bed as he reflects on the latest
news from Russia and Germany. The militant proletariat of Germany are
driving their own parasitic " moderates " from the republican thrones in Ger-
many. Worst of all the disturbing doctrine is rousing the proletariat of
France, Italy and Engldnd and in his own country is assembling a mighty con-
gress of workers to demand, not request, the freedom of the class war prisoners
who were enchained by the great Idealist.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1057
He stirs in distress and at last sinks exliausted into a troubled sleep in which
he dreams that the Murat Mansion is in possession of the working class and the
gondola bed is no more filled with the great idealist.
Extracts feom the ".International WeeIvLy" Jan. 17, 1919, Seattle, Wash-
ington.
seattle cossacks celebrate the anniversary of russia's bloody sunday by
beating workers * * * system must be chaixged.
*******
AValker C. Smith addressed the crowd in the open air meeting. " Our system
of government must be changed," declared Smith. " The sooner it changes
the better. I would that it could change without bloodshed, but if not, the less
bloodshed the better." * * *
CAPITALISM BIDING A HARD FALL.
Now there is a demand for a real political organization not merely a bal-
loteering excuse, but an organization which shall understand the true signifi-
cance of political action as all revolutionary action directed against the bour-
geois State, the essence of Capitalism, and the means by which Capitalists, tho
greatly inferior in numbers to the workers, keep them in subjection as slaves.
The workers are using mass action more and more and are perfecting their
organization against the organization of Capitalism. The Kevolution Is on !
Within the next ten years the most monumental changes in all human history
will take place and the fourth decade of the twentieth century will see the
Workers supreme over the earth and the products thereof 'to which they give
value.
Extract from " The Revolutionary Age " Jan. 4, 1919.
When the emptiness of victory is revealed, then the class struggle will flare
up in the Allied countries. The old antagonisms of nation against nation will
disappear and in their places will develop the antagonism of the class war.
The year 1919, although it has been issued in to the ringing of bells proclaim-
ing " peace on earth, good will to men," will not be a peaceful year. It will
be a year fraught with perils, a year more momentous than any every witnessed
in the history of mankind, and although its days will be stained with blood,
the blood of brothers shed by brothers, though it may not, in itself, be a happy
year, yet the historic watch-cry of the workers, swelling loud and strong, fore-
tells that 1919 is a year pregnant witli happiness for the workers of the world.
Extracts from the " International Weekly " Dec. 27, 1918, Seattle, Wash.
nicholas leninb sends message to workers — liberator publishes letter
to revolutionary proletariat of america.
New York — Nickolai Lenin in a letter to the " revolutionary proletariat of
America," declares that an international revolution is inevitable.
The letter, published in the January number of " The Liberator," formerly
The Masses, was written in Moscow August 20, and was just admitted to the
United States by the censor.
Lenine indicates the report that the Russian Bolsheviki plan to carry their
doctrines into all countries not only is true, but has been uppermost in the minds
of the Bolsheviki since their revolution in 1917. * * *
TO ATT. THOSE WHO HAVE NO CHRISTMAS.
The International Weekly wishes in particular to extend a Merry Christmas
to all the little children who work in mine or mill, to all the political prisoners,
to all the prostitutes, to all those who had to accept the shame of charity rather
85723—19 67
1058 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
than go hungry ; — for these — for each one — for all the millions over the world—
the International Weekly hopes that Christmas Day may be very happy.
And we hope that all you prostitutes feel grateful that you live in a country
where each citizen has an ^equal opportunity and where womanhood is sacred ;
and we hope that all you thousands of little children -rt-ho toil in factory or mill
realize the greatness and unselfishness of our Government and especially the
Supreme Court which permitted you to stay at work ; and we hope that all
you political prisoners are happy because you live in the land of liberty. To
all of you we send our greetings.
EXTEACTS FKOII THE " INTEEXATIOXAL AVEEKLY " JAN. 3, 1919, SEATTLE, AVaSH.
SOCIALIST PAETY OF SEATTLE .\DVOC.VTES ESTABLISHJtEXT OF WOKKEES' COUNCIL TO
ADMINISTER MrNICIP-i.L AFFAIES.
The Socialist Party of Seattle in mass convention last Saturday evening,
Dec. 28th, adopted a platform which will go down in the history of the
Socialist movement as one of its original documents in the field of the municipal
political activity. The cardinal feature of the new platform is the Workers'
Council idea, which provides for the control of the machinery of municipal
administration by an industrial government of class-conscious workers instead
of as previously in all Socialist campaigns merely seeking to install Socialists
in bourgeois councils where their activity is ham-stringed and nullified from
the very start.
The Workers' Council idea is, of course, modelled very directly after the
Russian method of municipal administration which has stood the strain of
almost two years of feverish revolutionary change and remains to-day as the
example of the successful form of working class administration, founded as it
is not on the bourgeois conception of government, but on the conception of an
administration controlled directly by the organized' class-conscious workers and
exclusively in their interests. Inherently is involved the idea of the dictator-
ship of the proletariat and tlie abolition of the influence and control of the em-
ploying class of government for them instead of for the workers.
Concrete plans have not yet been drawn up for the practical working out of
the details of the Workers' Council idea to Seattle, but a committee will soon
go to work on the problem guided by the necessity of applying the Russian ideas
to the peculiar Seattle conditions, conditions which are similar in fact in all
American cities.
The Socialist Party does not consider that it has a copyright on the idea
and shall work in conjunction with class-conscious workers of Seattle whether
they belong to the Socialist Party or other revolutionary unions and political
bodies.
The platform reads as follows:
" We, the Socialist party of Seattle, in convention assembled, reaffirm our
entire adherence to the revolutionary principles of international socialism. We
reaffirm that there is a struggle between the two classes of society, the ex-
jploiters and the exploited, which can be ended only through the triumph of the
only useful class in society, the working class, through the use of its political
and industrial strength.
" We acclaim joyously the proletarian revolution of Russia and Germany and
approve whole-heartedly of the principles involved In the dictatorship of the
preletariat. We further hold that the organization of the Russian and German
workers in the Soviets is the truest and most direct form of working class
organization and that it shines forth as a beacon to the workers of the world,
demonstrating the truest form of democracy and the most efficient plan for a
workers' state. Guided by the principles of revolutionary Socialism and the
glorious example of our Russian and German comrades, we pledge the Socialist
partv of Seattle and its candidates to the following program for the municipal
election of 1919 :
" ELECTION PEOGK.VM.
" 1. The creation of a city government similar to the soviet plan — an indus-
trial government of the workers which will eliminate bourgeois control and dis-
franchise the useless members of society.
" 2. We propose the immediate establi.shment of a. workers" council.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1059
'' (a) This workers' c-omicil shall sit alongside of the bourgi^ois government
till the time when the workers shall take over the govermnent.
" (b) The workers' council shall throw a searchlight ovi-r the acts of the
present city government from the workers point of view.
" (c) It shall draw np legislation on the same subjects that come before the
bourgeois city government: — and also draw up legislation on matters of work-
ing class interest never considered at all by a capitalist government.
" (d) Thus it shall reveal to the workers the class nature of all bourgeois
governments and the futility of the workers' hoping for any material benefit
from any bourgeois government, and prepare for the organization against the
time when the workers shall seize power.
" 3. The immediate expropriation of the public utilities of the city of Seattle
now privately o^^'ned without renumeration to the present owners, and the con-
trol of utilities directly by the workers.
" 4. Absolute freedom of speech, press and assemblage.
"5. "We advocate militant industrial unionism as the only correct form of
organization on the industrial field, and pledge ourselves to constant support
thereof."
* ^ * 4= * * *
The Capitalist Press is screaming in seven column headlines about a little
incident which has thrown the timid autocrats of Philadelphia into terror.
Bomb explosons have damaged the homes of the President of the Chamber of
Commerce, the acting head of the police system, and a Supreme Court Justice
in the city of brotherly love
The hysterical denunciations and assumptions that " Russian Soviets," " An-
archists," etc., tried a little direct action against the henchmen of the plutoc-
racy take up so much space in the accounts that they had but little room for
the facts of the explosion, as is usual in such prostituted journalism.
•f: ^ Hfi ^ :); * *
Strange that any one should have protested with bombs at the ultra slavery
in this ultra American city, Philadelphia, where wages are below and political
corruption is above, the American standard ;
It \\'lll be still stranger when instead of an individual attempting to destroy
the homes of the masters, the workers in mass take over the wealth of the
parasites for the use of the disinherited of the earth.
The World for the Workers ! Hasten the day !
THE KED FLAG AND " DEMOCKACY."
" The Red Flag must be wiped off of this democratic earth if democracy
shall survive," said Charley Schwab of Bethlehem fame. The occasion was a
banquet, an intellectual feast it would seem, at which the Red Flag was the
favorite theme of discussion. In obedience to the wishes of the American King
of Steel, Mayer Hylan shortly after approved of the anti-Bed Flag ordinance
for New York City.
To all of which we solemnly say Amen. For it is very true that if democracy
is to be preserved in this land of the free the Red Flag must be wiped out of
existence. The two are antagonistic.
When Lenlne and Trotsky and the otlier Russian revolutionists were hunting
around for a name for the Bolshevik party, they selected not the word " Social-
ist " but the word " Connuunist." For Socialism in Europe at any rate has
become thoroly identified with social-patriotism and reform. The majority
Socialist parties of France, Germany, and Austria accepted the war. In fact
thru opportunism the majority parties had actually become a part of the State
and the Government and only small but energetic minorities stood the ground
of real Socialism. The word " Socialist " became discredited as the synonym:
of the political expression of the revolutionary movement. The Russians aind
the Finns were forced to cast about for a new word, as JIarx and Engels were
in 1848, and they both selected the word " Communist " as their party name.
In this counti'y of course a like stigma has not become attached to the word
because the Socialist Parties adopted a less compromising platform of revolu-
tionary Socialism. Now we will come back to our discussion of democracy.
The same twisting of the meaning of a word is observable in the wornout
shibboleth of ' democracy.' It has been appropriated body and soul by the
1060 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAiv^DA.
bourgeoisie. Their most infamous laws are passed in tlie interests of ' rie-
inocracy ' their most wicked crimes are always whitewaslied with ' democracy,'
their imperialistic wars are always waged for ' democracy.' They cheerfully
invade countries whose system of government does not agree witii their owii
witl"! the lie of ' democracy ' on their lips; they are attempting to crush out the
revolutionary movement of the working class and its symbol, the Red Flag
under the guise of ' democracy.' The predominance of the exploiting class is
bound up entirely with ' democracy.'
We do not need to find another word for ' Socialism ' in this country but we
must certainly wipe out the word 'democracy' from our vocabulary. Instead
of ' democracy ' the ' dictatorship of the proletariat,' that is our only immediate
demand. And Charley Schwab is certainly right when he says that the Red
Flag and ' democracy ' are incompatible and we go him one better v.-lun we
declare that not the Red Flag but the sham b<mrgeois democracy of capitalism
must go.
Extracts from " The Washikgto.\ Times " Feb. 10, 1919, Washingto>-, D. C.
That this country, its self-satisfied newspaper writers and statesmen, may
have seriously misunderstood and underestimated the work that is going on in
Russia is" indicated by two Russian photographs published in the New York
Times yesterday.
One shows Russian fighters now ruling Russia and recently pursuing allied
troops, including our own, through the swamps in the north. The Times puts
this line under that photograph :
" Flower of the Bolshevist army, all well armed, many of them veteran troops
of the old Russian regime, marching through the streets of Moscow."
The photograph is so different from the usual pictures of Russian troops in
old days that you look at it in wonder.
Under the Czar, troop photographs showed men marching sullenly aud obedi-
ently to be shot, not knowing why. The Times' photograph of Bolshevist Troops
shows men alert, intelligent, keenly interested.
The faces are those of men that know wh.\- they are fighting, want to flght,
and mean to win. You can imagine such faces in the revolutionary army of
France that carried victory everywhere — and gave Napoleon his reputation,
when he got hold of them.
If the Bolshevists have many such troops as The Times photograi)h shows,
look out for such an army. It will not be beaten easily. Given the right
leaders it will not be beaten at all — as long as it stays at home and fights
for home.
Another photograph, published by the Times, carries this line below it.
" Muscovite boys and girls are taught by the Bolsheviki in free classes of
instruction to handle the rifle skillfully as a requirement for graduation."
The photograph shows two long lines of boys and girls of the high school
age, one row kneeling, the second standing back of it. All have rifles leveled
and evidently know how to hold and use them. The faces are concentrated,
keen, full of force. The young women, especially, have a look that seems to
say " I mean it." * * ■■
Headlines feom " The American BotsHEviK " Janu.^ky 17, 1919, Min'ne-
APOLis, Minn., Vol. 1, No. 4.
Bolsheviks Gave Land and Factories to Workers Says Williams— Noted
Correspondent explodes Lies Told About Soviet Government.
*******
Need of Bolshevism in This Country Shown by War Board Hearings— Pros-
perity Bubble Exploded by Federal Investigators.
*******
Forty-six I. W. W. Convicted in Judicial Farce at Sacramento— Accused of
Everything from Murder Up and Down.
Extracts from " The Liberator " March 1918.
Surely the demands of the " I. W. W.", are just. It is right that the creators
of wealth should own what they create. When shall we learn that we are
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1061
related one to the other ; that we are members of one body ; that injiary to one-
is injury to all? Until the spirit of love for our fellowworkers, regardless of
race, color, creed or sex, shall fill the world, until the great mass of the people-
shall be filled with a sense of responsibility for each other's welfare, social
justice cannot be attained, and there can never be lasting peace upon earth.
Extracts fhoii " The Libeuatob " fob June 1918.
* * * The world, fed \^ith lies by the capitalistic press, conceives the
proletarian republic as an inchoate jumble of disorganization and tyranny,
where anarchists, drunken soldiers and German agents dance a destructive,
bacchanal.
* * -!: i\i * * *
The greater number of suppressions of newspapers resulted from their
violation of the Bolshevik law making advertisements a Government monopoly ;:
other papers were shut down for printing, in time of civil strife, lies (such as
the widely heralded rape of the Women's Regiment in the Winter Palace),
which incited frantic people to bloodshed on the streets; and still others, with
a small bourgeois constituency and a large endowment, were put out of
business because the newspapers of the proletarian parties, with their enormous
public, needed the paper and the printing shops * * *
As for the arrests, only those persons who were proved to be involved in plots
of armed counter-revolution, those who were caught grafting, those who were
responsible for the dissemination of lies, and the most active members of the
old Provisional Government, were imprisoned . . Most of the officials of
the Cadet Party, for example, which was declared " enemy of the peoiJle," are
still at lai'ge. The " middle " and " right " Socialist leaders, Lieber, Dan,
Gotz, Tseretelli, Skobelev and Tchernov, virhose opposition to the Bolsheviks
went to the bitterest ends, are still (or were when I last heard from Russia)
at liberty to write, plot and make speeches to huge audiences denouncing the
Bolsheviks to their lieurts' content . . . Breshkovskaya is not arrested,
Plechanov is not arrested, Tchaikowsky — he who rose in the Railway Workers'
Convention in January and announced that the old-time Terrorist tactics against
the Bolsheviks would be resorted to — is not arrested.
The stories about bloodshed are of course ridiculously false.
In the November days, ten Bolsheviks were killed in the attack on the-
Winter Palace, and not one of the defenders who were simply disarmed and
allowed to go home. In the various struggles of the next week, perhaps
twenty junkers lost their lives. In the fighting against Kerensky, hundreds of
Red Guards were killed and an insignificant number of Cossacks. In Mos-
cow, where the fighting was bitterest, of the eight hundred that died, about
five hundred and fifty were Bolsheviks. The attack on the peaceful demon-
strations for the Constituent Assembly, in which several people were shot by
Red Guards, aroused such a protest among the Petrograd workers that its
effect was felt seriously in the elections to the Petrograd Soviet. And when
a band of irresponsible madmen killed Shingariov arid Kokoshkin in prison,
Lenin himself had them remorselessly hunted down and punished, with the full
approval of the revolutionary masses.
^ A A * * * *
It has taught me three things :
That in the last analysis the property-owning class is loyal only to its
property.
That the property-owning class will never readily compromise with the
working-class.
That the masses of the workers are capable not only of great dreams, but
that they have in them the power to make dreams come true.
EXTBACTS FKOII " THE LiBEEATOK " FOB SePTEMBEE 1918.
Think, for instance, of the difference between all the concrete elements of the
situation Lenin confronted and mastered during the period of agitation against
the pseudo-Socialist regime of Kerensky, the period of rebellion, the insurrec
tionary capture of power in the capital, and the present period of arduous fai^
1062 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
reaching labor at tlie construction of a new world. Nothing is the same now,
except the ultimate end and the bare outline of the method of thought. All
the sensations, emotions — of the pleasures — involved in " being a Socialist " ;'.re
■changed. And yet Lenin proceeds with his relentless, unsentimental iron-minded
pragmatic thinking and acting in this new situation, and still writes his wise,
patient, reiterative articles to the Russian people, as though to children, pleading
with them to be philosophic and to understand the difference betwemi these
different periods, and the emotions that belong to them, and give all their
mind's attention to the definition of the present problems, and all their heart's
energies to the kind of action that is demanded now for the achievement of
the ultimate purpose upon which they are all agreed.
*******
At present it has become the central problem. We, the Bolshevik party, have
convinced Russia. We have won Russia from the rich for the poor, from the
exploiters for the toilers.
We have defeated the bourgeoisie, but they are not yet destroyed and nut
eveuvompletely conquered. We must therefore resort to a new and higher form
of the struggle with the bourgeoisie; we must turn from the very simple prob-
lem of continuing the expropriation of the capitalists to the more complex and
difficult problem — the problem of creating conditions under which the bourgeois
could neither exist nor come anew into existence.
Article in " The Libekatok " fob Octobek 1918.
bkest-litovsk a brigand's peace.
[By Nikolai Lenin.]
The history of mankind is today recording one of the greatest and most diffi-
cult crises, a crisis which has an enormous — we can say without the least exag-
geration a world-wide — liberating significance. It is not surprising that at the
most difficult points of such a crisis, when everywhere around us the old order
Is crumbling and falling apart with tumult and crash, and a new order is being
born in indescribable torments — it is not surprising that some are becoming
bewildered, some become victims of despair, and others, to escape from the
bitter reality, are taking cover behind beautiful and enchanting phrases.
We have been forced, however, to see things clearly, as we pass through
the sharp and painful experience of this most difficult- crisis of history which
turns the world from imperialism towards communistic revolution. In a few
■days we destroyed one of the oldest, most powerful, barbarous and cruel
monarchies. In a few months we passed through a number of stages of com-
promise with the bourgeoisie and got over the petty bourgeois illusions, in the
;grip of which other countries have spent decades. In a few weeks we have
•overthrown the bourgeoisie and crushed her open resistance in civil war. We
passed in a victorious and triumphant procession of Bolshevism from one end of
an enormous country to the other. We aroused to freedom and independence
the most humble sections of the toiling masses oppressed by czarism and the
bourgeoisie. AVe introduced and firmly established the Soviet republic— a new
type of state — infinitely higher and more democratic than the best of the
bourgeois-parliamentary republics. We established the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat, supported by the ijoorest peasantry, and have inaugurated a compre-
hensively planned system of Socialistic reform. We awakened self-confidence
and kindled the fires of enthusiasm In the hearts of millions upon millions of
workers of all countries. We sent broadcast the clarion call of the inter-
national working class revolution. We challenged the imperialistic plunderers
of all countries. .
And in a few days an imperialistic brigand knocked us down, attackmg
those who had no arms. He forced us to sign an incredibly oppressive and
humiliating peace — a penalty for our daring to break away, even for as short
a time as possible, from the iron grip of the imperialistic war. And the rnore
threatening the spectre of a working class revolution in his own country rises
before the brigand, the more furiously he oppresses and strangles and tears
Russia to pieces. .
AVe were compelled to sign a "Tilsit" peace. We must not deceive our-
selves. We must have courage to face the unadorned bitter truth. We must
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 1063
realize in full to the very bottom, the abyss of defeat, partition, enslavement
and humiliation into which we have been thrown. The clearer we understand
this, the firmer, the more hardened and ihflexible will become our will for
liberation, our desire to arise anew from enslavement to independence, our firm
determination to see at all costs, that Russia shall cease to be poor and weali,
that she may become truly powerful and prosperous.
She can become so, for we still have left sufficient expanse and natural
resources to supply all and everyone, if not with abundance, at least with suffi-
cient means of subsistence. We have the material in the natural resources,
in the supply of human energy, and in the splendid impetus which the creative
spirit of the people has received through the great revolution, to create a really
mighty and abundant Russia.
itussia will become so, provided she frees herself of all dejection and phrase-
mongering ; provided she strains her every nerve and every muscle ; provided
she comes to understand that .salvation is possible only on the road of the in-
ternational Socialist revolution, which we have chosen. To move forward
along this road, not becoming dejected in case of defeats, to lay, stone after
stone, the firm foundation of a Socialist society, to work tirelessly to create
discipline and self-discipline, to strengthen everywhere organization, order,
efficiency, the harmonious cooperation of all the people's forces, universal
accounting and control over production and distribution of products — such is
the road towards the creation of military power and Socialist power.
It is unworthy of a true Socialist, if badly defeated, either to deny that fact
or to become despondent. It is not true that we have no way out and that
we can only choose between a " disgraceful " (from the standpoint of a feudal
knight) death, which an oppressive peace is, and a " glorious " death is a hope-
legs battle. It is not true that we have betrayed our ideals or our friends
when we signed the " Tilsit " peace. We have betrayed nothing and nobody,
we have not sanctioned or covered any lie, we have not refused to aid any
friend and comrade in misfortune In any way we could, or by any means at
our disposal. A commander who leads Into the interior the renniants of an
army which is defeated or disorganized by a disorderly flight and who, if
necessary, protects this retreat by a most humiliating and oppressive peace, is
not betraying those parts of the army which he cannot help and which are
cut off by the enemy. Such a commander is only doing his duty, he is choosing
the only way to save what can still be saved, he is scorning adventures, telling
the people the bitter truth, " yielding territory in order to win time," utilizing
any, even the shortest respite in order to gather again his forces, and to give
the army, which is affected by disintegration and demoralization, a chance
to rest and recover.
We have signed a "Tilsit" pence. When .Napoleon I forced Prussia In
1807 to accept the Tilsit peace, the conqueror had defeated all the German
armies, occupied the capital and all the large cities, established his police,
compelled the conquered to give him auxiliary corps in order to wage new
wars of plunder, dismembered Germany, forming an alliance with some of
the German states against other German states. And nevertheless, even after
such a peace the German people were not subdued.
To any person able and willing to think, the example of the Tilsit peace
(which was only one of the many oppressive and humiliating treaties forced
upon the Germans in that epoch) shows clearly how ' childishly naive is the
thought that an oppressive peace is, under all circumstances, ruinous, and war
the road of valor and salvation. The war epochs teach us that peace has in
many cases in history served as a respite to gather strength for new battles.
The Peace of Tilsitz was the greatest humiliation of Germany and at the same
time a turning point to the greatest national awakening. At that time the
historical environment offered only one outlet for this awakening — a bourgeois
state. At that time, over a hundred years ago, history was made by a handful
of noblemen and small groups of bourgeois intellectuals, while the mass of
workers and peasants were inactive and inert. Owing to this history at that
time could crawl only with awful slowness.
Now capitalism has considerably raised the level of culture in general and
of the culture of the masses in particular. The war has aroused the masses,
awakened them by the unheard of horrors and sufferings. The war has given
impetus to history and now it is moving along with the speed of a locomotive.
History is now being independently made by millions and tens of millions of
people. Capitalism has now become ripe for Socialism.
1064 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Thus, if Russia now moves — and it cannot be denied tliat she does move
from the " Tilsit '' peace to a national awakening, and to a great war for the
fatherland — the issue of such an awakening is not the bourgeois state but the
international Socialist revolution. A\'e are " resistants " since November 7,
1917. We are for the " defense of our fatherland," but the war for the father-
land towards which we are moving is a war for a Socialist fatherland, for
Socialism, we being a part of the universal army for Socialism.
Extract from " The Libebatoe," Novembek, 1918.
" It follows," says Trotsky in a preface to one of his books, " that the time
spent in prison and exile is about one-third of the time a Social-Democrat is
active." Reading that preface on my way west to attend the trial of Eugene
Debs, I was struck by Trotsky's unconscious assertion that the time spent in
prison is part of the time that a Socialist is " active." It is often the time that
his influence is most active. And though the government may succeed in accel-
erating the immediate war program by imprisoning Debs, they will also ac-
celerate the effect of his life-long service to the social revolution.
ON INTEEVENTION IN RUSSIA.
[By John Reed.]
Jiy point is, that the American people are misinformed about conditions in
Europe, and especially in Russia, and that in the case of Russia our Govern-
ment is acting upon false information. Moreover, people who are in a position
to inform the public concerning the Russian situation are either ordered to
keep silent, or, if they speak in public, arrested by the Department of Justice,
and if they write in the press, barred from the mails by the Post Office
Department.
H« * ^ * * =i^ ^
The kind of Russian news usually fed the public is illustrated by the fre-
quent newspaper reports stating that the Soviet Government has fallen, that
Lenin and Trotsky have fled to Germany, and that chaos and anarchy are
universal in Russia — statements which the very reports of the Allied com-
manders in Russia have again and again demonstrated to be false. An example
of what I mean is the series of dispatches, supported by no competent evidence,
stating that thousands of people, especially foreigners, are being massacred
by the Bolsheviki. The uncertainty of the newspapers themselves concerning
the real situation in Russia was strikingly shown the other day, for example, by
a story in the Xew York Times aliout the wholesale killing of British, French
and Americans ; which was followed Ijy another item to the effect that ar-
rangements have been completed b.v the Soviet Government and the Govern-
ment of Finland for the safe conduct of all foreigners who wish to leave
Russia.
The gravity of the situation is intensified 1iy the recent release for publica-
tion by the Committee on Public Information of a series of documents purport-
ing to prove that the leaders of the Russian Soviet Government were in the
pay of the Imperial German Government, and that their actions wei'e directed
from Berlin. The fact is, that the authenticity of many of these documents is
very doubtful. And the documents have been in the hands of the United States
Government fer more than six montlis. Why were they not given out before
this time? Or, more pertinently, why have they now been released? Was it to
give color or excuse to an uninvited intervention in the aifairs of a friendly
people, and, moreover, a people which has appealed to us for help against
Germany ?
There is definite evidence now in the T''nited States sufficient, I believe, to prove
that the leaders of the Soviets have not been pro-German, but, on the contrary,
if anything, pro-Ally. Strangely enough, this evidence is not allowed to reach
the public. Colonel Raymond Robbins, former chief of the American Red Cros.s
Mission to Russia and unofficial diplomatic agent of the United States Govern-
ment in contact with the Russian Soviets, who has more information on the
subject than any foreigner alive, has such evidence. So has Colonel William
Boyce Thompson and Major Thomas Thacher — both of the Red Cross Mission.
All these men have been ordered to remain silent.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1065
I, myself, and certain otlier Americans, who liave had the opportunity to
observe closely the character and actions of the Soviet Government, have been
shut up by the simple expedient of taking away all documents and corrobora-
tive papers which we brought back with us from Russia, on the- pretext of
" examination." Only those ollicials and correspondents who are opposed to the
Soviets, for one reason or another, are allowed freely to speak or write their
erroneous facts and their baseless opinions. * * *
But the point is that the Bolshevik revolution was a revolution against all
imperialism, German imperalism included ; and the Soviet Government \A'as and
still is the most powerful- menace to Imperial Germany, and all it implies, in
the world ; and the Russian leaders, whatever the Germans may have thought
they would do, have consistently labored to break up the German power, and
to reorganize Russia industrially and in a military way, so as to turn again
into open war the secret war they have been conducting so effectivel.'i'.
I, myself, as well as several other Americans now in this country, can testify
to this secret war and to its effects. I was employed by the Soviet Govern-
ment, in the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs. Among other things, I assisted
in the preparation of revolutionary propaganda to spread among the German
troops and the German war-prisoners, and helped to set it to them. * * *
The outstanding and misunderstood fact of the matter is that the Soviet
Republic, based on the dictatorship of the working class, and the expropriation
of the properties classes, could not and cannot exist side by side with Imperial
Germany ; and even more so. Imperial Germany cannot hope to survive side by
side with the Russian Soviets. It was to the interest of the Russian Soviets
to enlist our aid in the destruction of their closest and most dangerous enemy.
They attempted to do this — and we rejected their plea. But do not forget that
it is also to the interest of Imperial Germany to prejudice the Allies against
the Russian Soviets. And nothing can be so satisfactory to the Imperial German
Government as Allied hostility to the Soviets, and Allied intervention in Rus-
sia, which might drive the Soviets, in sheer self-defense, desperately to seek an
ally in Germany.
After all, the American people are entitled to know the real reasons for
Allied intervention in Russia. The liberal European press — especially that of
Great Britain — is outspoken in the opinion that it is dictated by the desire of
the French Government to set up a Government in Russia which will guarantee
the payment of Russian obligations, repudiated by the Soviets.
The American statement concerning intervention justifies military action
in Russia upon the grounds that the Tchecho-Slovak troops — who were sup-
posed to be leaving Russia by way of Siberia to join the Allied armies on the
western front — were attacked by " armed German and Austrian war-prisoners."
Several months ago that same story of " armed German and Austrian war-
prisoners in Siberia " reached Moscow, and at the request of Trotsky, members
of the American and British military missions were given a special train to make
an investigation of the charge. And they reported to their Governments that
the story was without foundation. Other observers tell the same tale. * * *
But whatever the phrasing of intention the Government^ of the Allies, our
own included, stand sponsor to an expedition which has interfered with the
political sovereignty of Russia, intervened in her internal affairs — even to the
extent of supporting Governments hostile to the Soviet Government — and are
considered by the Soviet Government to be waging war upon it. * * *
And thousands of Americans who really believe in freedom will some day
want to know why America, instead of leading the liberal world, joined with
those whose faces are set against the tides of history.
It is time that we knew the truth about Russia.
Last March the constitution of the Soviets was worked out in detail and ap-
plied universally.
It restricted the franchise to —
" Citizens of the Russian Socialist Republic of both sexes who shall have
completed their eighteenth year by the day of election * * *
"All who have acquired the means of living through labor that is productive
and useful to society and who are members of labor unions * * * "
Excluded from the right to vote ; employers of labor for profit ; persons who
lived on unearned increment; merchants and agents of private business; em-
ployee^ of religious communities; former members of the police and gendar-
1066 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
merie ; the former ruling dynasty ; the mentally deficient, the deaf and dumb ■
and those who had been punished for selfish and dishonorable misdemeanors'.
* * * * * * , '
Under the Soviet Government the wage system is retained as a necessary
accommodation to the capitalist world, the machinery to abolish It being already
in place, and the whole system being under the control of the workers them'-
selves. Lenin has clear-sightedly stated that he considers the retention of
capitalist forms a step backward, a temporary defeat for the Revolution, but
Which must be endured until the workers are self-organized and self-disciplined
enough to compete with capitalist industry.
*******
Not so. The Socialist state is not to be a return to primeval simplicity, hut
instead a system of society more efficient than the capitalist state. In liussia
particularly the immediate task of the workers is to be able to compete with
the pressure of foreign capital, as well as to supply Russia with necessities.
What is true of Russia, moreover, is true of the workers of all countries.
Only in no other country have the workers clear-sighted leaders like Lenin;
in no other country are the workers so united and so conscious. And in
Russia there are groups of industries, like the Ural mines, like the factories
of Vladivostok, where Workers' Control has actually improved upon capitalist
management. And do not forget that industry belongs to the workers — is run
for the profit of the workers.
* * * A * ;^ *
Across half the world we watch great Russia shake herself and take hold.
In our ears sounds " the regular march of the iron battalions of the proletariat."
Extract fkom " The Advancing Pkoletaeiat," Febkxtahy, 1917.
Two facts stand out prominently in an examination of . modern society ;
1st, the proletariat is the subject class, and 2nd, the special function of the
state is to keep the proletariat in subjection. Therefore, any organization of
the proletariat as a class must at once be considered a menace to the privileged
classes and be declared illegal. All the activities of the proletariat furthering
its program for a new society must necessarily be revolutionary and be beyond
the " Law." Therefore, the Socialist Politician's " legal revolution " idea Is
regarded as absurd, by the proletariat ; and since the proletariat realizes that
all its forces must be closely coordinated and drilled in production and co-
operation in order to function in the new society, the idea that the whole
economic structure of this present society can be changed by going to the
polls once every two or four years is especially absurd.
The proletariat makes no appeal to any but the wage working class, though
it realizes that the growth of the Social Consciousness among all classes must
bring thousands to its standard, whose immediate personal Interests wouUd be
conserved by an opposite course. It realizes how great a task it is to persuade
men against their material interests, and haw small the chance is to secure
a majority at the polls — a majority, helpless in its strength because undis-
ciplined in cooperation and composed of potentially discordant elements. But
more it realizes that the proletariat, operating the machinery of production
and really in possession of the wealth of the world, is in a position to dictate
the terms of life to all society, if It merely secures the consent and co-
operation of the members of its own class. It proposes that the ballot box
shall repose first In the Union hall, and then in the shop ; and one needs only
to function in Industry to be a voter there. The recently landed immigrant,
who has a " job," Is equal to the descendant of the Pilgram Fathers, who also
works for bread.
The future society comes only at the desire and with the consent of the
proletariat, for it is evidently the only class able to safeguard humanity by
means of a new society ; and the revolution can properly occur, only after tlie
proletariat has had sufficient training in voluntary co-operation and self-gov-
ernment to be able to demonstrate Its ability to successfully continue produc-
tion and handle distribution so that all may be fed. Voting en masse at Uie
polls is no evidence whatsoever of such abiity, and to teach this class that its
way to freedom lies primarily through the ballot box is a most miserable mis-
education and paves the way to the most desperate catastrophy that humanity
could ever suffer.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1067
Extract feom Pam:phi^t Entitled "The Xew U.xio^lsm," hy A\db£ Tkiuon.
(Faiu-th printing. Pp. 95-105.)
Tlie spirit of industrial solidarity manifested by the miners spread among
otlier organizations. In the fall of 1904 Isaac Cowen, American representative
of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers of Great Britain ; Clarence Smith,
secretary and treasurer of the American Labor Union ; Thomas J. Hagerty,
editor of the " Voice of Ijabor," organ of the A. L. U. ; George Estes, president
of the United Brotherhod of Railway employees ; W. L. Hall, general secretary
of the Brotherhood, and Wm. E. Trautman, editor of the " Brauer Zeitung,"
organ of the United Brewery Worliers of America, held a conference in Chicago.
They Invited thirty-six other men active In the labor movement to meet them
in secret conference on .lanuary 2, 1905. Out of the thirty-six, only two, Max
S. Hayes, editor of a trade union paper, and Victor Berger, editor of a socialist
publication, declined to attend.
The conference met at the appointed time, selected William Dudley Haywood
as chairman of its executive committee — the other members of the board being
William E. Trautman, A. M. Slmonds, W. L. Hall and Clarence Smith — and
drew up a manifesto addressed to the Workers of the World. It set forth the
disadvantages of pure and simple craft organization and advocated the forming
of one single union admitting all worliers regardless of craft or nationality.
The manifesto ended with a call for a convention to be held in Chicago on
June 27. This document translated into several languages was widely circu-
lated by the executive committee assisted by the American Labor Union and
the Western Federation of Miners.
One hundred and eighty-six delegates met in Chicago, representing thirty-
four State, district, local or national organizations.
The convention lasted twelve days and when it adjourned the Industrial
Workers of the World had been organized. The labor groups admitted to
affiliation were : the Western Federation of Miners with 27,000 members ; the
Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance, 1,450 members ; the Punch Press Operators,
168 members ; the United Metal Workers, 3,000 members ; the Longshoremen's
Union, 400 members ; the American Labor Union, 16,500 members ; the United
Brotherhood of Railway Employees, 2,087 members.
The following preamble was adopted :
The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There
can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of work-
ing people and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good
things of life.
Between these two classes a struggle must go on until all the toilers come
together on the political, as well as on the industrial field; and take and hold
that whicli they produce by their labor through an economic organization of
the working class, without affiliation with any political party.
The rapid gathering of wealth and the centering of the management of in-
dustries into fewer and fewer hands make the trade unions unable to cope with
the ever-growing power of the employing class, because the trade unions foster
a state of things which allows one set of workers to be pitted against another
set of workers in the same industry, thereby helping defeat one another in wage
wars. The trade unions aid the employing class to mislead the workers into
the belief that the working class have interests in common with their employers.
These sad conditions can be changed and the interests of the working class
upheld only by an organization formed in such a way that all its members in
any one industry, or in. all industries, if necessary, cease work whenever a
strike or lockout is on in any department thereof, thus making an injury to one
an Injury to all.
The uncertainties and the contradictions found in this preamble are easilj'
understood when one bears in mind the heterogeneous elements which were
represented at the first convention and whose divergent views had, to a certain
extent, to be harmonized; parliamentary socinllsts, opportunists, IMarxists,
anarchists, industrialists, craft unionists. During the first year of the I. W.
W.'s existence, those irreconcilable elements struggled bitterly for supremacy.
The two socialist factions looked upon the I. W. W. as a convenient battle
ground.
The I. W. W. survived this internal strife and began to issue a monthly organ,
the " Industrial Worker." It also sent out the first call for the defense of Hay-
wood, Moyer and Pettibone, the officers of the W. F. M. who had been arrested
in connection with the assassination of Governor Steunenberg of Idaho.
1068 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The second convention met in September, 1906, with ninety-three delegates
representing 60,000 workers. The struggle for control divided the convention
into two factions; the reactionaries with the help of the chairman tried to ob-
struct the deliberation until such time as their opponents would be obliged ti>
leave for their homes. The radicals succeeded in defeating these tactics but
when the convention adjourned, the former officials seized the general head-
quarters and held them with the assistance of the police. The newly elected
officers, abandoned to their fate by the Western Federation of Miners and the
socialist party, had to open headquarters of their own. The W. P. M. finally
withdrew its support from the usurpers who gave up the struggle. At the third
convention, which was quite uneventful, it became evident that the socialist
politicians who had remained within the organization were striving to use it in
furtherance of their own ends. In 1908, however, at the fourth convention, the
purely industrialist element secured control of the organization. The wording
of the preamble was greatly modified and in its amended version that document
reflected the revolutionary trend of the new leaders. The second paragraph was
changed to read thus :
" Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the workers of the
world organize as a class, take possession of the earth and the machinery of
production, and abolish the wage system."
Finally two new paragraphs were ailded to the preamble:
" Instead of the conservative motto, 'A fair day's wages for a fair day's work,'
we must inscribe on our banner the revolutionary watchword, 'Abolition of
the wage system.'
" It is the historic mission of the working class to do away with capitalism.
The army of production nmst be organized, not only for the every-day struggle
with capitalists, but also to carry on production when capitalism shall have
been overthrown. By organizing industrially we are forming the structure of
the new society within the shell of the old."
The defeated politicians immediately organized .-mother I. W. W. committed
to a parliamentary policy. It stands at present in the same relation to the
first I. W. W. as the Socialist Labor Party stands to the Socialist Party. It is
little more than a name and has not played any part in the labor disputes which
have since arisen.
At the first convention of the I. W. W. it was generally agreed that industrial
unionism was to be primarily a departmental structure. The original consti-
tution provided for thirteen departments. This system appeared impracticable
and as the purely industrialist view was beginning to dominate the membership
it was more and more definitely recognized that the Xew Unionism should
organize from below upward. In other words, the local industrial union, not
the department, was. to be the basis of organization. The discussions relative
to departments talking place at the vai'ious conventions have only had a tenta-
tive, almost academic character.
A\'e quote the following from a pamphlet " The I. W. W., Its History, struc-
ture and methods" by Yincent St. John, who is, at present, general secretary
of the organization :
GE>:Er.AL OUTLINE.
1. The unit of organization is the Local Industrial Union. The local indus-
trial union embraces all of the workers of a given industry in a given city,
town or district.
2. All local industrial unions of the same industry are combined into a Na-
tional Industrial Union with jurisdiction over the entire industry.
3. National industrial unions of closely allied industries are combined into
Departmental Organizations. For example, all national industrial unions en-
gaged in the production of Food Products and in handling them would be com-
bined into the Department of Food Products. Steam. Air, "Water and Land
national divisions of the Transportation Industry, form the Transportation De-
partment.
4. The Industrial Departments are combined into the General Organization,
which in turn is to be an integral part of a like International Organization;
and through tlie international organization establish solidarity and co-operation
between the workers of all countries.
SUBDIVISIONS.
Taking into consideration the technical differences that exist within the
difTerent departments of the industries, and the needs where large numbers
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1069
Of workers are employed, the local industrial union is branched to meet these
requirements.
1. Language branches, so that the workers can conduct the altairs of the
•organization in the language they are most familiar with.
2. Shop branches, so that the workers of each shop control the conditions
that directly affect them.
3. Department branches in large industries, to simplify and systematize the
husiness of the organization.
4. District branches, to enable members to attend meetings of the union with-
out having to travel too great a distance. These branches are only necessary
in the large cities and big industries where the industry covers large areas.
■5. District Councils, in order that every given industrial district shall have
■complete industrial solidarity among the workers in all industries of such dis-
trict, as well as among the workers of each industi-y. The Industrial District
Council combines ,ill the local industrial unions of the district. Through it
^■oncerted action is maintained for its district.
riTNCTlONS OF BRANCHES.
Branches of an industrial local deal with the employer only through the
Industrial Union. Thus, while the workers in eacli branch determine the con-
ditions that directly affect them, they act in concert with all the workers
through the industrial union.
As the knowledge of the English language becomes more general, the lan-
guage branches will disappear.
The development of machine production will also gradually eliminate tlie
branches based on technical knowledge, or skill.
The constant development and concentration of the ownership and control of
industry will be met by a like concentration of the number of industrial unions
and industrial departments. It is meant that the organization at all times sliall
conform to the needs of the hour and eventually furnish the union through which
and by which the organized workers will be able to determine the amount of
food, clothing, shelter, education and amusement necessary to satisfj^ the wants
of the workers.
ADMINISTEATION OF THE ORGANIZATION.
Local unions have full charge of all their local affairs ; elect their own officers ;
determine their pay ; and also the amount of dues collected by the local from
the membership. The general organization, however, does not allow any local
to charge over $1.00 per month dues or ,f.5.00 initiation fee.
Each branch of a local industrial union elects a delegate or delegates to the
central committee of the local industrial union. This central committee is the
administrative body of the local industrial union. Officers of the branches con-
sist of secretary, treasurer, chairman and trustees.
Officers of the local industrial union consist of secretary and treasvirer, chair-
man and trustees.
Bach local industrial union within a given district elects a delegate or dele-
gates to the district council. The district council has as officers a secretary-
treasurer and trustees. The officers of the district council are elected by the
delegates thereof.
All officers in local bodies are elected by referendum vote of all the member-
ship involved, except those of the district council.
Proportional representation does not prevail in the delegations of the branches
and to district councils. Each branch and local has the same number of dele-
gates. Each delegate casts one vote.
National industrial unions hold annual conventions. Delegates from each
local of the national union cast a vote based upon the membership of the local
that they represent.
The national industrial union nominates the candidates for officers at the
convention, and the three nominees receiving the highest votes at the conven-
tion are sent to all the membership to be voted upon in selecting the officers.
The officers of the national unions consist of secretary and treasurer, and
executive board. Each national union elects delegates to the department to
which it belongs. The same procedure is followed in electing delegates as in
electing officers.
Industrial departments hold conventions and nominate the delegates that are
elected to the general convention. Delegates to the general convention nomi-
1070 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
nate candidates fox- the offices of the general organization whicli are a General
Secretary-Treasurer, and a General Oreanizer. These general officers are
elected by the vote of the entire organization.
The General Executive Board is composed of one member from each Indus-
trial Department and is selected by the membership of the department.
General conventions are held annually at present.
The rule in determining the wages of the officers of all parts of the organiza-
tion is, to pay the officers who are needed approximately the same wages they
would receive when employed in the industry in which they work. The wages
of the general secretary and the general organizer are each $90.00 per month.
Concerning the methods of the Industrial Workers of the AA'orld Vincent St.
John expresses himself as follows :
As a revolutionary organization the Industrial Workers of the World aims
to use any and all tactics that will get the results sought with the least ex-
penditure of time and energy. The tactics used are determined solely Ijy the
power of the organization to make good in their use. The question of " right "
and " wrong " does not concern us.
No terms made with an employer are final. All peace so long as the wage
system lasts, is but an armed truce. At any favorable opportunity the struggle
for more control of industry is renewed.
The Industrial Workers realize that the day of s'uccessful long strikes is past.
Under all ordinary circimistances a strike that is not won in four to six weeks
cannot be won by remaining out longer. In trustified industry the employer
can better afford to fight one strike that lasts six months than he can six strikes
that take place in that period.
The organization does not allow any part to enter into time contracts with
the employers. It aims where strikes are used, to paralyze all branches of the
industry involved, when the employers can least afford a cessation of worl; —
during the busy season and when there are rush orders to be filled.
The Industrial Workers of the AVorld maintains that nothing will be conceded
by the employers except that which we have the power to take and hold by the
strength of our organization. Therefore we seek no agreements with the
employers.
Failing to force concessions from the employers by the strike, work is re-
sumed and " sabotage " is used to force the employers to concede the demands
of the workers.
The great progress made in machine production results in an ever increasing
army of unemployed. To counteract this the Industrial Workers of the World
aims to establish the shorter work day, and to slow up the working pace, thus
compelling the employment of more and more workers.
To facilitate the work of the organization large initiation fees and dues are
prohibited by the I. AV. W.
During strikes the works are closely picketed and every effort made to keep
ihe employers from getting workers into the shops. All supplies are cut off
from strike-bound shops. All shipments are refused or missent, delayed and
lost if po.ssible. Strike breakers are also isolated to the full extent of the power
of the organization. Interference by the government is resented by open viola-
tion of the government's orders, going to jail en masse, causing expense to the
tax-payers, wliich is but anotlier name for the employing class.
In short, the I. W. W. advocates the use of militant " direct aiction " tactics
to the full extent of our power to make good.
Extracts fkom "A Letter to AiiEEic.\s Woekjeex " by X. Lemx.
(Reprinted from "The Class Struggle" December 1918.]
The Americnn working class will not follow the lead of its bourgeoisie.^ It
will go with us against the bourgeoisie. The whole history of the American
people gives me this confidence, this conviction. I recall with pride the words
of one of the best loved leaders of the American proletariat. Eugene V. Debs,
who said in the "Appeal to Reason " at the end of ]9t."i, when it was still a
socialist paper, in an article entitled " Why Should I Fight?" that he would
rather be shot than vote for war credits to support the present criminal and
reactionary war. that he knows only one war tliat is sanctified and justified
from the standpoint of the proletariat ; the war against the capitalist class, the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1071
war for the liberation of mankind from wage slavery. I am not surprised that
this fearless man was thrown into prison by the American bourgeoisie. Let
them brutalize true internationalists, the real representatives of the revolu-
tionary proletariat. The greater the bitterness and brutality they sow, the
nearer is the day of the victorious proletarian revolution.
*******
But the proletariat, even now, in the midst of the horrors of \A-ar, is learn-
ing the great truth that all revolutions teach, the truth thfit has been handed
down to us by our best teachers, the founders of modern Socialism. From
them we have learned that a successful revolution is inconceivable unless it
breaks the resistance of the exploiting class. AVhen the workers and the labor-
ing peasants took hold of the powers of state, it became our duty to quell the
resistance of the exploiting class. AVe are proud that we have done it, that
we are doing it. AVe only regret that we did not do it, at the beginning, with
sufficient firnmess and decision.
■<- ^ A * .}! ^ 4,
Let the corrupt bourgeoisie press trumpet every mistake that is made by oui
Revolution out into the world. AVe are not afraid of our mistakes. The
beginning of the revolution has not sanctified humanity. It is not to be ex-
pected that the working classes who have been exploited and forcibly held
down by the clutches of want, of ignorance and degradation for centuries
should conduct its revolution without mistakes. The dead body of bourgeoisie
society cannot simply be put into a coffin and buried. It rots in our midst,
poisons the air we breathe, pollutes our lives, clings to the new, the fresh, the
living with a thousand threads and tendrils of old customs, of death and
decay.
* i; *****
AA'hile the old bourgeoisie democratic constitutions, for instance, proclaimed
formal equality and the right of free assemblage, the constitution of the
Soviet Republic repudiates the hypocracy of a formal equality of all human
beings. AVhen the bourgeoisie republicans overturned feudal thrones, they
did not recognize the rules of formal equality of monarchists. Since we here
are concerned with the task of overthrowing the bourgeoisie, only fools or
traitors will insist on the formal equality of the bourgeoisie. The right of
free assemblage is not w-orth an iota to the workman and to the peasant when
all better meeting places are in the hands of the bourgeoisie. Our Soviets
have taken over all usable buildings in the cities and towns out of the hands
of the ricli and have placed them at the disposal of the workmen and peas-
ants for meeting and organization purposes. That is how our right of assem-
blage looks — for the workers. That is the meaning and content of our Soviet,
of our socialist constitution.
And for this reason we are all firmly convinced that the Soviet Republic,
whatever misfortune may still lie in store for it, is unconquerable.
EXTKACTS FROM " THE GLASS STRUGGLE " NoVEMBEE-DeCEMBEE 1917.
* ^ * * * * *
9. Shall a Constituent Assembly be called?
***>-***
D. Yes, and as soon as possible. Yet, to be successful and to be really con-
voked, one condition is necessary : increase the number and strengthen the
power of the Councils of AA'. S. and P. Delegates ; organize and arm the masses.
Only thus can the Assembly be assured.
10. Does the state need a police of the conventional type and a standing
army?
***** ■: *
D. Absolutely unnecessary. Immediately and unconditionally universal arm-
ing of the people shall be introduced so that they and the militia and the army
shall be an integral whole. Capitalists must pay the workers for their days
of service in the militia.
****«=■■*
14. In favor of this war or against it?
1072 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
D. Absolutely opposed to all imperialist wars, to all bourgeois governments
which wage them, among them our own Provisional Government; absolutely
opposed to " revolutionary defense " in Russia.
Until the revolutionary class in Russia shall have taken over the entire
authority of the Goverument, our party will consistently support those prole-
tarian parties and groups in foreign countries as are already, during the con-
tinuance of the war, fighting against their imperialist governments and their
bourgeoisies. Particularly, the party will encourage any incipient fraternaliza-
tion of masses of soldiers of all the lielligerent countries, at the front, with the
object of transforming this vague and lnstincti\e expression of the solidarity
of the oppressed into a class-conscious movement, with as much organization
as is feasible, for the taking over of all the powers of government in all the
belligerent countries by the revolutionary proletariat.
ESTKACT FEOM " THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW " FOE Jur.Y. 1917.
" The Russian working class has shattered Tsarism and secured a democratic
republic, the introduction of popular government. And we? Should we con-
tinue to bear patiently the old misery, the exploitation, hunger and slaughter —
the cause of all our wretchedness ? No ! A thousand times no !
" Leave your worksbop.s and factories. Let work be at a standstill. Man
of Labor : Awake and recognize your power.
"All wheels stand still when your strong arm' Avills it so. Down with the
war. Do\>'n with tlie (<(i^-ernment. Peace. Liberty. Bread."
Extracts from " The International Socialist Review " foe August 1917.
the new moeality.
The new morality .says :
Damn interest!
Damn rent 1
Damn profits !
r>anm agreements :
* * ^ * (= * *
The power must be taken out of the polic?nian's club!
How?
Anyhow !
Why?
Because it hurts our class and is therefore immoral.
The guns mustn't point our way if they aren't spiked, because they are liablfi
to go off and hurt us and that would be innnoral.
So we must sjiike the guns or turn them round. Anyhow, and because it
hurts our class and is immoral.
If we go on strike we umst strike quickly, sudden and certainly. Don't give
the boss time to tliink or prepare plans. He might get the better of us and that
would l)e bad for us and immoral.
Strike when he has a liig order which he nui.st fulfil. It will hurt him more
and us less and that is moral.
Tie up the industries in town all the industries in all the tnwns, in the
whole country, or in the whole world if necessary. The strike will end quicker
and we will starve less and that's good for us, and therefore moral.
HOW TO win.
Don't let the strike eat up your funds. That's bad fur you and immoral.
But let it cost the boss a bit. His power consists of the thin.gs he owns and
if he owns less his power will be less. His weakness is your strength and is
good for ycm — therefore moral.
A bolt taken out of a machine may be a big help in a strike, even if the bolt
is buried in a hole six inches deep.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1073
Innocence is sometimes a crime! See capitalist courts sentence innocent
worljingmen and discharge guilty capitalists.
To step out on strilie and starve is foolisli if you can strilce on the job and
eat. Striking on the job means, doing such a thing — i. e. anything — that will
compel the boss to do what you think is the fair thing. If you win it's good
for you and therefore moral, however many little things belonging to the boss
disappears, or however little work you might do.
Pat from Erin's Isle got a job once to the surprise of his friend.
" So you're working Pat? " asked the friend.
" Hold yer whist, man " said Pat, " I'm just fooling the boss. Sure ! I've bin
carrying the same hod of bricks up and down the ladder all day, and the boss
thinks I'm wurrking."
Pat may have been working but he knew how to get one on the boss.
*******
Don't strike for more than you have a right to demand.
You have a right to demand all you have power to enforce.
General Strike Or?
The profiteers have made millions out of the ships the workers built. Now
they refuse these workers a living wage. They have forced thirty-thousand men
to go on strike.
All the profiteering employers of Seattle are banded together in their Em-
ployers' Association. All have a common interest in driving the shipyard workers
back to slave conditions and smashing their labor organization. The Metal
Trades.
The allied bosses want to smash the shipyard workers now so that they can
have a free hand to smash the rest of the union men of Seattle later on.
These profiteers hate all unionism. They hate the longshoremen, the street
car men, the electrical workers, the men of the building trades, the restaurant
workers and all others as much as they hate the Metal Trades organization that
is conducting this strike.
They want to eat labor piece meal. First the shipyard workers, then the
others. So they can make this an open shop town and cut wages.
Divide and conquer is the motto of the bosses.
But we have a better motto. It is together we win !
If sixty thousand union men and women of Seattle go out on a general strike
the bosses will cry for mercy. Capital is helpless without labor. The business
interests cannot afford a general strike. And we cannot afford to see our ship-
yard brothers beaten, because our turn would come next.
A million workers on the Pacific Coast are ready to fall in line behind Seattle.
We will show them a magnificent example of solidarity.
All together in the general strike.
Together we win ! By solidarity.
Leaflet from " International Workers' Defense League ", Seattle, Wash.
soldiers and sailors !
You Workers who were loyal to the Nation and were selected as physically
fit to wear the Uniform, Will You Be As Loyal To Yourselves and to the other
Workers when you come back into the ranks of Labor and don the overalls?
Will you who' offered your bodies and your live^ to put down Political Autoc-
racy inEurope, line up with the Workers to put down Industrial Autocracy in
America? Will you who were called from the ranks of the workers for a time
to make the World safe for Democracy come back into the ranks of Labor and
help make the United States safe for Tom Mooney and Billings and safe for
all who work in the interest of the toiling masses.
Political Democracy is an empty dream unless we have economic security.
The Courts have failed to give Justice to Our fighters in the Industrial con-
flict. You who have been or are now Soldiers and Sailors, will you be with us
when you become Workers again?
It took solidarity of the Nations to win the European War, it will take Soli-
darity of the Workers to win our Economic Freedom.
85723—19 68
1074 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGA^TDA.
When we use our economic strength and go out on strike to secure Justice for
our Champions or conditions for ourselves don't take a job until we all go back
together. Line Up With Us For Industrial Democracy The One Thing Neces-
sary To Make The World Safe For The Workers,
A Challenge to the Intelligence of the WoEKEais
has been expressed by the industrial barons of America in the incarceration
of the workers in the jails, because they have stood up for the interests of the
working class. What do you intend to do about it? Other countries have re-
leased their political prisoners.
" Germany has declared amnesty for all her political prisoners and Liebknecht
is free; Austria has done the same for her political prisoners and Adler is no
longer in jail. Bulgaria has declared political amnesty, and the man who was
given life imprisonment for anti war work Is now the head of the government.
Will you see that this, is done here?
This country more than any other has boasted of making the world safe for
democracy and men and women are languishing in jail for no other reason than
expressing their opinions and refusing submission.
Remember that the resentment to the yoke is the intelligent expression of
thinking people. Are you going to stifle this expression of intelligence by being
dumb and inactive, or will you work for your class?
" We demand that each soldier and sailor discharged from the service of the
Nation for which they offered their lives be given at least $300 to rehabilitate
themselves and that all incomes of $5000 and over from whatever source de-
rived, be taxed to reimburse the Government
International Woekbes' Defense League
P. 0. Box 86, Seattle, Wash.
BXTBACT FKOM LEAFLET HEADED " StEIKEKS " (SEATTLE, WASH., 1/20/19).
You have built the ships for your boss. Why not build them for yourselves?
Why not own and control, thru your unions. Your jobs and Your shipyards?
Why not dictate .yourselves the number of hours you should work, the condi-
tions under which you ■\vork, the pay you should receive for your labor?
The wdrkers of Russia did it. AVhy not you? They refused to be starved
by the capitalist class and when the capitalists refused to meet their condi-
tions they took over themselves the industries and operated and managed them
in the interest not of the parasitical capitalists but of the workers.
You are the majority and the class conscious workers of America are with
you. It is up to you.
The world for the ^^■o^kers !
Young Men
are you going to refuse to register for military service In a foreign country
while the rich men who have brought on this war stay at home and get richer
by gambling in food stuffs?
AVe would rather die, or be Imprisoned, for the sake of justice, than kill our
fellow men in this unjust war.
(Signed) Young Men's Anti-Militabist Leagui.
EXTEACT FEOM LEAFLET HeADED " MEN OF THE AeMY FaEBWELL ! "
You were put in the army, it has been stated, to fight for " democracy and
freedom." Don't you think it is time for you to realize the fact that you are
not free and that it is up to you to line up with your class and help it to fight
and win industrial freedom right here in the United States?
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 1075
Extract from Leafi,et " American Workers."
If you workers do not want this, you must begin right now to organize for a
general strike to tie up all industry. Then, if the capitalists persist, if they
still refuse to listen to the voice of reason and will not permit the peaceful
process of reorganization of industry upon the basis of common ownership and
administration, use the clenched fist of Labor to strike them down. Truly Marx
was right when he said, " Capitalism came into the world covered with blood
and dirt and so will it go out."
Workingmeh and workingwomen, organize — organize so as to have the
power to stop capitalists reaction. Organize for the Social Revolution ! ! Down
with Capitalism — long live the Industrial Commonwealth ! ! !
No Conscription !
Conscription h;is now become a fact in this country. It took England fully
18 months after she engaged in the wnr to impose compulsory military service
on her people. It was left for " free " America to pass a conscription bill six
weeks iifter she declared war against Germany.
What becomes of the ijatriotic boast of America to ha\e entered the Euro-
pean war in behalf of the principle of democracy? But that is not all. Every
country in Europe has recognized the right of conscientious objectors — of men
who refuse to engage in war on the ground that they are opposed to taking life.
Yet this democratic country makes no such provision for those who will not
commit murder at the behest of the war profiteers. Thus the " land of the free
and the home of the brave " is ready to coerce free men into the military yoke.
Xo one to whom the fundamental principle of liberty and justice is more than
an idle phrase, can help realize that the patriotic clap-trap now shouted by press,
pulpit and the authorities, betrays a desperate effort of the ruling class in this
country to throw sand in the eyes of the masses and to blind them to the real
issue confronting them. That issue Is the Prussianizing of America so as to
destroy whatever few liberties the people have achieved through an incessant
struggle of many years.
Already all labor protective laws have been abrogated, which means thai
while husbands, fathers and sons are butchered on the battlefield, the women
and children will be exploited in our industrial bastiles to the heat's content
of the American patriots for gain and power.
Freedom of speech, of press and assembly is about to be thrown upon the
dunghead of political guarantees. But crime of all crimes, the flower of the
country is to be forced into murder whether or not they believe in war or in
the efficacy of savhig democracy in Europe by the destruction of democracy at
home.
Liberty of conscious is the most fundamental of all human rights, the pivot
of al Iprogress. No man may be deprived of it \\'ithout losing every vestige of
freedom of thought and action. In these days when every principles and con-
ception of democracy and individual liberty is being cast overboard under the .
Iirotest of democratizing Germany, it behooves every liberty-loving man and
woman to insist on his or her right of individual choice in the ordering of his
life and actions.
We oppose conscription because we are internationalists, anti-militarists, and
opposed to all wars waged by capitalistic governments.
We will fight for what we choose to fight for ; we will never fight simply
because we are ordered to fight.
We believe that the militarization of America is an evil that far outweighs,
in its anti-social and anti-lebertarlan effects, any good that may come from
America's participation in the war.
We will resist conscription by every means in our power, and we will sustain'
those who, for similar reasons, refuse to be conscripted.
Don't register. Organize meetings. Resist conscription.
We consider this campaign of the utmost importance at the present time.
Amid hateful, cowardly silence, a powerful voice and an all-embracing love are-
necessary to make the living dead shiver.
The Workers.
Portland, Me., May 1917.
1076 BOLaHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
Feb. 3, 1919
The following is a copy of an Anarchistic poster which recently
appeared simultaneously all over New England :
Go-Heau :
The senil fossils ruling the United States see red !
Smelling their destruction, they have decided to check the storm hy passing
the Deportation law affecting all foreign radicals.
We, the American Anarchists, do not protest, for it is futile to waste any
energy on feeble mided creatures led by His Majesty Phonograph Wilson.
Do not think that only foreigners are anarchists, we are a great number
right here at home.
Deportation will not stop the storm from reaching these shores. The storm
is within and very soon will leap and crash and annihilate you in blood and
fire.
You have shown no pity to us ! We will do likewise.
And deport us ! We ivill dynamite iiou !
Either deport us or free all !
The Amerkan A.nakchists.
ORGANIZING OUR PKOPAGANUA.
[The Industrial Union Bulletin, Seattle District (I. W. Wj November 29, 1918, issue.]
What methods can be used to reach an increasing mass of workers and to
teach them the meaning of the social revolution and how to bring it about.
As to what methods have been tried and proved a success we may say the
best has been the concentration of forces upon industry thru group and mass
movement.s. * * *
To arouse this fighting spirit against capitalism, to get workers to show by
their actions they understand that the " employing class and the working class
have nothing in common " is of the greatest importance in the class war. Group
and mass movements best do this. People in groups or masses feel more their
strength, are emboldened to think and act more boldly.
Mainly thru the fighting groups to develop mass movements to start with
localities und industries and to spread to the entire working class. * * *
The first thing is to secure recruits who will do the education and organiza-
tion work.
As a means to the end of reaching the great mass of workers we suggest
union schools to teach speakers, organizers and delegates. These can teach
the history of the labor movement and also how to properly transact the busi-
ness. * * *
Our propaganda needs to be organized to reach every job, every industrial
plant, every labor union, the socialists, whole cities and the rural districts.
* * * We should take the lead in all struggles of the workers * * *
pointing out to them the necessity of organizing themselves to take possession
of the land and machinery of production.
Fellow workers, unless the writer is very badly mistaken, (he believes from
observation of events, from what is passing thru the crowd) that big things
are just ahead. Don't you think it is time for all rebels to get Into line and
equip our propaganda and throw our enthusiasm and knowledge into the prob-
lem of educating and organizing the workers for victory?
*******
In a circular letter issued by Frederick A. Blossom, New York City, in which
he solicits subscriptitons to " The Labor Defender," an I. W. W. publication,
published by the New York Defense Committee of the I. W. W. (of which Louis
Ratnofsky is secretary), at #74 St Marks Place, New York, N. Y., he uses
the following language:
The " shock of peace " is coming. The end of the war will be the beginning
of a bitter industrial conflict. * * * The workers, more awake than here-
tofore to their rights and their power, will resist to the utmost.
The struggle will be fierce and far-reaching.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1077
EtORE, HUNGAKIAN DAILY, NEW YORK CiTY.
[Issue November 18, 1918.]
The latest events have brought to the working class the best opportunity to
take the direction of the fate of the world into its own hands. * * *
However, rule and power of systems and classes have never been ended with-
out fighting. * * *
In middle and Eastern Europe thrones are collapsing, countries fall apart,
new formations and groups are brought forth, the revolutionary flag is waving
from industrial headquarters of socialist Republics, peoples and countries come
into the stream of a healthy, inspiring socialism, world-events occur every min-
ute, but the working masses of the A. F. of L. and all those who, with one strong
strike of the arm, could sweep away these corrupt and old-fashioned organiza-
tions of America, stand where they were standing before the war, still bowing
down before hired agents (of capitalism) like meek scabs.
In Europe fights and revolutions go on. workers are liberated and new sys-
tems are instituted : in America the working class, with Gompers and his
henchmen at its head, puts its hand upon the stomach and lays down to beg.
Are we really so far away from old Europe that these fattened lackeys and
servants of capitalism can even hold back the breeze of revolution. We cannot
believe it, as there are thousands of workers moving already and they will start
a stronger movement as soon as larger masses can be convinced that there can
be no peace between capital and labor, only tightrng, until labor will win, like
in the greater parts of Europe.
Comrade Beiill and Pengaska '' '' * pointed out to the necessity of the
revolutionary endeavors without compromise. '
Comrade Becker spoke about the nearness of the revolution, what forces to
be implied and sacrificing work. — They all agreed that the time of action has
arrived, that we are on the threshold of the creation of a socialist society.
The struggle between the capitalist system and the liberation of the workers
is started, we stand before terrible battles, but we must not stop in the fight
until all over the world industrial freedom, the freedom of the working class
is established, which is not only a liberty satisfied through words, but it is the
real liberty of all humanity.
[Elore, Hungarian Dally, New York City, issue Nov. 11, 1918 — National Edition.]
In the midst of Europe, in the very heart of the blood soaked old world, new
lifegiving, magnificent fires are aflame and their glowing light sheds a new,
red dawn upon the horizon of the desolate dark countries.
The revolution of peace reached the very spot which was the nest of the war.
The revolution of peace murmurs upon the soil of Kiel, Hamburg, Berlin,
Schleswig-Holstein and upon the shores of tlie Baltic Sea, and the German
workers, sailors and soldiers will take care that this revolution realizes with
the liberation of the German workers peace also. The earthquake beats al-
ready the waves of the sea which will call to action the groping millitms of
the workers everywhere where the double-minded autocrats hiding behind fake
democracy are still ruling and want to keep their rule longer.
Peace ! Mighty interests, gigantic powers, economies and influences are
frightened by this short word. Revolutionary peace ! Uixni these words
turn with a raging growl the classes anxious for their power and in despair
of their very existence. Because for those who wish to extinguish the ghost
hunting, flaring flame of the red torchlight by cutting olT the umscuUir arm
holding the torch, peace is not yet timely, they do not wish peace yet.
There will be peace, revolution irill establish it.
THE REQUEST OF AN INTEKKEU HUKGARIA.N.
The following letter arrived from Fort Oglethorpe, Ga., to the- Editor of the
Elore :
"Arriving here from Hot Springs, I inform you that there are several Hun-
garians here, among whom there are many of our comrades. These were
greatly pleased when I handed them the paper, which we read now in com-
mon, and we thank you .jointly for the same."
Typical reader ?
1078 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Leading the Parade.
Worker's Councils, composed of Socialists, trade unionists siud industrial
unionists have been formed in Butte, Dulutli and many other cities. A Sol-
diers' and Workers' Council has been organized by the Metal Trades Section of
Seattle unionists. Socialist Party locals are voicing their support of tlie Rus-
sian Socialist Soviet Republic by speech and pamphlet. Overflow meetings
are being held in all large cities at which demands are made for anmesty for
all political prisoners and for withdrawal of troops from Russia.
The Ohio Socialist, Official Organ of the Socialist parties of Ohio. Kentuclcy,
Virginia, W. Virginia and New Mexlvo. Cleveland, Ohio, January 2n, 1019^
page 3, col. 1.
Tlie fo]lo\ving i;^ a translation of a Hungarian Socialist circular
recently di.'^tributecl in the United States :
Proclamation.
To the Ainerwan-Hnngariaii workmen:
At the cimax of civilization humanity has been covered with blood-shed
through the 44 years war. It seemed a.s If everything would go to pieces that
humanity has built up by hard labor. It seemed that the cannon-roars was
the mortal music of humanity. In despair we ask whether this is a reality or
is it only a feverish dream? Will labor ever be cursed to shed either its
sweat or blood for the overlords? Was the internationalism of labor only a
dream? Now after many years of pain and suffarlng behold the oppressed rise,
one after the other to break the chains and to take t;he world into their posses-
sion. The Internationalism of labor has' come back to life with renewed force.
The proletariat arose to open the way for the new civilization. What was only
a desire yesterday becomes a fact today. From the ocean of blood victoriously
arises the red flag of .socialism. The laboring class has started to fulfill its
historic mission.
SOCIALISM vs. CAPITALISM.
The history of mankind represents an unbroken chain of class-war. The
patricians and ploretars of Rome, the aristocrats and serfs of feudal times,
its guildmasters and apprentices, the capitall.st and the wage-slaves of our
own times in one word the great classes of oppressors and the oppressed have
always, sometimes openly, and sometimes under cover stood as foes against
each other. The class which was the owner of the tools necessary for the
production of conmiodities was ever the lord and exploitei- of the producers
of commodities. The battle of the exploited was hopeless until they recog-
nized the fact that the seizure of the means of production and making them
common property will put an end to the division into classes to the battle
among the classes; as long as they didn't recognize the fact that they could
expect the accomplishment of the work of their liberation only from their own
selves. This realization called the socialist movement Into life which is the
grandest revolutionary movement of all times.
The socialist aim is very simple as a matter of fact. Even capitalist society
recognized the principal that every man Is entitled to political right. This
principal Is complemented by the socallst movement to the effect that the
laborers are entitled to the rights of industry. Just as it is proper that the
Government of a people should be a government for the people and by the
people so it is proper that the government of shops, factories and mines should
be for the laborers and by the laborers. Still more simply ; the socialist
movement has for its aim to make workmen free on the scene of its labor ; that
the laborer should freely use the tools of his labor and enjoy its full fruit.
The capitalist class are afraid of the realization of these alms. As long as
the capitalist owns the tools of production he may live In luxury without work-
ing and rule without strength. Socialism abolishes these privileges of the
capitalists deprives them of their usurped power and stolen fortunes. The
capitalists have therefore good cause to tremble before socialism. On the other
hand workmen have reason to fight for socialism. And the Inexorable laws of
social development will yet force capitalism to dig its own grave.
The capitalists regardlessly exploit the workmen to sell the produced com-
modities as merchandise. They look for markets for their merchandise. They
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1079
compete with each other for those markets and in the end they start wars.
The sufferings caused by the war incite the flame of class struggle with in-
creased force and while on one liand capitalistic production becomes ineffective
on the other hand the laboring class rises to become the maker of its own
future.
Thus it is not an accident that while owing to the development of production
in all other countries the material conditions of socialism were present in a
more ample degree, still the people of the most backward the most undeveloped
country, Russia, the most horribly yoked, the most terribly tortured Russian
people were the 1st to carry the flag of socialism to victory.
SOCIALISTIC SYSTEM IN RUSSIA.
The fall of Czarism is historic past by this time. For a moment it seemed
as if after the fall of Ozarlsm in Russia, Capitalistic development, and thereby a
more modern more pleasing or just as merciless period of class regime and
exploitation had begun. But socialistic agitation in Russia was not sterile.
Socialistic agitation succeeded in making the millions of Russian laborers and
peasants understand that if they had the strength of abolishing one form of
class rule they have the strength to abolish all forms of class rule, for all
times as well. Today Russia is the model of the purest and most perfect
Democracy. In Russia Government reposes fully in the hands of the workers
and is controlled by them. The government is one of the industries of the labor-
ing classes In one word a government of production. It is the purpose of that
government that by aid of human experiences and acquisitions labor should
not be the purpose but should become the means of the well being of the people
and the promoter of its peace.
THE EFFECT OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION IN EUROPE.
The efCect of this grand revolutionary occurence extended all over Europe.
The revolutionary proletariat derived new strength and confidence from the
rising of the Russian working people. And while in Russia the revolution has
not even finished its great work as yet the peoples of Austria, Germany and
Hungary have already risen, demolished the political institutions of capitalism
and it is only a question of time and of very short time at that that they will
overthrow capitalism itself. And not only in those countries but all over
Europe the fire of revolution bursts into flame. Of revolution which don't put
new masters, new e::5ploiters into the place of old ones but make people free.
COUNTEE REVOLUTION.
The Capitalists of the world dont look inactively upon these powerful efforts
of the working class. The counter revolution is already on its way. The ban-
ished exploiters are soliciting an alliance with the exploiters that are still
unbanished so that they may reacquire their mastery.
The capitalists of the world are preparing for one other combat against the
socialists of the world.
Will the counter revolution be able to get the upper hand? Will it be pos-
sible to fetter the hands of those with chains of wage-slavery who have once
shed them? Will it be possible to keep them on the arms of those who are
preparing to shed them^ — This question will decide the fate of humanity on
earth.
OUR TASKS.
We cant look at this titanic struggle inactively. We must render aid to our
fighting brethren. Aid against their being attacked in the back and above all, that
we secure their liberation, their freedom, by gaining our own liberation, our
own freedom by struggle, — this is a task from which only such a workman
may shrink in whom long servitude has killed the man. Hungarian Workmen
of America! Understand that for the accomplishment of this great task you
must unite and work in unity ! Understand it that you stand before a revolu-
tionary task the fulfillment of which you can by no means avoid ! Dont be
tjarcjy ! From, the Council of Workmen in every place and on with the work
which on the ruins of the Empire will build the realm of freedom.
With revolutionary greeting,
The Council or N. Y. Workmen.
1080 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
PURPOSE OF THE COUNCIL OF WOBKMEN.
Society is constituted of two classes in every country of industrial develop-
ment. One is the class of the laborers of the exploited — the worliing class, — the
other is the class of those who make them work — of the exploiters — the capi-
talistic class.
These two classes cannot have interests in common. While the capitalists
who are not doing any useful work live in splendor, workmen in general live
in the most abject misery.
The capitalistic class may do with the workmen as they please because the
capitalists own the land and the means necessary for production. In conse-
quence of which it is within their power to deny the workmen the opportunity
to work at any time or to make them work under such conditions as will deprive
them of the fruits of their labor.
While such conditions exist in economic life, while one may decide the lot
of hundreds of thousands so long " Democracy," " Equality," and " Liberty "
are empty notions.
The productive system of capitalism will collapse for the reason of the con-
tradictions contained in itself. For that time the working class must arm
itself with knowledge and organization so that it may fill its historic vocation:
That is to take into its own possession the soil and the means of production
to use them for the benefit of the commonwealth and thus to lay the foundation
of such a society where not even a possibility exists for exploitation, and whose
members are truly equal, truly free because they receive the full fruit of their
labor and thus are economically independent.
The purpose of the council of workmen is to awake the consciousness of this
vocation of the workmen and to make them fulfill same by aid of all the means
at the disposal of the working class.
Zajmy Lidu, Chicago, III. (Reported Dec. 16, 1918.)
In issue of December 10, p. 2, c. 3, 4, and 5, the postmaster at Chicago, Illinois,
calls attention to the fact that no translation has been filed for an article
under heading :
" THE GIANT IS GETTING UP THE SPIRITS ARE TREMBLING."
[Translation] *
That the capitalistic newspapers, representing the interests of their lords
and using every wicked means to rob the workingman, is weU known a long
time to labor. That many times they have attempted by trickery to incline the
workingmen as their friends, is a general truth. That they even have the
courage to act as judges of their own crimes by which they wish to punish
their own victims, is not as frequent an occurrence as occurred in the past
However, sensational cases occur in which the workingman is punished for the
crime of the capitalist, the capitalist escaping unpunished. Within the imme-
diate past the actions of the capitalists have been so bold as to cause the luke-
warm workingman to think. This is attributable to demagogical articles in
the capitalistic newspapers. They aroused the solidarity among the organized
workingmen and thus aroused a powerful strength which is in the hands of
organized labor. The workingman, as an individual realizes he is helpless in
the organized labor movement; and, therefore, must unite with other work-
ingmen into a solid front in order to control general conditions and the work-
ingmen, as a whole, would not permit anything to block their aims in the
economical and political field.
This is well known to the hired newspaper coolies and are using all of their
energy to grasp the last straw to hold themselves above the water, to deceive
the working men and to guide and keep them in the old capitalists' channel.
They have many reasons to fear. For that reason the demagogical " friendship
to the workingmen " is hiding its fear, but so very awkwardly that every one
at sight notices it. At the head of all stands the Chicago American, whose
whole structure is filled with fear until it plans, begs and makes threats in
the same breath. . ^.
The whole matter relates to Tom Mooney, who was to hang according to me
holy desire of the capitalists, but whose sentence was commuted to an imprison-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1081
ment for life. And because everything does not move along the desires of
the capitalists, great fear is the result.
Workingmen, " diligent and patient," American workingmen of the American
Federation of Labor, who up to the present time kissed the hand that dealt
the strokes, have become rebellious — no one believed their changed attitude a
possibility. The case of Mooney caused it all, and for that reason the capital-
ists are gnashing their teeth, because they could not send him to the gallows
as easily as other workingmen were forced to die. The matter is becoming
more serious for the capitalists day by day. A few years ago even a cock
would not crow over them, but to-day the rebellious atmosphere and courage of
the workingmen has reached the degree that even force can not cope with them.
Other means must be devised in order to deceive them.
* f ^ --i * w *
The capitalists are trembling, for the workingmen, today, after viewing the
situation economically and politically, are crying: "You capitalists may go to
the devil. Today we want to be masters."
In order to check this advance, the prostitutes are using every subterfuge by
means of capitalistic newspapers to divide the workingmen. They lie on every
side. Lie was never paid as dearly as now ! Today lies are forced into the
workingmen from every side.
But it is too late. Like a crystal spring it cannot even be' stopped though it
may become polluted, it will come to the top clear and with such force that it will
crush those who have attempted to stop it. It is still possible for the capitalists
to succeed in checking a concerted action on the part of the workingmen by
giving Mooney his liberty. But Mooney's life is now subordinated. Now, the
question is. what Mooney represents, the aims of the workingmen struggle be-
tween the classes, liberation of the workingman, for whom Mooney was to die
V. disgraceful death. The ravages of the capitalistic and mendacious coolies
cannot stoj) the stream which is moving like an o\*erflowed river.
Speavedlnost, Chicago. Ii.t,. (Daily publication).
THE SOCIALISTS ARE OPENLY IN ACCORD WITH THE BOLSHEVIKS.
[November 18, p. 8, c. 1, 2 and 3, extract translation under headline.]
The following resolutions were adopted :
1. Extending a brotherly hand to the revolutionary workingman's classes in
Europe ; we endorse the efforts our comrfides under the leadership of Karl
Liebknecht and of our comrades in Finland, Austria, Bulgaria, Serbia, Hol-
land and other nations to create a government according to the Russian form.
2. We demand that our government immediately recognize the Bussian Social-
istic republic of the Soviets.
3. That Wilson's administration may clear itself of the charges of hypocrisy
and serious propaganda for the reconstruction of Russia by a mere publication
of the remaining documents forwarded to the state department, along with the
detrimental " Sisson's documents."
4. A demand to immediately return the American army from Europe except-
ing a sufficient number for necessary purposes.
5. We protest against the threatening punij^hment of Tom Mooney as a " just
murder based upon perjured testimony."
6. The effect to place the burden of war as a duty upon the American people
should be considered as a plan of American plutocracy to saddle the American
masses into an uneven financial program of imperialism.
7. We condemn the official and unofficial campaign of terror against the re-
striction of the expression of public opinion.
8. We demand that all political persecutions be ended immediately and all
court decisions against our leaders of the working class who were forced to-
face a trial and imprisoned under the pretense of a necessity of war.
9. We desire that the American Socialistic party be given a representation a!
the international peace table and a motion is made that the international social-
istic and workingmen's congress be held simultaneously and at the same place
as the peace conference.
10. A request is made that socialists In American express their sympathy for
their comrades in Europe.
1082 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
[November 23, p. 5, c. 1.]
Spravedlnost Is aclvertisiiiR a pamphlet for sale, under the following title-
•" Message to the American Workingman, price 5 cents, mall 7 cents."
Comrade Krai has written an immortal pamphlet on the " Message to the
American Workingman." Today everyone sees the power in the hands of the
workingman, if they will only take control of the government into their hands,
as was (lone by the workingmen in Russia. And if they will take into consider-
ation that a laboring man has more advantages in America to educate himself,
it is easily understood what power has the workingman, and that it is only
necessary to convince him of his power, strength and necessity.
The pamphlet of comrade Krai solves all of the above facts, and may be pur-
■chased in our book store.
The following is a translation of a Spanish- Anarchistic Bolshevik
pamphlet recently distributed in the United States :
To THE WOKKEBS " THE BOSSY OkDEB AND PEACE "
The present moments are of great importance for the workers of the World,
especially for thosfe who do not agree with the present system of things, that
is, the system of so much per cent of debits and credits.
After four long years of war, of a war without precedents, where the bellg-
erants have abused their subjects, doing the most barbarous things, demanding
in a thousand ways the sacrifice of their blood and of their money, abolishing
all sentiment and love towards its fellow beings, miscarrying the object of
Humanity, placing men face to face like wild animals of different families
fighting with the only object of destroying themselves and they do it just to
obey the representatives of the Bossy Government and of its ally (Newspa-
pers), telling them about their country, the national honor, the flag and about
all other objects they employ to cover all of their legal crimes.
Notice, workers, men of sentimentality, and see if you can find a flag that
has enough cloth to cover the flesh of those who have been left naked in its
name.
At last, we will have peace, a peace made by the Governments which is
tyranny for today, cruelty for tomorrow, supposing that the winners (if there
ever was anyone conquered) will continue and try to maintain their institutions
with all their tyrannies and social unequality, and hoping for another oppor-
tunity to take their flock to another meat market.
Fortunately, the German, Russian and other workers have given the call to
the world ; they have given an example proving their Incomformity with all that
is " Higher up " rebelling against their Governments, who, after exploiting
them without pity, had turned them into flesh cutting machines, placing them
in front of their brothers from other peoples and continents, always slaves to
defend interests that do not belong to them on the contrary belonging to their
own oppressors.
The Workers must be prepared. We were not prepared to stop this War,
but we will be prepared to defend the Revolution that is calling at our doors,
*nd if we are not strong enough to defend it, we will not be instruments of
war against those people who have already started the fight. Do not forget
that the emancipation of the disheired Is not from a determined point, but from
Humanity, and there cannot be happiness while in another part of the World
there are slaves.
Capitalism, with its servants, the Governments, and all those who live from
the work of others will attempt to fight all those things that will come from
those they have tricked so that they can prevent the call to Rebellion. We all
agree on this not having as an obstacle the part of the planet in which Destiny
had them born.
It will be expected that all Governments not directly affected by the Revolu-
tion, will start a campaign against it wherever it may start. For its destruc-
tion they will employ all their energies, money and violence and especially
their so much talked about " Restoration of Order ". Remember producers
that the order they will start to establish is the unconditional obedience to the
written law, to private property, and to all religions, and to all that which is
obstacle to the big conceptions that we have of disappearing forever the ex-
ploitation of men for man. They are trying to sustain with the points of their
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 1083
bayonets (not with reasons because they have none) all that which for us is
a. recollection of privations and gives us the unhappiness of living.
When they came to us calling us to help restore order In a place where the
Red Flag is \\-aving, that flag which is the sign of those who have been robbed
of their right to live, we will answer that all men of studies got to the capi-
talists and pi-iests of all kinds, that we have had enough of their infamies. If
we give our services to this call, which will come, it would be the most absolute
denial to Human liberation.
It is not a question of hatred towards men that makes us speak in this lan-
guage. We know that they can not act in any other way, because even if they
try to conceal their real purpose in their manifestations, we could see that they
were trying to make us fight each other against those things for which we had
been looking tor and had found. Because we know that there will be no recon-
ciliation possible until- such time as a change of system is made, which will
abolish completely all privileges of a determined class over another.
The Social Revolution is in progress. It is not a war that leaves still more
barbarous atrocities, because it did not defend the principles of justice. In
war there is nothing but blind obedience towards the strongest or the most
cunning through their so-much-talked about pretex of national love.
The revolution is something live a depurative applied to the human organism
to purify it from all those bonds. They supposed they had converted us into
Barbarians to sustain a War like the one we have just seen, which is a blasfemy
against civilization and progress well understood.
When we address this to the workers, we don't do it with the view that they
are the only ones who have a right to be freed. For us, this right belongs to
everyone who feels he is a slave, but who produces everything and posse&'ses
nothing, and who are the immediate victims of the present system, which we
want to destroy and for which you will be called to defend as far as possible.
Nature created us all the same, without classifying us into different classes
and for this reason we all have the legitimate right to live this life like labor-
ing brothers of the same family going to a promising future. He who opposes
this end will get something not very sweet, because he is a defender of that
which is old, and of death, well, we will give him death, but we will follow our
course we are the defenders of life.
Let us suppose there were some who divided society into classes, we will be
the Workers, the leaders, in destroying It, and in making humanity only one
family of producers free from all governments.
To win this end, everything is in our will. We will make a heroic effort and
we will say to the Lazy " If you want to eat, work."
The same way the popular Napoleon said that to win the war he needed three
things which were. Money, money and money we will say in order that we can
free ourselves from the system which is responsible for all human misery, we,
too, need three things, that is Dignity, Solidity and Fraternity.
By the group. —
(Without name.)
The following is a translation of a circular in the Eussian language
recently distributed in the United States by the Bolsheviki element :
" Comrades ! Workingmen !"
Rise, awake and reconsider. You are crushed everywhere and torn to the
utmost for the most stupid bagetelle and why? Because you are defenceless.
Comrades ! Workingmen !
Do you know that here exists a union of Russian workingmen and also a
soviet of workers' deputies who offer their services to you free of charge, as
all advice and counsel in all directions you may receive such in the Soviet's
business meetings, which takes place once a week every Thursday.
Comrades !
You all come. Do not feel backward. Should you have any complaints you
may record them every evening in the complaint book, which may be found' on
the premises, and all these cmplalnts will be inspected at the business meetings,
where the quickest and most resolute measures for assistance will be taken.
Do not Forget Comrades
" The Soviet of Workers' Deputies."
1084 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The following is a translation of a Eussian pamphlet recently
circulated in the United States by anarchistic groups :
" Fbee Fedekation of Fbee Communes — Everyone According to His Ability
AND TO Everyone According to His Wants."
The fundamental principles of all the social activities and evils are tor in-
stance, wars, pauperism, (division of society into the rich and poor), disposition
and prostitution, etc. There are two fundamentals upon which the present day
society is resting. These fundamentals are; ctecutire and administrative
government (i. e. the right to one class of people to rule by force, another cla.si
of people), and the right of property by )iiean^ of production.
The government, in whatever form it may be ; absolute monarchy or par-
liamentary republic, as per example in France, inevitably leads to an oiien or
hidden imperialism (the administration of a few individuals, or oligarchy-
administration of a group of people or a party ) , the destruction of a free initia-
tive of the masses ; the setting up of bureaucracy, which eludes from all the
possibility of a nation wide control, intolerance to all the different kinds of
autonomy, political, cultural and national ; and what is most important, due to
an impossibility of understanding by the Centrum (government) of all the in-
terests of all the various districts, to an inevitable clash between the latter witli
the former.
A large, militaristic, politically centralized government, although a republic,
can become and necessarily does become (due to the present day politics) an
aggrandizing government, for to this point, it (the government) is inevitably
brought by the capitalistic competitor and militaristic jealousy.
The governmental form of organization inevitably leads to a manifestation of
imperialism (the endeavor to take up a large and influential position) and
Imperialism leads to corruption — to a moral decay of the voters and the repre-
sentatives and to a state of demagogy of the last mentioned ones.
The referendum and the initiative become only palliatives, i. e. means tor a
temporary softening of the existing laws.
The removal of all these negative sides of the government can be done only
by removing the government itself.
The government will be substituted by federalism, i. e. a free union of free
units.
We are endeavoring to change the old organization which from top to bottom
rests on force, to a new organization which will not have any other foundations
but a general interest of the people, no other principles but a free federation,
union of individuals, citizens, into communes (country and town communes),
these in turn will federate as districts, countries and national federations. A
number of these will form the old Russian Confederation, which will have to
become a part of the all-world confederation.
Under such an order of things, there will be no place for the bureaucracy, for
all the public institutions will be under the wide control of the society.
Such an organization will insure the possibility of a free action, to the more
progressive federations (unions) which will serve as an example to others for
their progressivity.
Such an organization will insure the fi'ee development of a nation, or a cul-
tural or territorial unit.
Such an organization will insure the annihilation of imperialism, or the
endeavor to govern other nations or people's, for then no capitalistic organiza-
tion can influence the Centrum government, without any control and there will
be no government which will comijel the people against their own will to take
up arms and go to war. •
And for this principle of government, we the Anarchists are fighting; ana
for an organization based upon the principle of a free union, we the Federalists
are striving.
Liberty without economic freedom — such liberties is slavery ; As long as
the right of property will exist — as long as the smarter members of society
will have a possibility to hold considerable wealth (including real property).
This order of things means that the greater part of society— the proletariat-
is compelled to sell their labor to the holder's of wealth and thereby, sUU
more increase such wealth and also the already existing and horrible pau-
perism—which destroys the present society. . ^^ ^ o«
It is true that the struggle between capital and labor and the farsignteaness
of the capitalists lead to a certain softening of contrasts in the way of the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1086
introduction of industrial laws, increases of wages, shortening of hours, etc.
But the fundamental contradictory conditions are not done away with, but
only more or less obliterated.
In (ii-iler to f;oi' oneself forever from the division between the rich and the
poor and forever to end the terrible spectre of pauperism, exploit and unem-
ployment. We have to annihilate the right of property — production — wealth.
Only then, when the society without exception will become the master of
all wealth, when everyone will take an active part in the production of all that
Is necessary for the existence of the present day society, then and only then,
the days of division between capital and labor will never come back.
A simple review of things will reveal to us, that there is a heavier over-
production (supply greater than demand), that there are many things pro-
duced that are of no usefulness, and of a detrimental to the people.
In the future society everyone will be able to choose his own profession,
according to his tastes and alsility, in the production of such articles of neces-
sity and pleasure, as the demand will be. These problems are very exhaustively
treated by P. A. Kropotkin's in his (Bread and Will) or The Winning of
Bread.
But, this is only one-half of the economic liberation. Also the old form of
compensation is exceedingly unjust. All those who will take part in the pro-
duction of things, will not have to figure out exactly how much everyone
should be compensated — all will be compensated alike.
How to compare tlie relationship of a civil engineer to that of an iron
worker.
The present system is greatly unjust in it's relationship to women, old men,
with people and the children. Are they to be blamed that by nature or cir-
cumstances, they became ill or feeble?
Upon this fact we have founded an equal right of all people, so that all
people may equally and according to their needs, benefit by the production of
the society, and also according to this motto :
"(Take) from everyone, according to his ability — and
"(Give) to everyone according to his needs."
COMMUNISM.
The realization of our ideal depends upon the understanding of Interests be-
tween laboring masses and upon the strength of their revolutionary initiative.
In order to defend our right, no matter whether we live under an imperi-
alistic system of government, or under a republic form of government, we have
to resort to force, terrorism, revolution, etc.
At the present time, the laboring people of Russia are In their own, but our
task is great, nevertheless, for we have to consider how to materialize our
Ideals.
We shall adopt force only when force will be adopted against us by the
capitalistic class.
At the present time, there are no material or other obstacles, except ignorance
and fear which could bar us from the materialization of our socialistic program.
Our task is to conquer this ignorance and fear, and ignorance and fear can be
conquered by a country-wide propaganda of our Ideas, even though in small
measures ; a general enlightenment about the relationship existing between
the laboring classes, the soldiers on the one hand, and the capital and land
owners on the other hand. Also by organizing all of the laboring mass.
In order that the powers of the organization might always be relied upon,
it must be non-partisan. This non-partisan organization will be the Universal
Confederation of Labor, which after Social Revolution will mechanically be-
come the all Russian Confederation.
The competency of this Universal Confederation of Labor and its component
parts (professional unions. Labor or Trade Unions, the soldiers, etc.) will
depend upon our endeavor and we shall be obfiged to enlarge or increase it
with all our power.
To them naturally pass the sovereignty — 1. e. they will not be governed or
ruled by anybody. They will have to become the organizers of their respec-
tive districts or regions. They will be obliged to take upon themselves, or
shoulder, the responsibility of all the control of public institutions, the ex-
propriation of capital, its exploitations — i. e. possession of wealth and its dis-
organization.
1086 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
And, thus organizing a Universal Confederation of Labor, we. the Syndical-
ists present our program.
We, the Revolutionists depend upon tlie realization of our idoal by the revo-
lutionary outbursts of all the laboring classes.
By the above we have also outlined our relationship to the workmen's and
Soldier's Councils and their relationship to other Revolutionary parties. We
endeavor to unite the workmen and Soldier's Council with real and non-
partisan representation of Labor.
We shall uphold and support all these various revolutionary manifestations
of Labor, which will lead to the complete destruction of all the existing poli-
tical and economic relations, and the realization of our .socialistic ideals.
Our relation to government and centralism, also concern our relation to the
Institutional Congress (Labor Congress). We are not in accord with any such
institution for it necessarily destroys all the revolutionary initiative of the
masses.
REVOLUTION.
The program of the Anarchistic Communists of uU the professional or trade
unions, of the Universal Confederation of Labor, of the Workmen's Council, and
Soldier's or Peasant's Council is to become a revolutionary element, the ele-
ment of initiative, such as was adopted by the French Universal Confedera-
tion of Labor, such as was adopted to bring about the eight hour working day,
the manifestation of the 1st of May, the Universal Strike, and an early Social
Revolution.
Long Live the Universal Confederation of Labor ! ! ! !
Long Live the Social Revolution ! ! ! !
The following is a list of Russian newspajjers :
1. " Golos Truzenika " (The Voice of the Laborer), pulilished by the (ieiieral
Executive Board of the I. W. W., at 1001 West itadiscm St., Chicago. 111.
2. " Rabochiy e Kiestyanin " (The A\'()rkman and Peasant), a weekly news-
paper, published by the Soviet of the Russian '\\'orkers Deputies, at 133 E.
15th St., New Y(irk. Editor, A. Brailovsky ; secretary, W. Konstautiudwich ;
business manager, S. A. YounshanofC. This is a paper teaching auarchial
theories and is largely supported by the Union of Russian Workers Anarchists
Communists.
3. " Novy Jlir ' (The New World), published by the Russian Socialist Pub-
lishing Society, 113 E. 10th St., New York. A. Stoklitsky, President; JI. Misllg,
treasurer; N. Hourwich, secretary. This paper is a bolshevik paper and sup-
ported by the Russian Socialists organizations.
4. " Russky Golos" (Russian Voice), a Russian daily newspaper, published
at 233 E. 6th St., New York, and is somewhat of a radical paper, of minor
importance.
5. " Narodnaya (iazeeta," a weekly Socialist paper and a recognized organ of
the Russian Social-Democrats and Social Revolutionists. It is published at 133
Second Ave., New Y'ork. This organ is suijported and maintained by the Men-
slieviki.
The following is a translation from the Industrialisti, an I. W. AV.
daily newspaper published in the Finnish language at 1001 West
Madison Avenue, Chicago, 111.; date of issue. December 30, 1918;
page 3, columns 1 and 2 :
The triumphal march of Bolshevism is paving the way in the larger in-
dustrial centers of the East. Particularly the liveliest harbor cities, such as
New Y'ork and Boston, the latter to which I shall devote this article, appear
to blaze the red trail, at any rate, in the revolutionary propaganda work.
Mighty are beginning to develop the mass meetings particularly among the Rus-
sians and Irishmen. There is no longer a single Sunday or Holiday that crowds
by the thousands do not rush vieing to hear and spread the seed of revolution.
On the 15th instant there was a big mass meeting by the Irishmen in wliich
there was as speaker one of the best known English speakers, .Tim Larkin.
The occasion turned out to be festive and spurtive with fire of revolution,
when this " fire-tongue " spoke with his thundering voice to a brimful audience
at the Grand Opera House. It appeared that the nationalists for once were
struck in the vein, since the great bourgeois newspapers could not refrain from
giving an account of Larkin's speech, by means of which the truth only spread
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 108T
broader. He did not fear to say America more than )ie did others. He con-
cluded his speech in the statement " tl'iat if the Irishmen wish to become free
from their enslaver, they can do it in only one way, by organizing together
with the international proletariat into the same battlefront. By organizing
economically."
He particularly emphasizi-'d his last sentence, in which he says, the only-
form of unionism is the Industrial Union.
In this there would be a little for our yellow brothers to learn, but they dO'
not stick their ears in such place where matters of this sort are discussed. It
seems as if those brothers not only shun the I. W. W. league, but that they
strive to tear themselves loose from even the radical political socialists.
Readers of the Industrialisti residing in Boston and vicinity take notice E
January 19th will turn out to be a gigantic propaganda occasion for the reason
that the local defense committee of the political prisoners has arranged a big
mass' meeting for that day in the Grand Opera House, at 724 Washington
Street. Speakers will be first-class, such as Scott Nearing, etc. — Therefore
come along by the crowds.
(Signed) J. B.
The following is a translation from the Russian newspaper Golos
Truzenika (the Voice of the Laborer), published by the General
Executive Board of the I. W. W., at 1001 West Madison Street, Chi-
cago, 111., under the caption of the "All-Colonial Congress," issued
January 26, 1919:
The second Russian AU-Oolonial Congress of the United States and Canada
protests in the most determined manner against the breaking in with weapons
of the allied armies into revolutionary Russia for the purpose of destroying
the revolutionary victories of the Russian people, which is terrible and hateful
to them ; \^-e ought and we will battle to the last drop of blood against all
enemies who strive to crush the treasure of the world, the great social revolu-
tion. We express hope that the American and north European proletariat will
all support us in it because a world revolution is not beyond the mountains and
also in that (in the world revolution) lays the triumph of the Russian revolution.
We protest against such unfounded attacks of nonresponsible leaders of the
working class and we say that this Congress is an anarchial bolshevik and we
hope that sooner or later all workingmen will realize what this gang of the
false leaders of the working class mean and they will try t(5 break away from
them and take in their power the management of the workers' affairs, because
the freedom of the workingmen is up to the workingmen, himself.
Delegate Kh.
A Felszabadulas, I. W. W. Weekly, Chicago.
[January 25, 1019, Page 2, col. 2. — Editorial.]
demockacy of laboe.
Internationalism knows only one kind of democracy : that is Industrial
Democracy.
Industrial Democi-acy was not fought out on the battlefields of Europe and
can only be established through the international organization of the workers,
of the world.
The war of the internationalists is the continuous class-struggle in the mines,
factories and smelters. Real democracy will come only when the arbitrary rule
of the capitalist, which is nourished by exploitation, economic robbery and new
wars, is stopped.
democracy of the wokkees.
To hell with that so-called democracy. — Forward with the class-struggle in
order that misery, crime, anguish, suffering and bloodshed be stopped. All and
everything that is in this world is the property of the employers. To hell with
that system which creates American Huns, industrial Kaisers, and humiliates
women and children.
1088 BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA.
[January 25, 1919, Page 3, Col. 4.]
THE DUTIES 01' THE WORKING CLASS.
[By Jack GaTeel, Translated by F. V,]
The war of the capitalists is concluded. The capitalist ambition is satisfied
with the enormous fortune the war has brought ; new markets which will facili-
tate further accumulation of wealth ; as to profits, more expansion of trade is in
view. The merciless fetters of the capitalists wait for new and foreign people
to tie them to the machines of profit. But whatever will happen In consequence
of the bloody and merciless war which now is in its last hour, the word revo-
lution sounds in our ear, shaking like thunder. * * *
It is a fact, that the war between the mone.v-magnates (Kings) is ended,
but class-struggle has only now started on its w&y. The red tei'ror of revolu-
tion breaks its way throughout the entire world and looks into the eyes of the
capitalist class with a grinning defiance. In Europe thrones are being crushed,
tumbling into the dust; they hold trials over czars; Emperors hurry (tlee)
away dragging their dirty hide (body) to some hiding place where they are
safe. The shameful flags of slavery are torn down and the flag of revdlution
which was hoisted in its place, wnves lively in the fresh air of love of mnnkind.
That was the first year in history of the world, when it was Interesting to
celebrate Christmas according to the doctrines of Christ. The capitalist doc-
trines are overthrown with an astounding rapidity all over Europe in order
to make place for the new doctrine : " peace on earth and good will towards
men." .Tust for that reason Christian capitalism, with a grimace of contempi,
draws its lips together, its heart filled with hatred against the Bolsheviki
because they announce that " there will be no peace and brotherhood on earth
as long as the army of the workers will be under the yoke of capitalism.
Workers of America, the world has changed ! The social system of a ram-
shackle State lies on its death-bed and the industrial democracy of a new
world knocking at our door. They await the birth of democracy and we can
not be quiet about the birth of our democi-acy. We must no longer be indifferent
towards the trend of events but, whether we want or not, we have to face
them under all circumstances. Every one will be forced to this by the industrial
and financial cri.sis in this country, too, within a very short time.
Capitalism is driven out of certain parts of Europe and looks in America
for a shelter.
While you American workers have shed youi' blood and sacrificed your lives
over there for freedom and democracy your brothers who remained here were
deprived of all that in the meanest manner. The yoke of slavery was wear-
ing harder upon the necks of those who remained at home, than at any other
time in history. The .ialls and prisons are filled with imtold numbers of your
fellow-AAorkers ; in these hell-holes they have to die a slow, merciless death and
the.v were put there by the judges and executioners appointed through you. The
workers of Russia, Finland, (ierniany, Sweden, Norway. Holland, Prance and
England are fighting now in their own countries for such democracy which will
be the democracy for all, men, women and children.
That is the kind of democracy for which you too have to fight against the
industrial kaisers of America ; that means nothing else than to enlighten your
fellow-workers in the factories, mines and shops, to organize them into trade
unions, so that the workers may dictate the conditions under which they are
willing to work and continue production. You must do that if you do not
want that the workers of the world point out towards you with their finger,
at the time when the crisis will set in and you, who have sacrificed your lives
for democracy, will have to stretch out your hand like a beggar for a miserable
"job."
The capitalists of this country hold their hands tightly around the neck or
their slaves to what they became entitled through the opportunities of the war
and they will not let loose until they are forced to. Every worker in this
country faces a dangerous situation ; those who fought for democracy are al-
ready looking for work in the factories all over the country. And then the
good news will come out that new labor-saving machines are employed every-
where.
These events will create the conditions of times when there is no sufficient
work, that is low wages, longer working hours, and in its footsteps follow the
result, as sickness, crime and prostitution ; then the most doubtful eye will see
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1089
already that they can not find here even a trace of that freedom for which they
went to Europe to fight. We only need to look into the capitalist press and we
can find that the returned soldiers who are looking for their old job do not
get it at all ; they also may find often that their job is held by women !
Workers of America! What do you think to do in this question? Do you
perhaps have confidence In the wisdom of your masters and their conscience,
that they will settle that question? Or will you perhaps curse the workers
who are in the same condition as you?
We tell you, every one of you: rally all branches behind one big organiza-
tion.
Why? Because the employer will not reduce your working hours in order
that everybody can get work and he will not give you higher wages because in
doing so he would act against his own interests. At present they have only
one "thing in their mind, that is how it could be possible to obtain a good,
profitable contract which they lost now through the conclusion of the war.
Realizing the fact that Europe will, for a long time, not be able to produce
more than is absolutely necessary and knowing that America would like to
place its goods at low prices in insolvent Europe, the first and main thing is
to obtain cheap labor (working power) in order to be able to ship cheap goods.
The patriotic tricks will start again to reduce the wages and increase the work-
ing hours.
Do not rely upon the industrial kaisers of America that they will settle your
question. You can not help the case either if you blame the bad labor condi-
tions upon the cursed immigrants. It would not help any if, out of mere selfish-
ness, you would care only for yourself. All these things do not change the facts
which are already upon the threshold. It would have no influence upon labor
scarcity, either. It would not alleviate misery either, because as long as there
will be thousands and thousands looking for work, the masters of industries
will take advantage of the situation and exploit the workers more and more
and the more there will be looking for work the more bitter will be the fate
the workers will have to face.
You have to create a connection with the unemployed and the unemployed
shall act with those who work who are employed. In such action only will
there be any power and that will be the only remedy. That is the way you
have to act ; the eyes of the world are directed at you ; because the capitalist
beasts are trying to entrench themselves already that the attacks of the workers
shall find them prepared. It depends upon you to keep up the traditons of this
country; proclaim yourselves the international working-class and enter the
fight for yourselves and for those, who are rotting In a hole (cell) of the jail
for fighting in the interest of your class ; who were thrown into prison by the
autocrats and imperialists of America. Your fight must go on for better con-
ditions and at the same time for their freedom ; because as long as you can not
free those men you will not be strong enough either to better your conditions
or the lot of your wives and your children.
You workers, who gave iip everything in this war shall have only that right
left, to go back to the servant's position in which the war has found you. Or
Is it your only duty to sacrifice your lives in the interest of the greedy, money-
hungry capitalistic class? * * *
The time of action is here. We have to show the working-class of Europe
that we are with them just as they are with us in our common struggles, be-
cause that struggle is that of the world's workers against the blood-thirsty
capitalist class.
In the publication Eabochily e Krestyanian (Workman and Peas-
ant) of January 11, 1919, published in New York City, the follow-
ing, here translated, appears on page 2 under the caption " From
report of the second All-Colonial Congress of the Eussian Work-
men's Colonies of the United States and Canada " :
Comrade Bianki, who represented at this Congress the Union of Russian
Workers and Anarchists stated " By request of the Union of Russian Workers
and Anarchists, I find it absolutely necessary to announce that we held our-
selves back from voting upon the question of organizing the Soviet Government
for the reason that we denounce any form of ruling or government."
Where Government begins, there ends revolution — and there where there is a
revolution, there is no place for any government. But finding that unquestion-
85T23— 19-
1090 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
ably the Bolshevikl being the greater revolutionary part of the Russian Social-
Democratic party, which follows the road towards a social revolution, we sup-
port them in their battle with a counter-revolution. The Bolshevilsi who
strive for communism find It unavoidable to wrest the government ruling and
we find it possible to reach a non-government communism only through a
social revolution.
Translation froji Guekea Di Classe. an Italian I. W. ^\'. Paper, Published
AT San Francisco, March, 1916.
FIRST OF MAY WOEKINGMEN : ALERT.
While in the old world the villanous war, the war of kings and of the. mili-
tary provldere, the war of the two strongest Imperialisms, the English and the
German, who are contending the step to better impose their brutal strength, the
war, that for two years is being presented to us as democratic war when
instead it is imperialistic ; of freedom, when it is suicide for whoever does
not bow its forehead in the presence of the majesty of the military regime :
According to all the sold and the renegades it is a war of civilization (as
though there could be a "civil war") when it is not, as always, the exaltation
of barbarism, of plunder, of brigantage, of the assassin, while in the old world
I say, the war is sowing ruin, desolation, mourning, misery and death' in fright-
ful numbers ; and while here in the new world the imperialism is getting
gigantic (giving the lie to the lying phrases that the European war will be the
last war because it will kill militarism) and under the usual lying cloak of
honor, of the national defence attempting to walk on the same road as that
of Europe, we have yet the courage, oh ! workingmen, to call you on this
May 1st of death ; to life.
Workingmen : Alert !
This is our cry of revolutionists, of combatants, alert, we cry it strongly
today before we are stopped ; rifle in hand, to be able to cry later — alert oh !
proletariat.
On this first of May sacred to human hopes, of all the overtired human
beings, we would want that whoever is weighed under the yoke of the tripel
slavery, economical, political and religious, to follow with action our desperate
cry.
We would want that the proletariat, our brothers, to awake from the
lethargy in which they live, to despoil themselves of their prejudices of which
they are Imbutted and run to us regenerated with the saintly intention to fight
at our side the most hardest battles for liberty and justice.
Would want that this May 1st would be red as it was dreamed by the first
internationalists, would want to be able to adopt the sword instead of the
pen, would want to have arrived on this day to be able to avenge with our
blood all our martyrs, those who before us were victims of the infamous actual
regime.
We would want, oh proletariats to be able to raise the red flag on all the
bourgeois ramports and be able to say, at completed fact, " the revolution
that was has transformed the world."
Workingmen, Alert ; because all this Is not yet but a rea,lizable dream but
the day that: "Other druse and humble coherts, ready for battle, will come
from the furrows and from the hovels to justice make."
Come then, nn this day of Jlay let it awaken in us the sleeping energies, let it
renew the most generous enthusiasm. Nothing is dead of that that was and
it is for us our patrimonial ideal.
All Is alive around us. Not before, not now, that the workingmen are killing
for a cause not theirs, not after, when the interests of *he bourgeois in struggle
will force the false peace that will generate more hate, other wars; nothing
for us is, or will be dead.
We will yet be the slaves, the derised, the exhausted. The cross and the
sword, increased in strength and audacity, will strike on us to impose as yes-
terday, as today all sorts of infamy. Know how to gather the challance, oh
proletariat.
Never better moment was there for us to prepare us for our war " war of
classes ' to overthrow that is, thrones and altars. Let then begin our prepara-
tions in the dally struggles against the common enemy.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1091
To learn how to hate, hate, always. Hate " God " In whose name our blood
is drained, hate the priest, the ;;nnwing cancer of humanity, hate the " State "
as the first great thief amongst thieves, hate the capitalism that is the father
of the State. Hate, hate always — Hate for the enemy of our cause, the bourgeois
.Tournalist, the disguised democrat. Hate for the politician who sells himself
to the first offered — hate for all our false friends.
In the hate of all the opponents of our cause which is of lilierty, of Justice, of
love and common brotherhood, is found on this first of Ma.\- of death, the
strength to resurrect the life.
Life that has to serve us until the day that tight in strong embrace, we will
ask on the barricades, together with the " poet " " No more bread, but blood
blood one hour only of .Joyous revenge."
\\'(irkingmen alert — May. our May of struggle and not of feast, of battle and
not of vain bacchanals, it calls you to harvest.
Workiiigmen. Alert, He who is not with us is against us.
IjTJIOI Pakenti.
Thk Latin Branch, I. W. W.
WOKKINGMEN !
The present modest sheet that we hurl in your midst, because reading it
you can think, act, is fruit of our will, of our ardent revolutionary faith that
inspires us, it spurs us, it conquers us.
We have called it "War of classes" because this is its mission, to make it
so all workingmen understand that they must prepare for their war that they
do not yet know how to fight.
The European slaughter and all the wars past and future wanted or sanc-
tioned by dynasties, blessed always by capitalism and by priests, that in the
war they know their interests, there was not and there never will he wars
of people uniting for their total emancipation.
PKOLETAKIAT !
Truth so scalding will never be told to you by the Bourgeois sheets, written
by all the delinquents in gentlemen's garb. They seek and know how to find
ail sorts of deceptions to make of you the servants of the Bourgeois class and
priesthood.
" War of classes " let it be the cry of all the oppressed, " war of classes "
resound in all the hovels of the proletariat, in all the offices, in the mines, on
the transatlantics, in the agricultural camps, in all places that gives and pro-
duces riches for others. But more then the cry, that sometimes is innocuous,
it is to prepare for " our war."
All the days the workin.gmen must adept themselves for the " war of classes "
in the struggle that is fought between capital and labor by means of strilves,
boycottage, and sabbotage well applied. The " War of Classes " it is to be pre-
pared by the elevation that all laborers have to make through their own
intellect, reflecting, studying, changing so.
On this 1st of Ma>' of workingmetfs blood each slave of salary face then the
nicest healthy bath for himself and for the common cause. The consciences
be renovated, our souls be sharpened to the faith in ourselves, our strength be
organized for the defence of today and for tomorrow's assault upon the Bour-
geois world.
The cowards remain asi<le, the daring come forward ready for our " war of
classes."
The bones of our martyrs, the bones of the proletariat dragged by living
force increased by the war of Kings and of the mighty we will use them to
strike on our drums calling the gathering armies of labor to the complete
conquest of liberty and justice.
And so we shall do the day when closed in destructive avalanches moving
with " torch and axe " against our enemies, the " State," the " church," the
" Capitalism," with the terrible cry : " it is the Revolution that passes, it is
the war of classes" that destroys a world of infamies to create the Social
Justice.
Proletariat, to you !
1092 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The following is a translation of a Russian pamphlet called
"Anarchism Communism," 1916, no author named, recently circulated
by anarchists in the United States :
Give a proposal to present society about building new prisons, new asylums,
make a proposition to hiie new Pinkertons, to build new weapons of murder,
and thousands will supiwrt you and use all their energy to bring to life your
proposition. Should you try to convince society tliat human being are not
wild animals anil do not need chains or cages, tell them that we can exist
without rulers or tyrants, without Pinkertons or weapons of murder, without
barbaric laws and lawmakers, and they will take you for crazy, fur a tres-
passer upon order, and if you should try to spread your convictions you v. ill he
thrown in pris(jn or hanged. Jlorc yet, the very ]ieople who are sujires.sMl
and in wliose interests you are fighting against their slavery and even llie
foremost element of this mass will look at you with foresight and thought and
say to you, " Truly brother you are rigbt. A\'e are robbed, we are suppressed,
but to get rid of these robbers and .sui)pressors all at once it is impossible.
We can change the chains for smaller chains, the blood drinkers for smaller
blood drinkers, big barbaric laws for small barbaric laws, but to exist without
a government, without any written laws, just a fool can demand that ! "
Xow, let's see. Must a man be crazy to look for liberation from all govern-
ment, from all barbaric laws, or is it that all governments and all barbaric
laws have their power at the present time just because most people in society
are marked candidates for houses of demented ! Those who desire liberation
from all government in whatever the government may be and from all written
laws whatever their condition may be, these people are called Anarchists. The
word Anarchism means no-Government. It is that Anarchism strives for .such
society where one man will not rule over the other, where everybody will be
equal in his human rights, what can be a more .simple and natural desire than
that the other man should not command over me and what can be more Iioiicst
and better goal for such society where I shall not be in power to commami
over others? It is necessary yet to bring facts of learning to prove this — that
to command others or to be under the power of somebody else is a terrible
crime of human liberty and happiness?
More healthy will sound the arguments against no-government if we will
show the birth and development of all rulers and governors. Vileness, ignorance
and darkness is the mother of all government. Cruelty, slavery and mass-
killing their children when humanity was still in infancy in the first steps of
development and has still lived in so-called tribes for generations, as now the
yellow Indians, and from them have come the first types of rulers and gov-
ernors. They were those wild people who possessed physical power and have
showed up in their battles with wild animals and in bloody wars against
other wild tribes : sometimes for a woman and sometimes for the skin of an
animal ; or they have discharged their superiority by killing everybody wlio
was in their way. From these bandits of the woods have come our rulers and
our' governments. And this is the iron from which for centuries they have
forged chains for the supporting of humanity and tliey have choked on every
step the free spirit of humanity.
It would take a long time to get acquainted with all the phases of develop-
ment through which they went until they have reached the present standing
of " civilized " governments. I shall only .state how many and what forms they
liave accepted throughout the time of their existence, what names tliey hsivc
adopted and what masks tliey wore. But there is one conclusion, one absolute
fact — ignoi'ance, tyranny and robbery have remained the constant properties
of all governments. I'nder the cloak of a republican government person is
hidden the wild bandit of the woods who is ready to choke the first one who
will stand up and protest against his lying, politics and despotism. The dif-
ference is just that the wild man is satisfied with the flesh of animals and the
present rulers crave for human flesh and blood. We can say that govern-
ment has never reached to such banditry as at the present time ; together with
religion which darkens the minds of the people, together with the robbers of
the poor working people, the government stands now like iron rocks upon
the back of the workingman. What person with a healthy mind, with a
spark of honesty and human feeling will not with the price of his last drop
of blood get rid and absolutely destroy all forms of government and rulers In
human society. The ground upon which have and still stand the present gov-
ernments which is flooded with innocent blood and where committed crimes
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1093
are praised to Heaven, a thousand yearly corrupt and rottenest prostitutes
have made their nest there. On such ground there is no place for anything
that is human. This can not be reformed or cured. Such contagious disease
must be destroyed, absolutely destroyed. The word government has no place
in the dictionary of free people. Whatever name you may apply to the word
power, government power, their problem will remain the same. Their . sup-
pression and their work are causes for forging new chains. These chains
they call laws but in reality these schemes will remain for better exploitations
and the unarmed and ignorant person. From everything that I have said
until now it is clear that every healthy thinking man is morally bound to com-
bat against any form of government, against the power of any written law,
which seem not more than the weapon of the tyrants thrust against the poor
and ignorant people. But (and this is a capital "but") political freedom Is
not freedom yet. In order to enjoy full liberty we must also be free economi-
cally, and therefore we are not only Anarchists but also Communists. We
know the present history of Capitalism. We are convinced that private owner-
ship Is not more than the result of a thousand yearly robberies of the strong
upon the weak. That the present so-called government is a gigantic bandit
gang composed of ordinary thieves, parasites, lazy and jiolitical charlatans.
With the assistance of priests of different beliefs who are assisted with hired
blood-thirsty dogs with rifles and cannon that rob us. Whatever they find in
everything that the working class produces with blood and sweat, this gang
have grabbed in their power ; all means of industry, machines, instruments,
land and everything that is found upon the earth and in the earth belongs to
them. This is their sacred ownership. A long period of robbery and murder
have given them right by law to hang a lock upon all the prisons of nature,
upon the fruits of someone else's labor, and now to have bread and means of
existence we must sell our working power these bandits not to become a ban-
dit ourselves if opportunity presents itself to become such. The v,'orking
man at the present time finds himself under the iron foot of the capitalist.
He has no assigned place to sleep in. He is not sure that he will have a
piece of bread for dinner. He is a slave and possibly a more unfortunate
slave in comparison with slavery that has been. I do not think that it is
necessary to recount to you all bloody dramas of life which are played among
the poor classes on account of barbaric slavery. Who does not know the
sorrowful heartbreaking pictures of the working man's life? Whose heart
can remain silent when you see that young innocent men, women and children
in the prime of their lives must suffer in the cells of hired slavery? Who
does not sudder at the thought that his brother may soon need to commit a
terrible crime or that his sister may come to the shameful sale of herself in
order to quiet their hunder ! ! .Whose heart does not become full of sorrow by
reading newspaper items that in another place in the shafts were buried alive
several hundred miners leaving wives and children, who maybe will be com-
pelled to ask charity or will he driven to become prostitutes and suicides? Who
is responsible for the numberless victims of the capitalist tyranny, for the
crushed life and for the corpse of the miners? Everything called for revenge,
for revenge for the innocent human blood which is shed daily by the \o^\-
browed rulers of present society ! What man, whose thinking apparatus is
not impaired, whose human feelings have not died out entirely, will not ad-
judge to death such barbaric society? \^'ho desides a coward or an idiot will
refuse to stand in line with those who desire to overthrow the bloody thrones
of a barbaiic government? Capitalist society must be overthrown and tliis
can only be accomplished by a social revolution. It is folly to think that
with these bandits of the woods anything can be accomplished in a peaceful
way. If it was really possible to end the present slavery system without shed-
ding blood the Anarchists probably would be the first to try to join the blood
seekers; but children only may think tbat the present capitalist society will
turn over their privileges and all their robbed riches witliout a terrible bloody
battle, an enormous war of the union workingman over the whole world against
their robbers and suppressors is the only route to liberate the people and
that day is not far when the war will check all the despotic thrones and will
tear asunder the chains of slavery. The capitalist society must clear the-
place for a new communist society. All the production of industry and the
riches of the world are produced by the working man and therefore it would
be logic and right that all these riches should be used by those who have a
part in creating them. We are not in accord with the Socialists who say that
in the future society tlie strong will have it over the weak ; they say " Every-
1094 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
one will receive pay in accordance with what he can produce and the one that
is stronger will be able to earn more than I." This idea of the strong and
weali is the route of capitalist society. In the free communist society every-
one will work in accordance with his strength and receive what he needs.
In the human family there can reign holy peace of happiness and brotherly
love. Nature possesses enough riches for all its children, enough wheat and
rye for all humanity. The supposition that human society is not ready for a
new communist life has no foundation and is an absolute lie. Everyone agrees
to change a prison for a palace, dry bread for sweet roasts, the whip of the
slave merchant for a free family life. It is understood, if he has the oppor-
tunity to do so. The man at the present is cruel on account of his endless battle
for existence which is on account of the bitter insults which he receives daily
from his employers. Throw off from him the yoke of slavery, surround him
with conditions of freedom and human life, give him opportunity to work three
or four hours a day (more than that a person need not work for his existence
in the future society) and to work not under the whip of a foreman but in
society of free brothers and to have everything that is necessary to satisfy
the necessities of a free man, then but a crazy person will be able to commit
a crime against his equals. The terrible economic conditions are the cause of
99% of crimes in present society ami for these causes present society more
and more develoj..^ robbery, murder, prostitution and suicide. In a free com-
munist society where everyone will have the opixirtunity to live a free happy
life, all desires of the present caiiitulist system will be ruined and all prisons,
gallows and asylums for feeble minded will disappear together with political
society in which "we live at the present time.
I think Avhatever I said is enough to convince a person who is not a fanatic
that Anarchism Communism is not a fancy but an educational society system.
The develoi}ment of Capitalism from one side and the dying out of govern-
ment and reverse fanaticism on the other liand will enable us to establish
Anarchism Communism in the future society. Only society which is based
upon the freedom and equality of brotherhood is enabled to reach the higlier
creed of physical and spiritual development. Political freedom without eco-
nomical freedom if not freedom and economical freedom without equality is
no freedom.
Anarchism Communism unites in itself politicu! and economical freedom and
also equality. It is therefore the higher ideal of liberty loving people. The
ideal to reach which we can sacrifice everything is the ideal which will equalize
those who will work for it and fight for it.
Tte following circular, printed in English in red ink, was recently
distributed in the Eastern section of the United States :
WOKKIXCilAN 1
You JIust understand the fundamentals of Revolutionary Socialism If you
are to free yourself from the yoke of Capitalism. You must do as your fellow-
workers in Russia and Germany have done, prepare yourselves for the final
conflict with the master class.
.\nd to prepare yourselves for the coming Revolution, you must understand
the capitalist system, how it arose, how it developed, and why it must in-
evitably fall.
You must educate yourselves on the working class science revolutionary
socialism. Do not fail to come to this lecture.
The following is a translation from a Lettish newspaper called
"Atballs" (English "Echo"), published by the Lettish Publishing
Co., 371 Willis Avenue, Xew York City, John P. Apsit, editor :
[From page 15.]
VICTOKY DAY IN BOSTON.
A great Victory Day has been November 11th and there are two worlds re-
joicing over it. One is the bloodthirsty Imperialistic world and the other one
is the new world of highest ideals. The proletarian Bolshevik world on one
side, celebrating with the imperialistic group or the unorganized masses of
labt)r, while on the other side is a small handful of well organized proletarians.
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 1095
The proletarians are glad to see all these reactionary forces on the edge of
their grave, while the imperialistic groups are swelled by their victories, while
the red flags are hauled down from the castles of the Czars and Kaisers
The 11th of November at Boston, the Lettish Organizations were united in a
big mass meeting with speeches and music in the evening at the Dudley Street
Opera House, which was filled to overflowing with an international audience.
It was certainly one fine international night. It was on that night that the
Socialistic progressive paper called " The Revolutionary Age " saw its birth
with some of the ablest American writers, who are supporting the Bolshevik
cause, as its editors.
[From page 7.]
PEACE CBIES.
You may shout all you want for peace but it is not peace. Our party is at
war and we are fighting already on the field of battle * * * one side says
the war is finished, while the other says we have .lust started. Congress of
the U. S. is preparing for something by building more ships. Just now the
American soldiers and sailors are murdering Russian peasants and workers.
It is possible that the next day the Americnn youths will be sent, against the
organized Bolshevik army which has not yet fully shown what it can do.
[From page 8.]
We are standing now at the door of a new civilization and the capitalists are
thrusting their swords against this progress like a wall of steel but don't you
let them fool you, Bolshevism is nothing else than working class government.
That is why the capitalist press does not like the Bolsheviks. The Russian
Soviet government is 95^ made up of working people and it is the most dem-
ocratic form of government in the world today. The proletarian dictatorship
must conquer all the world of parasites and slave owners. This proletarian of
the working class government is an enemy only for those who are standing in
its way. * * * xhe war has started, the organized fight is to begin between
capitalism and international Socialism. The workers of American do all you
can to uphold your sons and brothers against those who want to hand indus-
trial democracy and retard civilization of the world. We ask ; why, if the
white guards are murdering thousands of workers in Finland, why doesn't
America and the other allied powers interfere to ' stop this butchering of the
red guards. Why did the allies and America interfere when Czarism was
against the principles of the civilized world, crushing the working class. Was
this all paper talk? The invasion of Russia is only for the purpose of forcing
the Russian nation to pay the interest on the money that the allies lent to
the Russian government. Money, with which the government of the Car tried
to enslave the Russian people.
Comrade : We cannot keep quiet and neglect to work at this fight, while our
comrades in Europe are risking their lives to fight our battle, while they need
all the organized help and our help to get control of the world by a proletarian
dictatorship. We cannot accept the imperialism of America which is preparing
to keep us in an economic situation that is in harmony with the capitalistic
history of the past. Workers of America, including women, show our comrades
in Europe you do not pay attention to what our capitalist tells you in favor
of an Invasion of Russia. You don't need to allow them to put you to sleep
with the dream of peace when there is none. Eternal vigilance is the price of
liberty. The hour has sounded for the working class dictatorship and Bour-
geoisie in America cannot stop it. All proletarians of all lands unite — you have
nothing to lose but your chains and a world to gain.
[From page 16.]
Sunday November 17th there was a meeting arranged by the Lettish Bolshevik
Organization of Greater Boston, with an attendance of more than 3000 and
many hundreds who could not get into the hall. The speakers were our com-
rades the English speaking Bolshevik editors of some of our papers, MacAlpliie,
Fralna, Weinstein of " Novy Mir" and the Finnish Socialistic Republics rep-
resentative Nuerteva. The applause was tremendous and resolutions were
passed to support the revolution in Germany and in Russia.
1096 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
[From page 6.]
The counter revolution is in a sad plight. The Czecho Slovaks can no longer
massacre Bolsheviks. The Czecho Slovak Gen. Slroljs has laid down his
troubles in the New York Times, stating that the Czecho Slovaks must have help
from the allies or they will give up the fight. It seems they want to go home.
He said that the Allies did not help his troops very much and he has a front
of about 750 miles to hold. At Ufa the Bolsheviks blocked their lines. It will be
hard to hold the Bolsheviks back because they are mobilizing all of Russia.
They are to have ready for next spring three to four million well trained Bol-
shevik soldiers with plenty of ammunition and with officers from the German,
Austrian and Hungarian armies in Russia. The war only began.
The following is a list of secretaries of Socialist locals in the State
of Georgia:
N. A. Craig, Pittsburg, Georgia.
H. C. Harris, 217 Broadway, Macon, Georgia.
M. C. Harwell, 113 Capitol Square, Atlanta, Georgia.
Lewis Shapiro, 140 Capitol Square, Atlanta, Georgia.
B. H. Heard, 1321 Emmett Street, Augusta, Georgia.
S. Crovitz, 71 Reynolds Street, Waycross, Georgia.
Harry Applebaum, 136 East Broad Street, Savannah, Georgia.
J. T. Shackleford, Bremen, Georgia.
J. P. Ligon, 1304 Broadway, Columbus, Georgia.
V. H. deBrant, Route #3, Midland, Georgia.
W. E. Johns, Tifton, Georgia.
Willie J. Taylor, Route A, Donaldsonville, Georgia.
Mary Hicks, 146 Evans Street, Bainbridge, Georgia.
O. R. Larkin, Buchannon, Georgia.
W. C. Holmes, Wildwood, Georgia.
Following are members at large, Socialists of Georgia :
Julius Davidson, Scotland, Georgia.
AA'illiam Raoul, 2.52 AVest Fifteenth Street, New York City.
G. T. Harrison, Box 584, Fort Valley, Georgia.
T. M. Abercrombie, Roopville, Georgia.
R. G. Cox, Bonifay, Florida.
Rueben Hoffman, 116 Cotton Avenue, Americus, Georgia.
Aug Andrae and H. V. Haronis, Lakemont, Georgia.
Following are alleged to be Socialists in communication with Mrs.
Mary Koual Millis, Atlanta, Ga. :
G. F. Willis, Route 1, Adairsville, Georgia.
Mrs. Bertha H. Mailly, 7 East 15th Street, New York City.
Miss M. L. McNorton, 527 Candler Building, Atlanta, Georgia.
G. A. LaPayette, 1507 Grand Avenue, St. Louis, Missouri.
Mrs. Thomas McWhinney. 101 Ponce de Leon Avenue, Atlanta, Ga.
Harold Pratt, 168 West Wood Avenue, Akron, Ohio.
Mrs. J. Frank Beck, 86 West 12th Street, New York City.
The following is a translation of an anarchistic circular in the
Italian language recently distributed :
To the Italian journalists icho came to America to oliserve? to study and to pray.
It is the refractory salute, and it is also the discordant vojce in the interested
chorus or unconcious of the praises and approval. It is above all the serene
voice proud of. truth that will never be spoken by the cynical editors of the
weekly follies, nor by the illiterate scribblers of bankrupting newspapers nor
by the vain cackle of the colonial puppets, nor by the triumphant skepticism of
some sane pen, immune from illicited trading, and much less by the anaemic
pens and haughty ignorance of your English speaking colleagues.
But why do we turn directly to you? Who have been called here to applaud
the majestic portent of a nation, who in less than a year knows how to organize
a powerful warlike machine and operate it with surprising regularity and
precision? And we know that you are powerless and that even if you had
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAJSTDA. 109T
power ytfu would not dare to use it. You will come upon painful evidences
that must be kept under silence and you will keep silence because you will not
have the courage to face unpopularity among the bank's public, persecution and
discomfort. But while speaking to you we are speaking to the people over the
ocean, deceived by the high sounding exhibitions of Democracy of the great
North American republic. Perhaps tomorrow we will go across the ocean,
caressed by the audacious American liberties and we will tell to the people of
Italy to the admiring and deceived people of Europe all about the praiseworthy
democratic principle of the great western republic, as the thounsand refugees
of the Czars government have done when they reentered the people's Russia.
For the present we address ourselves to you, that is, to the friend and
upholders of the coward acts of democracy, more as a matter of monition than
as a hope that sound and free thoughts of straightforward truth will prevail in
you.
Some of you know this land of heavy ignorance and shameless commercialism,
unless in the young days of the confederation you passed through it sheepishly
blind. Many of you have probably been deceived by the indulgent impression
of Dario Papa. [Dario Papa was an eminent journalist who came to America
back in 1882 and when he returned to Italy published his impressions of this
country. — This is a note of the translator.]
Perhaps the observation of the spirit of enterprise, the ability for organiza-
tion, the impetus of the will and action of the North American money class, will
arouse your enthusiastic admiration and you will not investigate further and
study of what pain and of what composition is the matter that forms the
gigantic gear of the war machine.
But If it is the duty of journalists to go over the barriers of interestedly limited
engagements and you will scrutinize into the institutions and the functions of
these institutions that the democratic haughtiness desires to present to the
world's people who are waiting for a pannacea for their troubles, you will then
come to truthful conclusions that will offend your enthusiasm for the classic
republic, that the secular Italian thought presents to you on each page of able
thinkers that will idolize and elevate life.
These truths will not be spoken by the interested voices surrounding you.
These truths are withheld, by some for the love of the Fatherland, by others
as a natural consequence of their habitual falsehoods.
We have no such pudicities.
We have objured the fatherhuid as iworly conceived by the dominant alagar-
thies, because we do not dcbire to be i'lassod with the Cammurists reiwesenting
a vulgar fatherland, with the thieving bankers, with the stained prominence,,
with the vien beautiful b.\' the eradication contained in five cent pamphlets,
with the people of Saint Rocco and her numerous madonnas festooned as so
many servants on a holiday, it is an action that nauseates, causes wretching
and humiliates.
We knovv' of no frontiers although we dream of people, and first of all, be-
cause the nearest, the Italian people, we dream the serene joys that the poet
of our race probably the most representative of the ideal of our people, sung
across the two ages.
We( have no such pudicities ; nor any tremors of fear, as men, not shaken
by the arrogant menace of the brutalized law, and not fooled by the interested
flatteries of the ruffians in power, we will scorn the legend of liberty and
democracy.
Although arrived last among the legislative tyranny, in less than six months
the great Republic has been able to add to the " corpus juris " of the brutal
persecution, a " trading with the enemy act " and a " sedition bill ", a project
of proscription against the anarchist and other series of minor administrative
measures that form the delight of those who love the simple and holy ignorance-
of the inert mind.
This as to theory! The practical side is still more edifying! Even if ob-
served during periods when not menaced by any enemy.
Tom Mooney has the hangman's noose at his throat, guilty of no misdeeds,
except that of professing ideas that are damaging to the interests of the greedy
rabble of San Francisco California plutocrats. And it is due to the timely and
healthy echo that repercussed in Russia, if the hirelings of the Crcesus have
not as yet cut off his last hopes of escaping with his life from their nails.
It is only a few years since and the enumeration would be too long — that
the Ludlow matter happened, perpetrated by the will and for the defense of"
one of those monsters of " Gorklan " impression and capacious fauces that
1098 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
feeds the gold of their safes with the vermillion blood of the humble working
people. And Bayonne, sinister with the brutal provocation ; and the provoca-
tion and massacre of Milwaukee Mich and the pale flames of the race hatred
of East St. Louis, Missouri and the insisting lynchings are singing the glorious
songs of the democratic goodness of the great republic, not unworthy with
remaining side by side with the monarchy of the cripple heir of perfldion*
Savoy and to attain the post of honor with the records of Czarism and <•>
bestiality of its Cossacks.
It is also of yesterday the sinister sentence of the " Industrial Workers ot
the World ", whose only guilt was that of remaining loyal to the economic
exegencies of which they have unfurled the flag.
And if facing the red hot mob made idotic by the pulpit or the newspapers,
or by the cintematographs you will complacently smile and you will be de-
lighted to see them hurl themselves against those who do uut bend during the
present tragic hours, that has also overturned you and you will find in all
that a proof of the sovereignty of the people which does not admit of dissents
and corrects the laws with lynching, with the noose around Frank Little's
throat with mass tarring uprights the puducity of the law. Oh !■ do not im-
precate at the Russian mobs, at the Russian soldiers, and shed tears on the
Imperial carrion of Nicholas Romanoif, nor do get possess if the .lapanese
mobs forseeing privations find the superb manner of unloosing to revolt and
impose on the regent souls a larger consideration of their own necessities. Do
not imprecate at the sonorous voice of dynamite that lowers all boldness and
has yet in safe keeping the last spark that will start the vast fire of reparation.
All the world is a country and the system of vile and bold domination re-
mains, even if the form of it Is changed. You may be proud of the statuatory
liberties reclaimed in the Italian land by the shots of Gaetano Bresci, but an
ounce — If perchance sometime you are able to go over your usual sedateness
and sordid calculation of unconfined thought — that no matter under what form
domination is cloaked, it is always the surly guardian of the interests of the
few to the detriment of the universal right of the poor people. And it is his
(Jerman esolsic disposition that must be overthrown in each hemisphere and in
all latitudes.
It is a task above your appointment, outside of your programme.
And you will have enough to occupy your time " drinking, belching and
kneeling."
The solution of the problem is up to more lithe muscles, to better tensed
nerves.
The blind deities and humanity's health are participating the spasmodic
crisis, full of blood hatred and fury to an incoerceable violence.
For you nothing will remain but the dead pool of mediocrity and easy con-
tentment.
Signed The Bandits of All Laws.
Translation of Anarchistic Paper, Published in Italian Language.
[Cronaca Sovversiva (Subversive Chronicle), Lynn, Mass., May 26, 1917.]
1. — The proposed law for compulsory military service has secured, excepting
some few formal amendments, the full approval of the House and the Senate,
and the final consent of President Wilson, and is now the law of the land : one
more benediction of most civilized warfare, one more shame of the great re-
public, which thereby destroys the last of its democratic traditions as well as
the letter and spirit of its fundamental pact, if " neither slavery nor involuntary
servitude . . . shall exist within the United States, or in any place subject
to their .iurisdlction ; for there is not in the world any professor of constitu-
tional law who would deny that military slavery is the most opprobrious and
the most detestable of all forms of involuntary servitude.
The writer invites attention to the fact that the law applies only
to citizens and those who have declared their intention to become
citizens and then proceeds as follows:
2. — AVho can tell what will happen tomorrow? Whether for the country of
adoption or for that of origin, whether for civil, industrial or agricultural
mobilization, may it not affect also the men not Intended by the law for Im-
mediate military conscription?
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1099
And is It not a sagacious piece of politics, killing two birds with one Stone,
to have them all registered, all on hand, know where they come from, where
they are, what they are good for, what they are thinking, and to be able on
any occasion to require them to go to the docks, the arsenals, the railways, to
make ammunitions, to till. the soil, sweep the streets, exploit them, keep them
on hand for Pincare,for George, to send them wherever the exigencies of the
war require, to take the place of those who have died at the front, who are
dying every day and who will die for months and years to come ; to relegate
the subjects of the Kaiser or of Mohammed in some trenches, to seize indocile
subversives [i. e., anarchists], to drive them to prison —
The writer then indulges in invective against the indifferent, the
unthinking, those lacking in will power and organization, and tells
them it is their own fault if they are to be food for cannon, and con-
tinues :
3. — But. is there no escape left? Supposing we refuse to register, and, in-
stead £f rushing to the registration oflfice on Tuesday June 5th, we were to
take t* the road, where there is plenty of good air, what could they do to us?
Then.he cites the penalty provided for by the law of May 17, 1917.
4. — Prom the frying pan on the live coal; what is your advice?
We are not giving any advice ii; this matter, my sons. Not to the sub-
versives [i. e., anarchists] who know how to find their way, without a spiritual
father, and to pursue it fearlessly without any other compass than his con-
science, without any other Itinerary than his intimate feeling of satisfaction,
no advice is given to those others who would not have the courage and force
to follow it, and who are these days knocking at the doors of the groups and
of the subversive papers asking for advice and help.
.5. — No advice, therefore, but an honest examination of what the new la\»
means and the consequences of the different attitudes it suggests.
6. — Register? Then you begin to sanction arbitrary action.
The writer points out that the law of May 17 limits the Presi-
dent's power by specifying that it is applicable to citizens of certain
• ages, and that —
7. — Compulsory registration of such as are not American citizens and have
not declared their intention to become naturalized is " incousisteut with the
terms of the Act " of May 18th, 1917 ; it is therefore arbitrary. And you have
the right, by the terms of that very law, to refuse to register.
The writer warns the readers that the registration in question is
not for the purpose of learning their existence in the world, and that
if the reason therefor is not given it is for fear of discouraging them,
of causing them to rebel or take to the country.
8. — ISfo sooner will they have you in hand than they loill send you to the 'front
among the first, to expiate for the three years of antipatriotic hiding.
They register you in order to dispose of your hides, to take you on the first
occasion.
9. — Not register?
They will arrest you, if there are only a few dozen of you that refuse, for if
you are a few thousand, many thousands — and judging by the wind that Is
blowing it appears that there will be dozens of thousands — they will have no
desire to infuriate you nor enough prisons to lock you up.
They will arrest you and may condemn you to one day in prison, two weeks,
three months, in a desperate case, to one year.
But still it is not your skin they are getting.
Yes, but don't they register you all the same?
We agree, perfectly, they register you at once, but with an experienc ; that
they register you by force, that your are a rascal, refractory to arbitrary acts,
refractory to military service, refractory to any tribute of industrial or political
mobilization ; they register you but with the certainty that, if they send you to
the barracks, you will be the cause of scandal and Indiscipline, that you will be
the worst kind of warrior if they send you to the front, that you will waste the
grain if they send you to harvest, that you will resort to sabottage on frame
1100 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
works, turner's wheels, roads, telephones, locomobiles, cotton, wool, forage if
they conscript yon by force, against your will or Inclination, in any class of the
various mobilizations.
There are ninety chances out of a hundred that you will let you go as lost, or
at least, that you will be the last one they will look ^or. ' ' '
Weigh the probable consequences of the various attitudes, and If you have
the courage and backbone to resist odious usurpation, if you aim to devote your
life to the most noble tasks and not to be a lasquenet, a cutthroat, a pliveuian,
if you have ideals to which you devote most nobly your fervor, your abaegatlon'
your bread, don't go to register.
In conclusion the writer declares that the old order of things is
crumbling and ironically calls upon the slaves to run to its assistance.
10. — Engrave in the golden book of imminent conscription you name and your
shame.
The following is a translation of an article from a Spanish an-
archistic newspaper called Eegeneracion, published at Los Angeles,
Cal., issue of March 16, 1918, which reads as follows :
MANIFEST.
The assembly of Organization of the Mexican Liberal Party, to the meiiihcni
of the Party, the Anarchists of the lohole World, and the Wokingmen in General.
Companions : The clock of History will soon point with its hands Inexorable
the Instant producing death to this society already agonizing.
The death of the old society is close at hand, it will not delay much longer
and only those will deny the fact whom its continuation interests ; those that
profit by the injustice In which it is based, those that see Avith horror tlie ap-
proach of the Revolution for they know, that on the following day tliey will
have to work side by side with their former slaves.
Everything indicates, with force of evidence that the death of the burgoisie
society will come unexpectedly. The citizen with grim gaze looks at the Police-
man whom only yesterday he considered his protector and support ; the assidu-
ous readers of the bui;goisie Press shruggs the shoulders and drops with contempt
the prostituted sheet in which appear the declarations of the Chiefs of State;
the working man goes on strike not taking in account that by his action he in-
jures the country's interests, conscious now that the country is not his pmperty
but is the property of the rich ; in the street are seen faces which clearly show
the interior torment of discontent, and there are arms that appear agltateil to
construct barricades ; murmurs in the saloons, in the theatres, In the street
ears, in each home, especially in our homes. In the homes of those below wliere
is mourned the departure of a son called to the war, or hearts oppressed and
eyes moistened when thinking that tomorrow, perhaps today even, the hoy who
is th joy of the hut, the youngster who with his frankness and gentility wraps
in splendour the gloomy existence of the parents in senescence will be by force
torn from the bosom of the family to face, gun in hand, another youngster who
like himself was the enchantment of his home and whom he does not hate and
can not hate for he even does not know him.
The flames of discontent revived by the blow of tyranny each time more
enraged and cruel in every country and here and there everywhere and in all
parts, the fists contract, the minds exalt, the hearts beat violently, and where
they do not murmur they shout, all sighing for the moment in which the cal-
loused hands during hundred centuries of labor, they must drop the fecund
tools, and grab the rifle which nervously awaits the caress of the hero.
Companions : The moment is solemn it is the moment preceding the greatest
political and social catastrophe that Histoi-y registers ; the insurrection of all
people against existing conditions.
It will be surely a blind impulse of the masses which suflEer, it will be without
a doubt, the disorderly explosion of the fury restrained hardly by the revolver
of the bailiif and the gallows of the hangman ; it will be the overflow of all the
indignation and all the sorrows and will produce the chaos, the chaos favour-
able to all who fish in turbid waters ; chaos from which may sprout new oppres-
sions and new tyrannies for in such cases, regularly, the charlatan is the
leader.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1101
It falls to our lot, the intellectual, to prepare the popular mentality until
the moment arrives, and while not preparing the insurrecion, since insurrection
is born of tyranny.
Prepare the people not only to await with serenity the grand events which
we see glimmer, but to enable them to see and not iet themselves be dragged
along by those who want to induce them, now over a flowery road, towards
Identic slavery and a similar tyranny as today we suffer.
To gain that the unconscious rebeliousness may not forge with its own hands.
a new chain that anew will enslave the people, it is precise, that all of us, all
that do not believe in government, all that are convinced that Government
whichsoever its form may be, and whoever may be the head, it is tyranny,
because it is not an institution created for the protection of the weak, but to
support the strong, we place ourselves at the height of circumstances and
without fear propagate oxir holy anarchist ideal, the only just, the only human,
the only true.
To not do it. is to betray knowingly the vague aspirations of the populiice to
a liberty without limits, unless it be the natural limits, that is, a liberty which
does not endanpor the conservation of the specie.
To not do it, is giving free hand to all those who desire to benefit merely
their o«n personal ends through the sacrifice of the humble.
To not do it, is to affirm what our antagonists assure, that the time is still
far away when nur ideals will be adopted.
Activity, activity and more activity is the demand of the moment.
Let every man and every woman who loves the anarchist ideal propagate
with tenacity, with infiexibility, without heeding sneer not measuring dangers,
.and without taking on account the consequences.
Ready for action and the future will be for our Ideal.
Land and Liberty
Given in Los Angeles. State of California, United States of America the 6th :
•dfty of March— 1918.
RiCAKDO FlORES MaGON,
lAbrado Rivera.
Note: — Answers to this Manifest forward to Ricardo Plores Magon. P. O.
Box 1236. Los Angeles, Cal. U. S. A.
DoCTTMENTs Submitted foe the Record by Sexatok Sterling.
Senator Sterling. I submit the following documentary matter re-
lating to the activities of the I. W. W. and the Non-Partisan League.
First, an excerpt from Bulletin No. 42 of the Agricultural Workers'
' Organization of date May 27, 1917, and addressed to " Fellow
workers " :
A. W. O. CONVENTION'.
The convention will convene at Kansas City, Mo., May 30, at 9 a. m. You
should be there if possible. You will learn facts about internal affairs of the
■ organization and be better able to protect the union against similar trouble in
future. You will have your say in regards to the wage scale to be adopted this
summer. Then there is the proposition of the farmer that will be calleil upon
to consider. Arthur Leuer has been appointed by the farmers organization to
come to our convention and tell us just what the farmers of N. Dak. think
should be done so that much of the trouble that formerly existed between the
farmers and the workers can be overcome.
,K ***** ^
Don't forget the Tom Mooney case. The law and order gang are now attempt-
ing to save their own miserable reputations at the expense of Rena Mooney.
Labor must expose that ,';ang of respectful murders, who would take the life
of innocent workers, by means of a dirty frame up, simply for amusement.
(Signed) Foekest Edwards, Sec'y Treas'r.
Pete Dailey, Chairman Committee.
The "Arthur Leuer" referred to in the first excerpt above is evi-
• dently Arthur Le Sueur, to whom reference is made in other docu-
ments submitted.
1102 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
I submit also the following copy of letter from Forrest Edwards
to W. D. Haywood of date May 24. 1917, written on the letterhead
of the Agricultural Workers' Organization of the I. ^V. W. Xo. 400,
which letter, it appears, was a part of the evidence in the trial of
W. D. HavAvood and more than 90 other members of the I. W. W.
at Chicago, 111. :
[Agricultural Workers Organization of the I. W. W., No. 400. " In Organization i»
Strength." One Union. One Label. One Enemy. Forrest Edwards, Sec'y-Treas •
P. O. box 1776, Minneapolis, Minn. OflJce address, Room 602-604 Sykes Block, 256
Hennepin Avenue, Minneapolis, Minn. Telephone, N. W. Nicollet 5365. Organiza-
tion committee : Pete D.aily, Chairman ; B. H. Groves, Ted Eraser, Pat Klleovne, E. N
Osborne, J. J. McDonnell, G. J. Bourg. Branch offices : Kansas City, Mo. ; S'loux Cityi
Iowa ; Spokane, Wash. ; Sacramento, Cal. ; Los Angeles, Cal. ; Missoula, Mont. ; North
Yakima, Wash. ; Augusta, Kans. : Omaha, Nebr. : Des Moines, Iowa ; Duluth, Minn. ;
Fresno, Cal.; Bemidji, Minn.; Milwaukee, Wis.; St. Maries, Idaho; Tulsa, Okla.]
[From I. W. W., Chicago, III. .1. D. O. 1/3/18.]
Minneapolis, Minn., Miiij i), 1917.
W. D. H.^YWOOD.
16J, West Wash St., Chicago, III.
Fi;llow Wokkee: Received your letter dated May 19 and in reply will state
that we will need at least 70 thousand membership cards to handle the business
of the A. W. O. We will initiate fifty thousand members in the A. W. <>. this
season and we wfl) need a few in stock and io the hands of Delegates,
With reference tn Literature, we have enough in stock now to carry us Over
the season.
Enclosed you will find a Blank to be printed. A\'ith reference to our- letter
of the 14th inst we would like to know whether you can get those cards printed
there without much delay as we need them in connection with the cards for
supplv accounts. Let us hear from you in this regard. With best wishes, I aiu
" Tours for O. B. U.,
Forrest Edw.\rds.
P. S. — Say Bill, how about those delegates credentials? We need them noii\
Better send us about 500 immediately.
I have before me a copy of the minutes of the fifth semiannual con-
ference of the Agricultural Workers Industrial Union, No. 400, of the
I. W. W., which conference, according to the minutes, was held at
Kansas City, Mo., May 30, 1917, in the I. W. W. Hall. From the
proceedings of the fifth day's session of the conference I submit the
following excerpt :
. M. & S. (moved and seconded) that we give floor to Arthur LeSueur to ex-
plains what the grounds are on which we can meet & come to an understanding
with the Non-partisan League with regard to working conditions in the harvest
fields of No. Dakota. Carried. LeSueur's statement that farmers of No. Dak.
would be willing to pay a wage of $5.00 for a 10 hr. day. Also that if we can
come to some understanding with the Non-Partisan League of No. Dakota it
will mean the balance of power will be shifted from the state government to the
Industrial Workers of the World & Non-Partisan League. M. & S. (moved and
seconded) that we ask wage & demand Oomm to make written report.
Further excerpts from these same minutes are as follows:
That this body elect delegations from this floor to meet delegation from Non-
Partisan League to try to come to some understanding agreeable to both par-
ties. Accepted.
*******
M. & S. that we elect a delegation of five to meet with equal number from
Non-Partisan League at Mpls. Minn.
* * * * * * *
Those elected were Forrest Edwards, Ted Fraser, J. J. McDoanrfl, Arthur
Boose and Eddie Post.
♦ ******■
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1103
M. & S. That we send telegrams of greetings to all victims of the class war
who are behind prison bars.
Minutes of last day read, corrected and accepted.
(Signed) E. W. Latchem, Reo. Secy of Sessions.
From the documentary evidence submitted at the Chicago trial 1
submit the following :
Copy of letter of recommendation to Mr. xVrthur LeSueur and
signed "General Secretary-Treasurer," evidently Forrest Edwards,
dated August 12, 1916.
Also the original letter of Arthur LeSueur of date August 17,
written on the letterhead of the People's College, Fort Scott, Kans.
I submit also the photographic copy of the letter written by Arthur
LeSueur to William D. Haywood, April 5, 1917. It will be observed
that the letter is written on the letterhead of the People's College,
and that on said letterhead Eugene V. Debs's name appears as the
chancellor of said college and Arthur LeSueur as the president.
Arthur LeSueur was recognized as the'attorney and counsellor of the
Nonpartisan League.
Also a photographic copy of the letter of William D. Haywood to
Arthur LeSueur of date April 11, and in reply to the above letter of"
Haywood of date April 5, and calling particular attention to this one
sentence in the letter :
We realize first of all that in the great class war the place where we are
started is at the point of production.
Also a photographic copy of a letter from LeSueur to Haywood of
date June 20, 1917, addressed to Haywood as " Dear Fellowworker "
at Chicago, 111., and largely relating to prospective' resistance to the
selective-service act on the Minnesota range.
Also copy of letter written by Forrest Edwards to Albert Barr, of
Tulsa, Okla., on June 16, 1917, which letter relates to the effort to-
get Arthur LeSueur to go to Kansas City to see what he can do to-
ward getting Francik free.
From the bulletin of the Agricultural Workers Industrial Union of
the I. W. W. of date July 3, 1917, 1 submit the following excerpt :
There will be a large meeting of the Farmers of the Non-Partisan League in
Minot N. D. July 11-1917 when It is expected that the tentative agreement
reached between the Oomm of the I. W. W. & the N-P. L. will be fully ratified..
Already the Capitalistic press is trying to discredit both organizations, to prevent
an agreement being reached.
And from the bulletin of July 13 the following excerpt :
The Tentative Agreement between the Non-Partisan League & the Agricultural
Workers Industrial Union qtf^OO was drafted by joint committees elected to-
represent both organizations. It Is expected that this agreement will cov^r the
harvest season. That it will establish for the first time in the harvest fields, a
uniform wage scale.
You will notice one clause In the agreement scratched out. This change was
agreed to while the Secy was at Minot.
The Railroads have turned down the proposition. We will be required t6
travel in the old way unless the Non-Partisan League is successful at a future-
meeting with the Railroad Co. & secure free transportation.
The agreement was adopted at the Blinot meeting & a resolution recommend-
ing that the Farmers of N. Dakota adopt It was passed with 10 opposing votes.
It may be argued by some that the Tentative Agreement is un-constitutional.
That is not true. The I. W. W. Constitution has to do with signed agreements-
that are considered final. It has nothing whatever to do with a tentative agree-
ment which is nothing but a verbal agreement after all. If the constitution of
the I. W. W. is interpreted otherwise, then members cannot meet the employers-
of labor & agree to any set of demands. Frequently we read in our papers an'
1104 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
account of where our members have gained job-control. That is, they have made
a tentative agreement with the boss. So much for the constitutinality of the
agreement. If this agreement was in force in Kansas at this time, instead of
$3.00 to $4.00 per day, we would be getting $5.00 to $6.00.
The crop conditions are very poor from Minot east on the Rugby line. North
of Devils Lake the prospects for a fair crop are sood. The southeastern part of
N. Dakota has fair prospects.
And from the bulletin of July 17 the following excerpt :
The proposed tentative agreement between (he Nou-Partisan League & the
A. W. I. U. was turned down by the farmers at Valley City & Devils Lake N.
Daka. The farmer." of INIinot it Bismarck voted in favor with some dissenting
votes. The result of the farmers meetings break all chances of any agreement
between the N-P. L. farmers & the A. W. I. U. Its now up to all the members
to fight harder than ever for a 10 hour day & $5.00 scale.
And from the bulletin of August 17 the following excerpt :
Men are plentiful in N. Dakota & farmers are hiring all men thru the Com-
mei-cial Clubs of JIpls.. (Jrand Forks ifc Fargo. Get on the job thru the Com-
mercial Clubs & save a lot of time, money & hardship on the road.
A bunch of mental perverts nre touring the country in a Ford Car, making
patriotic speeches to the farmers of N. Dakota & accusing the I. W. W. of
being very unpatriotic because our members refuse to work for scab wages.
This outfit is financed by the X. Dakota Standard & is responsible for the
formation of the Home Defense League, which acts in the same capacity as
plug-uglys- of that type do in all strike zones. They call this outfit the patriotic
squadron. If they run across the " cat " there is no knowing what may
happen. The I. W. W. is not responsible for accidents, they may have as a
result of their attempt to cause a riot.
A group of members at Devils Lake North Dakota have passed the follow-
ing resolutions :
" Resolved, That all members of the A. W. I. U. #400 will donate one days
wages for the relief of the Striking Miners & Lumberjacks."
(We would like to hear from every member on this. Write in & let us know
what you think of it.) The Miners & Lumberjacks are still on strike stronger
than ever. Funds are badly needed, give all you can.
The letters above submitted are here printed in the record, as
follows :
[From I. W. W., Chicago, III. .T. D. O. ]/3/18.1
M.^Y 28th, 1917.
FoEEEST Edwards,
Union #^00, Box 1776, Minneapolis, Minn.
Fellow Wokkek : Yours of the 24th instant, with enclosures, received.
Will make arrangements to have at least 70,000 membership books on hand
to handle the business of #400. I take it that you will need 10,000 of each
new pamphlet that will be issued.
Will have Walker C. Smith's " Sabotage " and Abner Woodruif's " Evolution
of Industrial Democracy " off the press at an early date.
Will have 1,000 of these "Application for Credentials " printed, and sent to
you, with bill, from the Publishing Bureau, as soon as possible.
With best wishes, I am
Yours for Industrial Freedom.
Gbneeal Seceetaky-Tbeasitrek.
DH-HLS.
P. S. — 200 Delegate Credentials have already been sent you. Am sending
300 more today.
[The People's College. .T. I. Sheppard, president; Eugene V. Debbs, chancellor; Arthur
LeSuer, vice president. " To remain ignorant Is to remain a slave."]
[From I. W. W., Chicago, III.]
FoET ScoTT, Kans., August n.
Deab Oombadb and Fellow Wobkeb : I leave here 6.25 for Duluth. I have
the credentials you sent & I will do my best to make things move while there.
Fraternally,
Abthub LESmnnL
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1105
' '[Copy.]
Agkicultueal Workees Oeganization of the r. W. W.,
Minneapolis, Minn., June 16, 1917.
AtBEET Bakk,
#6 W. Brady St., Tulsa, Oak.
Fellow Worker: Received yours of the 14th, and in regard to the $14.31
turned over by Boose, we are charging same to you.
We are trying to get Arthur LaSuer to go to Kansas City to see what he can
do toward getting Francik free. The Militia have the key to the hall and
refuse to let Broug or anyone in the hall. Wouldn't be surprised if the " Kitty "
put in an appearance in K. C. very shortly.
With best wishes, we remain
Yours for O. B. U.
(Signed) Foeeest Edwaeds.
[From I. W. W., Chicago, 111. R. H. L.]
GOVEENMENT EXHIBIT NO. 809.
[The People's College. Eugene V. Debbs, chancellor ; Arthur LeSueur, president ; Alva A.
George, vice president ; F. A. McClaren, treasurer ; Laura L. Reeds, secretary ; Marian
Wharton, editor College News. " For the education of the workers by the workers."]
Fort Scott, Kans., April 5, 1917.
Mr. Wm. D. Haywood,
164 W. Washington St., Chicago, III.
Fellow Woekee : Have just returned from Des Moines, Iowa,- and am very
glad to be able to report that all ofthe cases there are disposed of favorably
and the boys at liberty. I think the Defense Committee is satisfied with the
handling of the case. Of course, it was not one in which any labor principle
was involved, and, therefore, the fight was simply made to get the boys out.
My expenses for the trip were $34.30 and if you will send me check for that it
will clean the matter up.
How are you coming with the Minnesota proposition. I hope you don't start
anything until the year has expired. This damned war business is going to
make it mighty hard to do good organization work or good radical work of any
kind, but I think the fight should be now centered against spy bills and con-
scription.
Have you heard from Pennsylvania with Powers of Attorney?
Tours for industrial freedom,
AETHtTR LeSuEUE.
AL:T
[From I. W. W., Chicago, 111. R. H. L.]
April 11, 1917.
Arthur LeSueue,
The People's College, .Fort Scott, Kansas.
Fellow Woekee ': Yours of the 5th inst. received.
Enclosed find check for $34.30 which settles the account in connection with
the cases at Des Moines of Mosacker, Williams, and Post.
There is nothing whatever that we can do the prevent the spy bills or con-
scription methods. All of those things will be passed if the master class
feel that they need them. We realize first of all that in the great class war the
place where we are started is at the point of production. Our slogan is —
organize on the job. Our efforts are bringing results in spite of everything
else that is going on at the present time.
Ed Rowan writes me from Scranton, Pennsylvania, that he is not having
much success in getting signers for the powers of attorney. The miners can-
not understand why they are called upon to sign a second and third time.
The investigation is still on at Massachusetts, and can give you no definite
word at this time.
With best wishes, I am
ES.
85723—19 70
1106 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
[From I. W. W., Chicago, III. E. H. L.]
June 13, 1917.
Abthuk Le Seuer,
Peoples College, Ft. Scott, Kansas.
Dear Le Seuee : On June 5tli between forty and fifty members of the I. W. W
with Socialists, numbering in all 135 refused to register at Rockford, Illinois.
These men marched in a body to the jail and gave themselves up to the sherift^
saying they declined to register and had come to go to .iail for the offense.
They were locked up. Later I understand a number were badly beaten by
deputy sheriffs and jaU guards.
I learned this morning from a Scandinavian Socialist here in Chicago that the
cases are coming up on June the 19th. The Socialists have asked just to co-
operate with them giving the men a defense, to which of course they are fully
entitled to.
The man who telephoned me mentioned Stedman of Chicago as a possible
lawyer. I told him that if we were going in on the case, I much preferred you
to represent the interest of our boys, and I would write you to see if you would
handle the case.
Will it be possible for you to look after the interests of these members, and
what would be your fee?
As the case now stands, it is, I believe, merely a misdemeanor, though they
have one man, George Cully, under arrest charged with conspiracy, and of
course there is no telling how serious the other cases may develop.
Let me hear from you soon.
With best wishes, I am
Yours for Industrial Freedom,
Gen. Sec'y-Teeas.
WDH : OBB.
[From I. W. W., Chicago, 111. R. H. L. File.]
2282 Commonwealth Ave.,
St. Paul, Minn., June 20, 1917.
W. D. Haywood,
164 West Washington St., Chicago, III.
Dear Fellow-worker: Your letter written on the IStli of June caught me
this minute at St. Paul. It was delayed in Fort Scott. I sure would have
enjoyed taking a stick in those cases and I hope I have not thru failure to
receive your letter, prevented the boys from having real counsel in the cases.
Of course other arrangements have been made by this time. I will be at the
address given above. I have resigned from the school and will get mail
addressed here more promptly.
I hope things are moving along well with you. I look for trouble on the
Minnesota Range when they begin prosecutions of the Slackers as they caU
them, for there is a bunch of real scrappers there, many of them left their
native land to escape military conscription and will not lightly forgo their
personal liberty here.
Being interested in iron as much as it is interested in men the Government
will be put up against a hard game to play In case of a strike, and there is
no telling what would develop.
I hope that the Department of Justice will realize that having enough regis-
tered for all purpose it had better quit and aid the government in the prose-
cution of the war, rather than to make war at home on these workers, but
they may decide to go thru. There is no power on earth so prone to blunder as
ignorance in authority.
Fraternally,
Arthur LeSueub.
[Copy.]
Agricultural Workers Organization of the I. W. W.,
Minneapolis, Minn., June 16th, 1917.
Albert Barr,
#6 W. Brady St., Tulsa, Oak.
Fellow Worker: Received yours of the 14th, and in regard to the $14.31
turned over by Boose, we are charging same to you.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1107
T\ e are trying to get Arthur LaSuer to go to Kansas City to see what he can
do toward getting Francik free. The Militia have the Icey to the hall and
refuse to let Broug or anyone in the hall. Wouldn't be surprised if the
" Kitty " put in an appearance in K. C. very shortly.
With best wishes, we remain
Yours for O. B. U.
(Signed) Forkest Ed wards.
[From I. W. W., Chicago, 111.]
August 12, 1916.
To Whom It May Concern:
Mr. Arthur Le Sueur, bearer, of Fort Scott, Kansas, is a lawyer of the
Industrial Workers of the World. Any assistance that members of the Organi-
zation, or friends and sympathizers can render him will be sincerely appre-
ciated.
Yours very truly,
Gkneeal Seceetaky-Treasueee.
WDH : HLS.
Senator Steeung. Mr. A. C. Townley, of St. Paul, Minn., is the
president of the National Nonpartisan League. On June 9, 1917, he
made an address at Jamestown, N. Dak. Later, and during the cam-
paign of 1918, the Nonpartisan Leader, organ of the Nonpartisan
League, issued a " special composite edition " of the Nonpartisan
Leader. The issue was without date, but was devoted to the interests
of the league political campaign. Licluded in this special composite
edition was the speech of Mr. Townley referred to. After the print-
ing of this edition, however, four pages, namely, pages 11, 12, 21, and
22 were torn out, and the edition thus mutilated was circulated for
campaign purposes. I give simply one excerpt of Mr. Townley's
speech which had been thus suppressed :
So we demand here and now and all the time and we will continue to demand
from this platform ; from this roadside ; from the housetops, from the city,
from the country, if need be, from the Federal penitentiary, or even from the
gallows — we will demand that this Nation, or the rulers of this Nation, fear-
ing now not so much for us and our country as for yourselves, you rulers of
this Nation, using the war now to multiply your millions of profits ; we demand
of you, afraid of the autocracy of Germany, if you fear that autocracy, may
come across the water and rob you of the power to rob us: if you are afraid
and you want us to go to war and give our lives we say to you that you
must, you must send proof to us that you are sincere.
Mr. Townley was an avowed Socialist and, prior to the election in
North Dakota' in 1914, registered as such. The following is a copy
of his registration slip or card, signed by him; the fact that he so
registered has not, to my knowledge, ever been denied :
townley's registration as a socialist REGISTRATION BLANK.
State of North Dakota,
County of Golden Valley, ss:
I, the undersigned elector, do solemnly swear (or affirm) that my name and
signature as signed below is my true name and signature. If I have not per-
sonally signed It, it is because it was signed at my request by the attesting
officer. My age is 33 years and occupation farmer; nativity, American born.
Present residence Is in Sec. —, Twp. — , Range — , Golden Valley County,
North Dakota; (or if city or town) at No. 3 ward, — street, in the city of
Beach. Postoffice address, Beach, N. D.
1108 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAinJA.
I belong to the Socialist party ; that I have resided in this state for one year
immediately preceding this election. In testimony whereof I sign my name
two times.
1. A. C. TowNLET, Elector.
2. A. C. TowNLEY, Elector.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 11th day of April, 1914.
Theo. Schaefee,
Assessor in and for City of Beach district,
Oolden Valley County, North Dakota.
During the years 1917 and 1918, Mr. Lewis J. Duncan was State
organizer for the Nonpartisan League in South Dakota, with head-
quarters at Mitchell, S. Dak., where was published tjie Nonpartisan
Leader, the official organ for the league m the State of South Da-
kota. Mr. Duncan had, before coming to South Dakota, been twice
elected as the Socialist mayor of the city of Butte, Mont. During
his second term there was much disorder and rioting in the city of
Butte, participated in by members of the I. W. W. and radical
Socialists. It appears that Mr. Duncan made no attempt to suppress
the rioting and disorder, and proceedings were instituted to oust him
from his office.
I have here a certified copy of the judgment and decree rendered
against Mr. Duncan on the 5th day of October, A. D. 1914, by the
District Court of the Second Judicial District of the State of Mon-
tana, after what appears to have been a full hearing and trial before
the court, in which Mr. Duncan was represented by several attorneys
appearing as his counsel. The proceedings were instituted by one
Peter Breen, a resident and taxpayer of said city of Butte.
I think the matter material to the inquiry as it relates to the
activities of I. W. W. and radical Socialist elements, and also as
having an important bearing on the character of the leadership of
the Nonpartisan League and its tendencies, and submit for the record
that portion of the findings of fact, conclusions of law, and judgment
, in the case against Mr. Duncan, beginning with paragraph 2 :
2. That the said defendant, Lewis J. Duncan, has refused and neglected to
perform the official duties pertaining to his office as JNIayor of the said Citj' of
Butte ; and particularly has he refused and neglected to perform the official
duties pertaining to his said office in that on the 23rd day of June, 1914, larfje
numbers of persons, many of them bearing arms, were unlawfully, and riotously
assembled on Main Street in said City, and while so assembled were engaged
in riotous conduct and were destroying property and discharging fire-arms, and
as a result one man was killed and one man wounded, and that certain build-
ing known as the Butte Miners Union Hall, destroyed, and other property
damaged, all of which was wrongful and unlawful, and all of which was done
at the hands of the said riotous assembly, and that the said defendant, Lewis J.
Duncan, as the Mayor and one of the governing officers of the said city of
Butte, was advised of such riotous assembly and of the conduct of the same, as
hereinbefore set forth, and refused and neglected to go among the persons
assembled, or as near to them as possible, and command them in the name of
the State to immediately disperse, and refused and neglected in any other
way or at all to disperse said riotous assembly, although he, the said Lewis J.
Duncan, as the Mayor and one of the governing officers of the said city of
Butte, was in and about the city hall of the said city of Butte during all of
the time the said riotous assembly was engaged in its riotous and unlawful
conduct, as aforesaid, and that at said time he had the police force of the said
city of Butte at his command and many of them assembled In and about the
said city hall, and that he made no effort through the said policemen under his
command, or otherwise, to quell and disperse the said riotous assembly, and
that the said riotous assembly, by reason of the said defendant's inaction and
failure to disperse them, continued in their unlawful destruction of property
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. H09
for several hours during tlie night of June 23rd and early morning of J\ine
24th, 1914.
3. That on the 27th day of August, 1914, in the said city of Butte, a large
number of persons were unlawfully and riotously assembled in the said tity
of Butte, and while so unlawfully and riotously assembled, did then and there
by force take, seize, have and imprison, against their will, Pat To\\'ry, Martin
Harkins, and Martin Glackin, all residents of the said city of Butte, and by
force and violence the said unlawful and riotous assembly did unlawfully and
wrongfully detain and imprison said Towry, Harkins and Glackin and require
them and each of them to march through the streets of the city of Butte and
to a vacant lot within the limits of the said city, and near the' center of said
city, and there forcibly, unlawfully, wrongfully- and against their \vill, and
while they were so imprisoned and detained, publicly conduct an alleged trial
of said Towry, Harkins and Glackin, and after the said trial forcibly, violently,
wrongfully, unlawfully and against the will of the said Towry, Harkins and
Glackin, drive and deport the said Towry, Harkins, and Glackin from the city
of Butte, and then and there threaten the lives of them and each of them if
they should ever return to the said city, and that during the time the wrongful
and unlawful acts above mentioned were being perpetrated by the said riotous
assembly against the said Towry, Harkins and Glackin, and against the peace
and dignity of the said city of Butte and of the State of Montana, the said
defendant, Lewis J. Duncan, as Mayor and one of the governing officers of the
said city, was then and there advised of said unlawful and riotous assembly
and of their forcible, unlawful and wrongful acts, and was at said time re-
quested, as such oiHcer, to rescue and assist the said Towry, Harkins and Glac-
kin, who were then and there being wrongfully, unlawfully and against their
will held and detained, and he, the said defendant, Lewis J. Duncan, as Mayor
and one of the governing officers of said city of Butte failed, refused and
neglected to rescue and assist the said Towry. Harkins and Glackin, and re-
fused and neglected in any manner then and there to perform the official duties
pertaining to his office as Mayor of the said city of Butte.
4. That at various times during the present incumbency of the said Lewis
J. Duncan, as Mayor of the city of Butte, he has known of and permitted per-
sons to assemble in mass meeting in and about the streets of the said city and
advocate the destruction and confiscation of private property, and forcible
resistance to legally constituted authority, and to defile and cast contempt
upon the American flag, and permitted such mass meetings to block the streets
and disturb the peace of the city of Butte.
5. And it appears to the court that all of the foregoing facts are. proved
against the defendant, Lewis J. Duncan, beyond a reasonable doubt, by evi-
dence free and clear of all exceptions as to admissibility, competency and suffi-
ciency, and it further appears to the court that the charges in Paragraphs 4,
5, 6, 8, 9 and 11 of the accusation on file herein are sustained and that the
defendant, Lewis J. Duncan, is guilty beyond a reasonable doubt of refusing
and neglecting to perform the official duties pertaining to his office as Mayor
of the said city of Butte.
As conclusions of law from the foregoing facts, the Court now finds and
decides :
That the defendant, Lewis J. Duncan, is guilty, beyond a reasonable doubt,
of refusing and neglecting to perform the official duties pertaining to his office
as Mayor of the said City of Butte, and that the plaintiff is entitled to a
judgment, and that the court must enter a judgment, that the i defendant,
Lewis J. Duncan, be deprived of his office as Mayor of the said City of Butte,
and that the said office of Mayor of the said City of Butte, be adjudged to be
vacant, and for plaintiff's costs herein incurred.
Wherefore, by reason of the law and the refusal and neglect of the defend-
ant, Lewis J. Duncan, to perform the official duties pertaining to his office as
Mayor of the city of Butte, Montana, and of the premises, it is hereby ordered,
adjudged and decreed, and the Court does now order, adjudge and decree that
the said defendant, Lewis J. Duncan, be, and he is hereby deprived of his office
of Mayor of the said city of Butte, and the said office of Mayor of the said City
of Butte be, and is vacant, and that the plaintiff have and recover costs herein
incurred. . „ ,„,
Done in open court this 5th day of October, A. D. 1914.
Rot E. Atebs, Judge.
1110 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
State of Montana,
County of Silver Bow, ss :
I, Otis Lee, Clerk of the District Court of the Second Judicial District of the
State of Montana, in and for the County of Silver Bow, hereby certify that the
foregoing instrument, consisting of 5 pages, is a full, true and correct copy of
the Findings of Fact, Conclusions of Law and Judgment in Cause Nii. A-6334.
The State of Montana, upon the accusation of Peter Breen, plaintiff, vs. Lewis
J. Duncan, Mayor of the City of Butte, a Municipal corporation, defendant, as
the same was filed herein on the 6th day of October, A. D. 1914, and recordetl
In Book of Judgments No. V, Page 494.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and affixed the seal of
said Court this 29th day of January, A. D. 1919.
[SEAL.] Otis Lee, Clerk.
By Thos. Fox,
Deputy Clerk.
The following letter of t)-ansmittal and attached documents,
ordered to be included in the record, are here printed in full as
follows :
Office of the Postmastee Genep.al,
Washmgton, D. C, February 18, 1919.
Hon. Lee S. Overman,
United States Senate, WasMngton, D. C.
Mt Deae Sexatoe: In response to your request, I am transmitting herewith
a memorandum prepared in the office of the Solicitor relating to Bolshevist
and kindred matter which has been found In the mails since the signing of the
armistice.
Very truly yours,
A. S. Burleson,
Postmaster General.
(Enclosure)
February 14, 1919.
Memorandum for Judge Lamar:
In response to your request of the 12th inst., I am transmitting herewith
attached excerpts from various publications, showing the nature and extent of
the revolutionary Bolshevlkl propaganda which various publications are now
attempting to circulate throughout the United States.
In preparing theise excerpts, I have confined my examination chiefly to publi-
cations of the I. W. W., Anarchist, Kadlcal Socialist and kindred organiza-
tions which liave been deposited in various postoffices for transmission through
the mails since the slgiiing of the Armistice. These will readily convey to you
the forceful activities of these organizations and the methods they advocate
to accomplish the object of their purposes.
This propaganda is being conducted with such regularity, that its magnitude
can be measured only by the bold and out-spoken statements contained ln_ these
publications and the efforts made therein to Inaugurate a nation-wide reign of
terror and overthrow the government.
In classifying these papers, they are submitted in their major or general
class, as follows: I. W. W., Anarchistic, Radical Socialistic and Socialistic.
It will be seen from these excerpts and it is indeed significant, that this is the
first time in the history of the so-called radical movement in the United States,
that these radical elements have found a common cause (Bolshevism) In which
they can all unite. The I. W, W., Anarchists, Socialists ; radical and otherwise,
in fact all dis'^atlsfiert elements, particularly the foreign element, are perfecting
an amalgamation with one object and one only in view, viz : the overthrow of
the government of the United States by means of a bloody revolution and the
establishment of a Bolshevlkl republic.
The organization of the Industrial Workers of the V^orld is perhaps most
actively engaged in spreading this propaganda, and has, at its command, a
large field force, known as recruiting agents, subscription agents, lecturers,
etc., who work unceasingly In the furtherance of the " cause." This organiza-
tion also publishes at least five newspapers in the English language and nine
in foreign languages, as shown in the list given below. This list comprises only
the official papers of the organization and does not take into consideration a
large number of free lance papers, published In the Interests of the above
organization :
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1111
NEWSPAPEKS PUBLISHED BY THE I. W. W.
The New Solidarity (English) Weekly. Chicago, 111.
One Big Union (Monthly) English, Chicago, 111.
The Industrial Unionist (Weekly) English, Seattle, Wash.
California Defense Bulletin (Weekly) English, San Francisco, Cal.
The Rebel Worker (Bi-monthly) English, New York, N. Y.
La Nueva Solldaridad (Spanish) Weekly, Chicago, 111.
Golos Truzenka (Russian) Weekly, Chicago, 111.
II Nuovo Proletario (Italian) Weekly. Chicago, 111.
Nya Varlden (Swedish) Weekly, Chicago, 111.
Der Industrial er Arbeiter (Jewish) Weekly, Chicago, 111.
Probuda (Bulgarian) Weekly, Chicago, 111.
A Pelszabadulas (Hungarian) Weekly, Chicago, 111.
Loukkataistelu (Finnish) Monthly, 58 B. 123 St., New York.
It is the announced intention of this organization to publish their literature
in practically every foreign language spoken in the United States; to change
their monthly magazines into weeklies, their weeklies into dailies.
In a recent issue of one of these publications there appears a notice to the
effect that beginning in March, a publication in the Chinese language will be
published in New York City, in the interest of the Chinese I. W. W., who have
been recently organized.
It will be seen from the foregoing, that this organization will be able, by
this method, to reach every foreign element in the United States and by means
of its propaganda weld them into one big " revolutionary " unit.
It also appears that the Socialists have joined the Bolsheviki movement and
are using the party organization to further the cause, and as will be seen from
various excerpts from Socialistic publications.
The Anarchistic class already outside the pale of the law, are to be found
among the staunchest supjporters of Bolshevism and have eagerly seized this
opportunity to join forces with other radicals and overthrow the government.
The program of the Bolshevists is strikingly set out in a recent issue of a
Swedish newspaper, published In the United States. The concluding paragraph
of which reads as follows: . j-^fSJ
[Nordetjernan, New York City, Issue o( January 3, 1919.]
BOLSHEVISM.
" The Bolsheviki are convinced that they must create a world revolution
according to Russion example. It is therefore that the Bolshevik propaganda
is driven so energetically all over the world. Money is distributed in masses
all over Europe to keep the kettles of discontent boiling. Inflammable means
exist in superfluity. Famine, misery, despair, a misdirected idealism, which
blind the words of liberty, are such Inflammable means. The foremost means
used, however, is the enticement of colossal gains, against which the wartime
profiteering appear as small sums indeed."
The excerpts attached are merely typical of the matter of this kind found
in the mails since the signing of the Armistice and down to the present time,
but does not include all such matter found in the mails during this period.
Respectfully submitted.
James A. Hoeton,
Assistant Attorney.
BxcEEPTS Feom Various Pltbucatioks Showing the Nature and Extent of
Bolsheviki Propaganda, Published Since the Signing fo the Armistice,
novembee 11, 1918.
[The Labor Defender, I. W. W., New York, N, Y., Nov. 15, 1918, Page 12, C. 1.]
A painful alternative.
Every day brings fresh evidence that the international capitalists are alarmed
at the spread of Bolshevism and the prospect of a repetition of " the tragedy of
Russia " in other countries on both sides of the firing line.
1112 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
[The Labor Defender, I. W. W., New York, N. T., Dec. 1, 1918, Page 12, c. 1.]
THE master's nightmare.
The Bolsheviki are Coming!
[The Labor Defender, I. W. W., New York, N. Y., Dee. 15, 1918, Page 4, c. 1.]
Every strike is a small revolution and a dress rehearsal for the big one.
[Golos Truzenika, I. W. W., Chicago, 111., Jan. 18, 1919, P. 2, c. 3-4.]
OUR AIMS AND PROBLEMS.
The Industrial Workers of the World — an international revolutionary or-
ganization, which exists not only in the United States, but also in Australia and,
one might safely say, in every country of the globe. The aim and problem of
this organization is the destruction of slavery and the overthrow of the present
capitalistic society In all its form and aspects. * * * The I. W. W. strives
to establish one big labor organization in general One Big Union of the Indus-
trial Workingmen of the ^Vorld. By the establishing of revolutionary syndicates
and uniting all workingmen, this organization signs the death verdict for the
ruling bourgeoisie, for capitalism and its power throughout the world.
[U Nuovo Proletarlo, I. W. W., Chicago, III., Dec. 28, 1918, page 4, cols. 2-3.]
THIS IS TOUR TASK WOEKINGMAN.
First: Defend the Russian labor revolution wherever you can, as it is the first
true revolution of the proletariat ever accomplished in the history of humanity,
defend this revolution against the conspiracy of the forces of the internal capial-
1st coalition and against politicians.
Defend the Russian revolution, comrade, defend the I. W. W. and all victims
of the reaction and you will solve the historical problem which belongs today to
every conscientious workingman. Contribute in the most speedy and efficient
manner to the triumph of the common cause.
[International Weekly (Socialist), the world for the workers, Seattle, Wash., January 31,
1919, vol. 1, No. 12.]
Soviets take control in England. Why not here? Class war is now on.
[Industrial Unionist, I. W. W., Seattle, Wash., January 18, 1919.]
Page 1, Col. 2 :
Our system of government must be changed. The sooner it changes the
better. I would that it could change without bloodshed, but if not, the less
bloodshed the better.
[International Weekly (Socialist), Seattle, Wash., Issue of Jan. 24, 1919. Page 4, col. 1.1
THE WORKERS' COUNCIL.
It is high time for all the forces opposed to capitalism to get together on
the common ground of revolutionary aim, agitating their special tactics thru
their own organizations but spreading the revolutionary propaganda for the
overthrow of the present industrial and political system thru this central
revolutionary propaganda organization, the Workers' Council.
[A Felszabadulas, Chicago, 111., Issue of Jan. 18, 1919, p. 2, c. 2.]
The capitalistic class with its prisons can no more hold up the revolution
than the legendry old woman was able to sweep back the waves of the sea with
her broom.
When the masses shall be inoculated with the spirit of class-solidarity, only
then, when unshakable faith in their own strength arises only then, can they
hope to pluck the fruits of the great revolutionary struggles, of which they
were the creators.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1113
[A Felszabadulas, Chicago, III., Feb. 1, 1919".]
CHINESE WORKERS IN THE I. W. W.
P. 1, col. 3 :
,A Chinese workers' recruiting organization was formed In New York with
sixty-five members. The I. W. W. preamble has been translated into Chinese
and a number of pamphlets are also being prepared for translation.
A REVOLUTION IS NEEDED.
P. 2, col. 1:
* * * Slaves of America, awake ! Things will hereafter change no matter
whether the American huns, the industrial Kaisers, their associates and hire-
lings like it or not. * * * We greeted the Russian revolution with joy
and hope to hear very soon of the getting into power of the German bolsheviki
and also in those countries that surround Russia and Germany. No matter
what measures the Allies may take to break down the revolution, it will drag
in its wake the drastic economical action of the sindicalists in England,
* * *
Page 2, CO. 2 :
Extract.
Every institution of the social system is a result of economical conditions,
A change of economical conditions brings about a change in the political up-
building. The consequence of the capitalistic economic system, the capitalistic
social relations and social institutions are the Supreme Court, President,
Senate, Congress, Mayoralties, Police, Sheriffs and landed proprietors ; these
institutions independent of the will of individuals are protecting the capitalistic
social system, i. e., robbery and theft. They can not do otherwise since they
owe their existence to the capitalistic economical system of robbery and thievery.
* * *
[A Felszabadulas, Cbicago, 111., January 25, 1919, p. 3, u. 4.]
THE DUTIES OF THE WORKING CLASS.
The war of the capitalists is concluded * * *
It is a fact, that the war between the money-magnates (Kings) is ended but
class-struggle has only now started on its way. The red terror of revolution
breaks its way throughout the entire world and looks Into the eyes of the
capitalist class with a grinning defiance * * *. The capitalist doctrines are
overthrown with an astonishing rapidity all over Europe in order to be re-
placed by the new doctrine :
Workers of America, the world has changed ! The social systerh of a ram-
shackle State lies on its deathbed and the industrial democracy of a new
world knocks at the door. They await the birth of democracy and we cannot
be quite about the birth of OUR democracy. AVe must no longer be indifferent,
towards the trend of events but, whether we want or not, we have to face them
under all circumstances. Everyone will be forced to this by the industrial and
financial crisis in this country, too, vsathin a very short time.
[A Felszabadulas, Chicago, 111., January 25, 1919, p. 2, c. 2.]
DEMOCRACY OF LABOR.
The war of the internationalists is the continuous class-struggle in th« mines,
factories and smelters. Real democracy will come only when the arbitrary
rule of the capitalist, which is nourished by exploitation, economic robbery and
new wars, is stopped. To Hell with that so-called democracy. Forward with
the class-struggle in order that misery, crime, anguish, suffering and bloodshed
be stopped. All and everything that is in this world is the property of the
employers. To Hell with that system which creates American Huns, industrial
Kaisers and humiliates women and children.
[The Defense Bulletin, Seattle, Washington, issue of December 1, 1918.]
THE WAR IS DEAD : LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION !
The above slogan is published on every page of this issue — the December 1,
1918, issue of "The Defense Bulletin," published by the Seattle District De-
fense Committee of the I. W. W., Seattle, Washington.
1114 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
[Industrial Union Bulletin, Issue of Nov. 29, 1918.]
To arouse this fighting spirit against capitalism, to get workers to show by
their actions they understand that the " employing class and the working class
have nothing in common " is of the greatest Importance in the class war.
Group and mass movements best do this, People in groups or masses feel more
their strength, are emboldened to think and act more boldly against their
oppressors.
[II Diritto, New York City, N. T., Issue of Jan. 25, 1919, p. 2, c. 2-3. Italian, An-
archistic. ]
WOEKEES.
Comrades in labor, it is time to end it. Our freedom will never come through
the action of the Governments, but we must attain it by every means at our
command. Capitalism will not cease to despoil us as long as we permit our-
selves to be despoiled.
Must we always be the eternal cinder- wenches? Let us cast out once for all
the burden of all vexations against this shameless rabble which In the name of
humanity crushes humanity in the name of liberty, kill liberty, these Kaisers of
wealth who are bursting with indigestion let us tell them once for all. that we
are disposed to obtain our liberty at the price of their adorable stinking car-
casses. That we are determined to obtain our liberty appearing in the night in
their sanctuaries as livid spectres because of the centuries of starvation and
chains, with a dagger between our teeth tight because of wrath ; and with
dynamite we will bring down the roof of their dwellings where infamy, dishonor
and slavery is perpetrated.
Protest against intervention in Russia, reclaim liberty for all political vic-
tims; let us act to hasten the day of the social revolution of the world. This
is the duty which is Incumbent upon us to-day. Let us elevate ourselves to the
dignity of men, oh, comrade proletarians, and the end of the Bourgeoisie will
be an accomplished fact.
War on the Bourgeoisie. Freedom to the political victims. Down with inter-
vention in Russia.
Otelma.
[II Diritto, New York City, N. Y., Jan. 25, 1919, p. 2, col. 3, 4, 5.]
WILL THEY BE DEP0ETED7
They are afraid and hope to inspire in us part of their fears.
They wish to bar the way to Bolshevism and find no better way of relieving
themselves of the troublesome, they issue a decree of deportation ; from the
moment that these people without a country do not bow to nor understand
Americanism which is all obsequius and servile to law.
I do not wish to say more, in order not to repeat what our newspapers have
always said that it is little decorous for anarchists to trust themselves to that
law which they theoretically do not recognize and against which they have
launched their sharpest darts.
[L'Avanti (Socialist), Chicago, Ills., November 1, 1918, page 1, col. 1.]
After the war, the struggle between the classes will increase with the arrival
of peace. The war between the nations will end, but the war between the
classes will restart in the world in all the nations more violently.
And certainly America will not be the privileged country where the working-
men and bourgeoisie class shall live in peace and harmony.
The harmony of classes is not possible in America. The A. F. of L. and capi-
talism are not able to conclude a peace.
The workers should have the land, the industries, the railways, etc. The
workers can't be really free unless they own the means of production. The
laborers of America should possess their country.
[Workman and Peasant, New York City, Russian Weekly, Official organ in New York
City of Soviet of Russian Workers Deputies — Issue of Nov. 13, 1918, complete issue
herewith. ]
There is no place for doubts. ^Ye are standing at the threshold of the TJni-
■versal revolution. * « * Crisis is ripe. All the future of Russian revolu-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1115
tion is at stake. All the future of the InternaHonal Social revolution is at
stake. Crisis is ripe.
Here before the Red Stafe Building where our comrades Gruzshchiki were
slain, we swear by these red coffins that hold them, by their wives and children
that *eep for them, by the red banners which float over them, that the Soviet
for which they died shall be the thing for which we live, or if need be— like
them, die. Henceforth the return of the Soviet shall be the goal of all our
sacrifice and devotion. To that end we shall fight with every means. The bayo-
nets have been wrested from our hands but when the day comes and we have no
guns we shall fight with sticks and clubs, and when these are gone then with
hare fists and bodies. * * * The Soviet is dead. Long live the Soviet.
(Note. — This matter has appeared quite generally in Anarchistic and Bolshe-
viki papers. It is entitled " The Red Funeral of Vladivostok.")
[Novy Mir, New York City, N. Y., Issue of Feb. 1, 1919.]
FEIENDS QUARREL.
And, if we are to remember, that all these commerical wars always and in-
variably resulted in an armed clash between the capitalist powers, resulted in
hloody wars, the most finished example being the just ended (wholly or only
temporarily?) world war — then it will become clear that the capitalist govern-
ments already now, under the accompaniment of peace speeches and in the
■course of the peace negotiations, are preparing and sowing the seeds for new.
and perhaps, more bloody wars.
The way out of this is only one : The matter of peace is not in trustworthy
hands — and it will remain in these untrustworthy hands until the people them-
selves— the workmen's masses will take it into their own hands.
[A Munkas (Radical Socialist), New York, N. Y., Feb. 1, 1919.]
UNIFICATION.
We all are enthusiastic over the work of our revolutionary comrades in
Russia and Germany; so why should we ourselves not come to an agreement?
* * *
* * * Let us think of the outbreak of the storm in which we have to take
our stand.
* * * Nothing is more dreadful to the capitalist class that the unification
of the workers of America in the fight for a future society.
[Novy Mir. New York, N. Y., Issue of Jan. 30, 1919, "4" of Pub. Trans.]
FRANKLY SAID.
Lenine, and all those who are behind liim, are fighting for the establishment
of the socialist society throughout the entire world; but as real statesmen they
know that this can be accomplished only through revolutionary methods. And
therefore, they appeal to the workers of all countries to revolt, to an organized
destruction of the pillars on which the modern bourgeoise society supports
itself.
This is understood by the proletariat of Russia and Germany. This is begin-
ning to be understood by the proletariat of France and England. And there is
hope that soon also the American workingmen will come to understand that
simple truth about which the world frankly speaks today and which the cor-
rupters of the American proletariat are trying carefully to camouflage. And
once the American proletariat would come to the understanding of this truth
he will act accordingly.
[Novy Mir, New York City, N. Y., issue of Jan. 29, 1919, "2" of Pub. Wans.]
STRIKE MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
The world war has produced a number of social-economic problems which
the capitalist world is not capable of grappling with. These problems are of
the same trend and deal with the transformation of the modern structure of
society into a socialist society. The great work to realize this task ca-n be
undertaken only by the proletariat and only through one channel — the Bol-
shevist one.
1116 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
[Novy Mir, New York, N. Y., Issue of January 28, 1919, " 1 " of Pub. Trans.]
BANKKUPTS.
The bankrupt diplomats know that the " League of Nations " even in that
perfectly harmless to them form in which it came out of the pen of Wilson
cannot be realized under the circumstances of incessant quarreling which is
going on among the States. They are too well aware of the fact that the house
of cards they mean to build will fall to pieces as soon as the Bolshevist hand
of the worker will touch it, the hand which sweeps away thrones and takes the
ground away on which as schemed by the Parisian " benefactors " should be
built the house of " equality and higher justice." And they exert all their
efforts to stave ofC that hand from their child.
[Novy Mir, New York City, N. Y., February 7, 1919.]
EEVOLUTIONART STRIKE MOVEMENT.
The American bourgeoisie is listening to the thundering peals of the coming
storm, and, obeying the instinct of self-preservation, resorts to the arsenal of
old measures in hope to crush the movement. She is very strong and well
organized, while the American working class has not yet learned to act har-
moniously in masses. Its demonstration of power assume so far an isolated
character.
But the revolutionary strike wave extending more and more over the world
is raising the working class of the United States and will teach him the Euro-
pean methods of struggle. His role is yet to come.
[Novy Mir, New York, N. Y., January 1, 1919, " 2 " of Pub. Trans.]
THE JUDGMENT DAT IS NEAE.
Revolution — is the very judge which the history, made now by the people's
masses, has brought forth. Severe and impartial it reads its verdicts.
In Russia its verdict has already been carried into execution. In Central
Europe it is about to be enforced.
In other countries the criminals still at large attempt by all means at their
disposal to stay olf the day of judgment. Now by violence, now by cunning,
they try to postpone the hour of judgment. But they cannot flee from it as they
cannot flee from the fully deserved punishment.
The contemporary state of society existing by virtue of oppression and violence
is doomed to die. The revolutionary sword hangs already over its head. And
let its representatives and adherents in their blindness try to protect and
strengthen it with all powers at their disposal. Their efforts are doomed to fall.
The past year has clearly demonstrated it. The mighiest of machines ever
created by the contemporary society is destroyed and lies prostrated in the dust.
Its pillars in all countries are decaying and crumble down. And the hour is
near when this structure, degenerated and withered, will finally fall apart and
be transformed into dust.
[Novy Mir, New York City, N. Y., Dec. 23, 1918, "1" of Pub. Trans.]
BETWEEN TWO FIEES.
But to make an end of the Bolshevist " menace " is an undertaking incom-
parable harder than a victory over German armies. Besides, the fact that here
in this case it is necessary to fight the whole people who is struggling for the
realization of the greatest principles, which have ever enthused the mankind,
one comes across something indefinite yet, but which might at any moment
become intelligible, it is resistance everywhere wherever lives and suffers the
worker. The Bolshevist ideas are trickling through into all countries, despite
all prohibitions and barriers. And these ideas awaken and arouse the toiling
masses, bringing resolution into their hearts to help the struggling proletarians
of Russia and Germany and at the same time to attain their own emancipation.
[Novy Mir, New York, N. Y., Issue of Jan. 11, 1919.]
FROM PEOGEAMME OF COMMUNIST PAETT (BOLSHEVIKI) .
A war breaks out. People are perishing by the million. Oceans of blood are
being shed. It is necessary an explanation for this phenomenon. Those who
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1117
do not believe in God, know the reason why. They see, that the war was started
by czars and presidents, by the large bourgeoisie and land owners. They see that
it is not conducted for plundering and dirty aims. Therefore they say to the
workers of all countries : " To arms, against your oppressors, depose capitalism
from, its thrones."
[Novy Mir, New York, N. Y., January 20, 1919, p. 2, c. 1-7.]
FEOM PBOGBAMME OV THE COMMUNIST PARTY. (BOtSHEVIKI.)
The party of the proletariat so decided the question concerning proletarians of
different nations living within the borders of the country. A greater problem
than this is before our party and that is its international problem. Here the
way is clear. This way is universal support to the international revolution,
support to revolutionary propaganda, strikes and uprising in imperialistic coun-
tries, support to the sedition and insurrection in the colonies of those countries.
The position of the Soviet Republic is an exceptional one. It is the only pro-
letarian State organization in the world among predatory organizations of the
buorgeoisie. Therefore only it has a right for protection. It must be looked at
as an instrument of the world's proletariat struggle against the world's bour-
geoisie. The slogan of this struggle is clear. The international slogan of this
struggle is — " the international Soviet Republic."
The overthrow of imperialistic governments through an armed uprising and
the organization of an international republic of Soviets is the way leading to-
ward the international dictatorship of the working class.
[Novy Mir, New York, N.-Y., December 13, 1918.]
INTEENATIONAL IS DEAD tONG LIVE THE INTERNATIONAL !
* * * What an awakening will it be for the bourgeoisie when the time
comes when the International throws all its weight and power into the balance
to realize the program. of the working class.
Editorial Note. * * * the newspaper is right when it says that the
socialist International, as such, is immortal. Because it is the bearer of the
Immortal socialist idea of international solidarity of the working class, the
personification of the great watch word : " Proletarians of all countries unite ! "
And in place of the old, left the stage Internationals, comes now a new, really
revolutionary, real Red-Third International !
Populaire, the organ of the French socialist " Center •'***" Long live
the Soviet Republic ! "
Populaire, of October 15, * * * Those men are wrong, who still believe
that a political change can take place in the world without being accompanied
by a social upheaval.
[Novy Mir, New York, N. Y., Dec. 12, 1918, Issue.]
Liebknecht tries to become a competitor of Lenine * * * The only war
he is interested in is the class struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie.
* * * The army can easily finish up with Liebknecht and his red followers.
Should this not be done Germany will be occupied by Foch troops and that will
spell an end to Bolshevism.
This same cynical tone is being manifested in the greater part of the Ameri-
can capitalist press.
[Novy Mir, New York, N. Y., Issue of Dec. 14, 1918.]
Already last year the leader of the proletarian democracy in Russia — com-
rade Lenine — pointed out that the great mission of the Russian revolution will
have been realized only when it assume an International character * * *
On the banner of Liebknecht, like on the banner of the Russian Soviet Gov-
ernment, is inscribed the slogan : " Long live the internationalist socialist revo-
lution ! " Only under this slogan are possible an actual victory and fuU realiza-
tion of the great mission of the German revolution, as the mighty factor of
international revolution * * * only in this case the proletariat of Russia
and of Germany might be able to create a united forceful revolutionary front
against the united front of international imperialists.
The proletarians of all countries are on the threshold of a great battle.
1118 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
[Naye Welt, issue of December 13, 1918.]
ASIATIC POLICIES or THE SOVIET GOVERNMEN'r.
Socialistic Russia on tlie first day of the October Revolution (Bolshevist) an-
nounced to the oriental countries that it renounced all its rights in their eoiin
tries and territories.
The fact that in Russia a socialistic government could maintain it.self for
eight months convinced them that they too must introduce a similar social sys-
tem. It then alludes to the revolution-labor rising — in Tokio, which it snys
was inspired by the success of the Bolshevist revolution and .Sovist government
and it calls on Japan to rise in revolution and to defeat the capitalistic classes,
etc. and it claims that the Lenine Trotsky regime is in communication with the
laboring classes in .Japan and that it is at work fomenting this revolution.
Socialist Russia on the first day of the Oct. revolution announced to the ori-
ental countries that it renounces all its rights in their countries and territories.
The Soviet Government recalled the Russian soldiers of Persia, renounced the
czar's booty in Mongolia and told China that the East Siberian which cost so
much the Chinese and Russian people would be common property.
In China the party which made the revolution Russian was called the party of
most radical rumanism, in Persia, which is so torn asunder that she has no
strength to fight for independence a nu)\eHient arose wliieh sees the only deliv-
erance from the foreign yoke in the creation of democratic institutions similar
to the Soviets. In Southern China an open revolution is on.
Great is also the influence which the revolution in Russia had on the capital-
ist system in the oriental countries.
Already in Feb. the labor masses rose in Tokio. * * * A strong opposition
exists there toward intervention plans of the government."
A revolution * * * often maims the good, often brings to the top the bad.
This is incidental, but this does not hinder the general course of the stream
or the deafening roar of the stream, and that roar is always about great things.
I do not know, he continues, what is better, the red rooster (villages aflarab,
arbitrary courts) of the police or the oppressive disharmony.
I speak to the intelligenzie and not to the bourgeoisie. The latter never dreams
of any music except the piano. The Bourgeoise has a definite foundation under
his feet as the hog has his mud.
But comes the revolution in its present stage and says that the time of
privileges of all kinds is past.
FNovy Mir, New York, N. Y., Issue of Not. 8, 1918].
A revolution is not merely a palace revolution, a plot of single individuals,
knows no nationalistic bounds. Revolutionism is not a distinguishing specific
feature of this or that people. A revolution, if she is made by masses — is
international in character, in her substance.
The Russian revolution has not limited herself with national bounds or
geographical confines. Her s;jarks fiew over to other countries. An4 there,
enough combustible material was found, to change them into a bright fire. Bul-
garia, Austro-Hungary and Germany have followed Russia. AYho is next now?
[Novy Mir, New York, N. Y., Issue of Nov. 11, 1918.]
AND THIS COINCIDENCE IS DEEPLY SYMBOLICAL.
It looks as though it reveals the true — international — character of the prole-
tarian uprising in Russia, it emphasizes that that was not a specific Russian
national revolution, but merely one of the links in the ivorld socialist revolution
in the period of which we have just entered.
[Novy Mir, New York, N. Y., Issue of Nov. 9, 1918.]
We, revolutionary socialists, ought not to he alarmed over that the poison
of Italian social patriotism may penetrate into the American Socialist move-
ment.
[Novy Mir, New York, N. Y., Issue of Nov. 6, 1918.]
Imperialists of all countries and peoples are hastily concluding peace in order
to begin a new struggle; this time already a struggle with combined forces
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1119
against the rising proletariat. " War against Bolslievism " — such is the watch-
word put forth by the defenders of the contemporary capitalist society. And
there can be no doubt that the question of this war about the mobilization and
unification of forces for the campaign will be one of the chief problems which
will be discussed by the diplomats and statesmen and generals at the coming
" peace conference."
[Novy Mir, New York, N. Y. — Issue of Dec. 18, 1918.]
A Shiver runs through the body at the very thought of the awakening of th&
tortured and befooled proletariat, at the thought of the coming people's judg-
ment.
At this hour of a possible world revolution they are busy with petty bar-
gaining attempting to get a few ministerial seats, and because of it they stand;
ready to save the situation for the imperialistic bourgeoisie.
Our task consists precisely in that we must destroy this agreement at the>
expense of the proletariat and the future of socialism.
Forward with the banner of socialism and long live the revolution of the
International proletariat !
Now the hour has come to act. Now the English and French workmen might
follow the signal given by the German workers. This signal must be given.
Forward, German workers, soldiers, male and female ! Forward to the battle-
for freedom, for an immediate peace and socialism ! Forward towards brother-
hood of all peoples under the banner of free labor ! Down with class rule of"
the bourgeoisie ! Whole power to the proletariat ! Long live the German re-
public ! Long live the international revolution of the proletariat !
[Novy Mir, New York, N. Y. — Dec. 10, 1918.]
Bolshevism penetrates into all parts of the former German Empire. The-
Oologne Gazette reports that the Spartacus party manifests great activity..
Its agitators are active in each factory and in each plant. Their class propa-
ganda spreads over larger and larger parts of the population. New and new
spheres are being drawn in it. In IVIunich, the Bavarian capitol, the Bolsheviki:
forced the Irfinister of Foreign AfEairs — Auer— to resign. Hamburg and
Bremen had already come under the Bolshevist control. The influence of Bol-
shevism is being strongly felt in the Rheinish provinces. In IVIaintz the Bol-
shevik! have already established their own daily newspapers. Even the
capitalist press is forced to acknowledge these facts. Small wonder that the
imperialists begin seriously to contemplate in adopting resolute dictatorial
measures to fight the influence and activity of the revolutionary socialists.
The German bourgeoisie and the German social patriots in this respect will
undoubtedly act in harmony with the international imperialism.
[Workman and Peasant, New York, N. Y., Issue of December 13, 1918.]
Bed Flag.
The larger part of Europe today is under the Red Flag.
The larger part of Europe is endeavoring today to bury forever the in-
justice and extortions of a bloody and full of tears world, and to establish a
new world full of light, justice and all good. In the larger part of Europe
the thrones already crumbled. Kaisers and extortionists were thrown out.
It became very fearful to all sorts of American owls.
In their fear and foolishness they came to the conclusion that all things
happened in Europe because they are making attempts to forbid the use of the
red flag. It is forbidden in New York, forbidden in Chicago, and expects to be
forbidden throughout America. And what do they attain by that?
Suppose the red flag does not appear on the streets and at the meeting? Does
that disappear, what does the red flag mean? On the contrary, it spreads out
more and more. In the workmen's hearts, more and more commencing to
palpitate, although is not seen, is more dangerous than the red flag. If it will
remain locked up in the hearts of the workman by all kinds of mayors, precepts.
The more powerful explosion will occur some day.
Mayors and aldermen forbidding the use of the red flag are playing with fire.,
[Workman and Peasant, New York, N. Y. — Issue of December 13, 1918.]
Well, then, overthrow these robbers and enslavers of your countries. Now,,
when the war and disorder are shaking the dreams of the old world, when the-
entire world is aflame with dissatisfaction against imperialist-acquisitloners,.'
1120 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
when every spark of confusion turns into a powerful flame of revolution, when
even tlie Indian Maliometans, exiled and tortured by the yoke of foreign lands
are arising against their enslavers — we must not be quiet. Lose no time and
overthrow these acquisitioners of your lands ! etc.
America is facing a terrible economic crisis accompanied by a no less terrible
fellow traveler-idleness.
It is impossible to avoid this crisis, otherwise it would be necessary to recon-
struct the entire public order of things. And thus the rich classes are worried
more and more : what if the approaching crisis will create a sail for the Red
Disease of Europe?
[L'Avantl, Chicago, HI. Issue of Dec. 15, 1918.]
The red flag is flying over more than two-thirds of Europe while others are
getting ready to follow, and their cathedrals, their bastiles of capitalism day
after day are falling down in front of the unresistable advance of the red arms.
* * * the articles of the Imperial Socialist "American," and the entire
world is threatened with Bolshevism.
The Bolshevik group " Spartaco " headed by Carl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxem-
burg in their official organ " Die Rote Falene " (The Red Flag) sends an ap-
peal to all workers of the world inviting them to put an end to the capitalistic
oppression as soon as possible with a general revolution. It says :
" Dispatches from the Bourgeoise from announce a Bolshevik advance near
Estonia and Filandia. The Russ Bolsheviks are in continuous comnumication
with German Bolsheviks, and certain New York papers publish dispatches that
show a certain correspondence between Russ and Italian Bolsheviks. It is
also said that Anjelica Balakanoff is sent to Italy by the Soviet with 11 thou-
sand ruble to start a revolution in Savoia.
ENGIAND.
The Bolsheviks of the Labor party in their election program for the coming
English election demand
Immediate withdrawal of the soldiers from Russia. The reconstitution of
international socialism, complete abolishment of the obligatory conscription
and a number of social and political reforms.
The most barbarous, the most capitalistic, the most autocratic nation in the
world, England, is threatened with Bolshevism.
[Yiddisli Leaflet.]
Appeal to All Woekbbs Men and Women !
The Jewish Branch 4th Socialistic Party, Bronx, call you to join the Socialist
Party.
The world burns with revolution. * * *
We Socialists must be the first.
But for this struggle we must have a strong, fast, large organization.
WOKKING MASSES NOW IS THE TIME !
" Now is the time to join the Socialistic movement, who have joined together
with the Revolutionary Proletariat of the world, in a decisive battle against
the black crows of the world, who endeavor to force new chains upon the work-
ing masses of all countries."
Together with our brethren of Europe, who have loudly proclaimed the reali-
zation of Socialism, and to build a power.
The Socialist movement in America, enters into a period of active battle, of
active propaganda to spread the theory of Socialism.
Jewish Branch 4th Socialist Party. We meet every IMonday evening, 647
Prospect Avenue, Bronx.
[The Day, New York, N. T., January 28, 1919, p. 2, col. 5, 6, 7.]
" BOLSHEVISM EXISTS THEOUGH THE MASSES," SATS JEWISH MINISTER OF LITAN.
The true power of Bolshevism lies in the fact that it became the theory of
the masses. The non-possessing masses received a free hand, and they are
sOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1121
using their power over the possessing classes. When terror exists, it is the
terror of the majority "non-possessing" against the minority "possessing,"
or the terror of the convinced Bolshevilii against the unconvinced anti-Bol-
sheviki.
[Leaflet (Socialist).]
Manifesto !
Men may Cry Peace ! Peace ! But There Is NO Peace. The War is Actually
Begun ! * * * Qur Brethren Are Already in the Field !
* * * It is a call to the working class of the world ! It comes to us In
America from our comrades in Rtissia and from our comrades everywhere In
Europe. * * «
Shall the workingmen of America hear this agonized cry for freedom and
remain silent while the world power of capitalism at this moment turns its
guns against those in the vanguard of the struggle for industrial liberty?
* * * The call to freedom today is the call to working class dominance
in government and industry !
Workingmen of America ! The Russian Revolution is your revolution. Fit
it is Russian only in name ; it is universal in substance and effect. * * *
Today, by the rapid spread of proletarian revolt from one end of Europe to
the other, the world character of this movement asserts itself.
THE WAR HAS ENDED ! THE WAR HAS BEGUN !
* * * It is the fight of international capitalism against international
socialism, the life and death class struggle of property and privilege against
the higher aspirations of the proletariat.
* * * rpiig world is witnessing the birth throes of a new civilization — and
capitalism is girding itself to battle against its sure destruction !
Be not deceived. Bolshevism is the name only of the rule of the working
class. That is why it is detested by our capitalist press, whether it triumphs
in Russia or elsewhere.
* * * International capitalism is vitally interested in crushing the Bol-
shevik party in Russia, and the party of international socialism in all coun-
tries, because it needs but a Ipark of enlightenment to give to the workers of
the world control of their own destiny.
The war has begun ! The open warfare between international capitalism
and international socialism !
Workingmen of America ! Use all your power to resist the use of your sons
and brothers to throttle the new birth of industrial freedom.
We must not be silent in this hour and desert our comrades in Europe in the
international struggle of the working class. The class-conscious workers of
Ameriefc must join with the revolutionary forces of Europe in the demand for
world dictatorship of the proletariat. We must not surrender ourselves to
the mastership of an American imperialism which promises to run a course of
economic exploitation surpassing anything that has ever gone before.
Workingmen of America ! Stand by our comrades in Europe ! * * * Be
not lulled by the siren song of peace — when there is no peace !
" Workingmen of the world unite ! You have nothing to lose but your chains !
You have, the world to gain!"
[Anarchistic Leaflet.]
GO — HEAD.
' The senile fossils ruling the United States see red !
Smelling their destruction, they have decided to check the storm by passing
the Deportation law affecting all foreign radicals.
We, the American Anarchists, do not protest, for it is futile to waste any
energy on feeble minded creatures led -by His Majesty Phonograph Wilson.
Do not think that only foreigners are anarchists, we are a great number right
here at home.
Deportation will not stop the storm from reaching these shores. The storm
is within and very soon will leap and crash and annihilate you in blood and
fire.
8.572.3—19 71
1122 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Yoii have shown no pity to us ! We will do likewise.
And deport us ! We will dynamite you !
Either deport us or free all !
The American Anabchists.
[Spravedlnoat, Chicago, 111. Issue of January 6tli. Reported January 13, 1919.]
" HUEKAH FOB THE BOLSHEVIKI !"
This shout echoed in the coliseum yesterday afternoon from the mouths of
more than 6,000 present at every mention of the Russian revolution. It was
the first meeting of the Socialists during the major's campaign.
Collins discussed the new Workingmen's party. Collins said : " Now they
have given us a new name ; they call us Bolsheviki !" Immediately a great
shout was heard. His speech was interrupted for several minutes by shouts
for the Bolsheviki. He foretold successes for the German Bolsheviki and that
the movement will spread into England, France, Italy and America.
Comrade O'Hara spoke in behalf of the imprisoned men and women, who
" possessed the heart, principles, conviction and courage to openly commit the
terrible crime." Comrade Bloor explained Bolshevism to those present as an
inclination and sympathy for the industrial revolution in Russia and Germany
as well as its efforts and actions. Robin said that the fundamental question
of the socialists is the determination of the laboring class to get control of the
Government and dictatorship of the proletariat. Three hundred government
agents and detectives were present.
[RoMtnyk, New York, N. Y. Issue of Jan. 24, 1919, p. 2, c. 1.]
" OXIB HARVEST."
And we will get rid of them today or tomorrow. Only more work, morel
courage ! Our fate is being made here, — Our own and that of our children. We
are not going to struggle for " democracy," we are struggling for bread, for a
warm corner in a house ! We struggle in order to be able to use the fruits of
our labor. We want to get rid of the yoke which was put upon us during last
five centuries. We want to get rid of that slavery of the soul which was im-
posed upon us during the last 20 centuries. We want bread, freedom, and
right ! The present civilization does not give them to us. This civilization we
have to overthrow, to root it out. It gives us nothing but hard work, sweat,
cold and tears. On the ruins of capitalist civilization we will build our civili-
zation. It will be our harvest.
[The Ohio Socialist, oflBcial organ of the Socialist Parties of Ohio, Kentucky, Virginia,
West Virginia, and New Mexico. Wednesday, February 5, 1919.]
KESOLTJTION ON THE PEOPOSED LABOE PAETT.
Page 1, col. 5 :
* * * Revolution in the sense of capture of the governmental power by
the workers and the use of this power for the complete overthrow of the capi-
talist control of industry and the substitution of the workers control and indus-
trial democracy — is the only effective weapon in the workers' struggle.
DEBS GIVEN OVATION AT TOUNGSTOWN.
Page 1, cols S-A:
Predicts Labor Revolution. — Margaret Prevey of Akron preceded Debs and
defined Bolsheviki as Socialists, and said the capitalists did'nt like it under a
new name any better than under the old name. * * * " You are going to
solve your future, your destiny in this country either peacefully or by a great
revolution."
[Hlore (Socialist), New York, N. Y. Issue of Feb. 10-11, 1919. Page 2, col. 5.]
CENSOESHIP OF THE PEESS WILL EEMAIN.
And the Senate voted. Naturally those who had a clearer head admitted
that the more they suppress the socialist and bolsheviki ideals the more they
spread and therefore, naturally a minority voted in favor of the bill of Senator
Borah, while the ma.iority rejected it. So the postal censorship will remain
and they will continue to prevent the expansion of the radical and socialist
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1123
papers. Poor Senate. They want to hluclei- the avalanche which is on its way,
with a particle of dust. The Avalanche will sweep away the obstacles and
will sweep away the Senate out of its road.
[Elore, New York, N, Y., January 24-25, 1919, "3" of Pub. Trans.]
THE KECOGNITION OF THE SOVIETS.
And when there is a question of recognizing the Russian Soviets, we believe
that shortly the Russian Soviet Republic will be recognized by a much higher
lorum : by the revolutionary workers of the world.
[Elore, New York, N. Y., Issues of January 28-29, 1919, "2" of Pub. Trans.]
ATTEMPT AGAINST THE WORKERS.
The hour of deeds arrived. The international socialists must leave their
reserved attitude and jnust step out upon the field of action, the opportunity
for action is here. The International Communist Congress of aioscow will call
together the Internationale and \A'ill decide when the new revolutionary con-
gress shall be called. This congress has accepted the iDrograui of the Soviet
government and the Spartacus group, consequently it does not hedge around.
This program proclaims clearly and decidedly the pure and unadulterated
class struggle and demands thafprivate wealth be exappropriated immediately.
The workers of the world stand at the cross-roads. The question is whether
they wish that the economical edifice of the crumbling society be patched up
furthermore, or, whether they wish to erect an entirely new building upon the
ruins of the old?
The foundations of tlie building are tumbling down, it is impossible to patch
them up. Therefore, the world's workers may choose only one way, and that
is, the complete overthrow of the present social structure and erection of a new
edifice, and for this only the Internationals planned by the Bolshevik govern-
ment may give an opportunity, and not the Berne " Socialist " conference.
The Socialist Party and its members have only one d^ty, and this is, to
oppose most decidedly all movements which purpose to weaken the Bolshevik
Internationale.
[Eiore, New York, N. Y., February 7-8, 1919, p. 3, col. 1.]
LET US ANSWER.
We live in historical times. Socialism is approaching its final goal with
gigantic steps. All Europe was scorched by the flames of the social revolu-
tion. The worn out pillars of the old world have collapsed and are being re-
placed by the people with new and stronger ones. Every power has proved
to be weak in face of the conquering tide of socialism. The class conscious
socialist workers gave the power to start the revolutions because they have a
certain aim they have an organized army in every country.
[Elore, New York City, N. Y., February 7-8, 1919. No. 1 Eaitorlal.]
WORN OUT IDEALS.
This game with mottoes shows that the American workers class arrived to
the stage where they have to choose for themselves their own purposes and
ideals which they wish to obtain. The old ideas are worn out and new ideas
knock at the door. We must receive them, because irresistibly they will break
in the strongest door. Vainly hasten forward the old ideas from the winter of
age, the emiritous fighters of capitalism, it is impossible to fight with the
young Hercules' who have no respect for anything, and upon wliose shoulders,
the future world of work rests. The revolutionary spirit, the flaring idea can-
not be extirpated, it might be suppressed for a while, its disciples might be
persecuted, but they cannot be killed flnally !
[Arbeiter-Zeitung, St. Louis, Mo., January 18, 1919, p. 1, c. 2, 3.]
BOLSHEVISM A WORLD POWER.
Every fool feels at liberty just now to deride the Russian Soviet government
and among these fools are statesmen and prominent politicians who know as
much about Bolshiwism as a rhinoceros knows about playing the clarinet. . . .
1124 BOLSHEVIK PR0PAGA2TDA.
BolsheewJsm is to blame, they tell us! But the Bolshiwic movement in
Russia is nothing else than the movement of the Russian laboring class.
Russia for the Russians — the Russian laborers ! The discovery of Russia by
the Russian laboring class ! Russia's resurrection under the rule of the labor-
ing class ! And what is true here of Russia may be applied to every other
nation, the whole world 'round I
[Strahdneeks, Boston, Mass., Issue of Dec. 31, 1918. No. 9 of Trans.]
THE KUSSIAN KEVOLUTION.
So far. the elementary internal strength of the Russian Revolution has
successfully repulsed every onslaught of the reaction. Over a year the darkest
powers of tlie world have been thrust against the revolution. Might, false-
hood and horrid lies have been used against it but the revolution is still alive.
The Czecho-Slovaks are beaten to a standstill, and the progress of the
Czarist general counter-revolutionary movements have been checked every-
where. The revolution is growing strong military, financially and morally.
The revolutionary proletariat of Germany will respond. So will the proletariat
of other countries.
Not fearing the all mighty world imperialism threatening and damnation,
the Russian proletariat marches on fearless and cautious that the future
belongs to the working class.
[Arbetaren, New York City, Swedish Socialist organ. Issue November 21, 1918.]
The right to live is decided by the right to the means of production and
with this at their disposition the capitalist class makes every reform into a
"scrap of paper," without value to the working classes.
Evolution is ready for the next step ; let us be prepared for the revolution.
[New York Call, Socialist dally. New York City, Dec. 1, 1918.)
Tl'.e soldiers coming back from Europe have the spirit of Bolshevism. In-
fluenza was brought to America in ships, and the same ships will carry back
the soldiers, who will carry a more dangerous disease to the capitalists of
America.
[More, Hungarian daily. New York City. Issue of Nov. 22, 1918.]
Do not misconstrue my words. We do not use the statement " democracy
is spreading " as a mockery. The European events, the Russian, Austrian,
German, Bulgarian workers' revolutionary movements have proved that abroad
they clearly know what democracy means, that abroad the workers really
spread democracy with all means in their power. The triumph of democracy
means the cessation of the class rule and the social system of today. This is
not feared anywhere as much as it is dreaded here in America, and justly so.
Because the social order and the ruling class was nowhere with such great
results and profit than in America. In Europe, it seems that the events of
the war brought ruin to capitalism and there it is impossible any more to up-
hold the triumph of the workers. But here in America, where the war has
been felt only lightly, capitalism is in full power yet. American capitalism
fears that the spreading of democracy will cause its fall and will compel
America to give up Its plans of world conctuest and economical exploitation.
Anierican capitalism do everything in their power to throttle democracy under
the pretext of fighting for democracy.
[Blore, Hungarian I. W. W. dally. New York City, issue of November 11, 1918.]
The war . . . was but the terrible coping of the interests which serve the
privileged class. The socialist press has never forgotten to emphasize this
fact. Today, when it is only a question of hours when the world war will end,
a daily increasing number of events proves with a steadily growing conviction
how true the above statement is, and daily more and more signs show that the
preparation for our war is now going on.
Another bourgeoise paper admits with a voice treinbling of anxiety that
Lenin's and Trotzky's threat that they will not rest until their dogmas are
spread all over the world, is becoming to be a reality. This paper acknowledges
the fact that the Bolsheviki spirit is master in Budapest, Vienna, Sofia, and
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1125
asks the question whether it will reach Berlin also, and If so, whether it will
stop there? We hold this last question the most Important among the present
day problems.
[Naujenos, Chicago, 111., Lithuanian dally, Issue of November 26, 1918.]
Aside, intelligents ! . . . Let's stir up, f ripnds ! We, extra Bolsheviki, ab-
solutely lose nothing, except the chains with which (understood tongues) con-
tinuously they knock at our heads; learn, learn . . In a word, this is a
socialist patriots play.
[Robltnyk, New York City, Feb. 10, 1919, p. 2, cols. 4-5.1
The Am. workers are not backward. A strong left wing was formed in the
Am. Soc. Party, based upon international revolutionary socialism, represented
by the Russian Bolsheviki and German Spartacans. Such wing exists in the
" Soc. Labor Party." There are also many workers not belonging to any party,
who are ready to follow us.
To break ofC all relations with the dying corpse, and organize all American
workers into one Communist Party, which should include us and the comrades
of the S. R. P. and of the I. W. W.— will be the first step forward.
[The Labor Defender. Vol. I, No. 17. November 15, 1918. 5 cents.]
The Wab Is Dead Long Live the
REVOLUTION.
A copy of No. 20 (October, 1918) of the War Information
Series published by the United States Committee on Public Infor-
mation at Washington, D. C. (up to and including Document No.
53 on the twenty -fifth of its 30 pages), was ordered inserted in the
record and is as follows :
[War Information Series, No. 20 — October, 1918. Issued by the Committee on Public
Information, George Creel, Chairman.]
The Gbeman-Bolshbvik OoNSPntAcy.
introduction.
The Committee on Public Information publishes herewith a series of com-
munications between the German Imperial Government and the Russian Bol-
shevik Government, and between the Bolsheviks themselves, and also the report
thereon made to George Creel by Edgar Slsson, the committee's special repre-
sentative in Russia during the winter of 1917-18. There is also included, in
Part II, a report by a committee appointed by the National Board for Historical
Service to examine into the genuineness of these documents.
The documents show that the present heads of the Bolshevik Government —
Lenin and Trotsky and their associates — are German agents. •
They show that the Bolshevik revolution was arranged for by the German
Great General Staff, and financed by the German Imperial Bank and other
German financial institutions.
They show that the treaty of Brest-Litovsk was a betrayal of the Russian
people by the German agents, Lenin and Trotsky; that a German-picked com-
mander was chosen to " defend " Petrograd against the Germans ; that German
officers have been secretly received by the Bolshevik Government as military
advisers, as spies upon the embassies of Russia's allies, as officers in the Rus-
sian army, and as directors of the Bolshevik military, foreign, and domestic
policy. They show, in short, that the present Bolsheylk Government is not a
Russian government at all, but a German government acting solely in the inter-
ests of Germany and betraying the Russian people, as It betrays Russia's natural
allies, for the benefit of the Imperial German Government alone.
RUSSIAN workmen BETRAYED.
And they show also that the Bolshevik leaders, for the same German Imperial
ends have equally betrayed the working classes of Russia whom they pretend
to represent.
1126 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
The documents are some 70 in number. Jinny are originals, annotated by
Bolslievilj officials. Tlie balance of the others are photographs of originals,
showing annotations. And tliey corroborate a third set of typewritten circulars
(see Appendix later) of which only two originals are possessed in any form,
but all of which fit into the whole pattern of German intrigue and German guilt.
The first document is a photograph of a report made to the Bolshevik leader.s
by two of their assistants, informing them that, in accordance with their in-
structions, there had been removed from the archives of the Russian Jlinistry
of Justice, the order of the German Imperial Bank " allowing money to Coni-
lades Lenin, Trotsky. ' and others ' for the propaganda of peace in Russia " ;
and that, at the same time, "all the books" of a bank in Stockholm had been
" audited " to conceal tlie payment of money to Lenin, Trotsky, and their asso-
ciates, by order of the German Imperial Bank.
This report is indorsed, in Lenin's initials, " V. U." [Vladimir XJlianoff, his
real name] , for deposit in " the secret department " of the Bolshevik files. And
the authenticity of the report is supported by Document No. 2, which is the
original of a report sent by a German General Staff representative to the Bol-
shevik leaders, warning them that he has just arrested an agent who had in
his possession the original order of the German Imperial Bank referred to in
Document No. 1, and pointing out that evidently " at the proper time steps were
not taken to destroy the above-mentioned documents."
PKOTOCOL SIGNED BY LEADERS.
Document No. 3 is the original protocol signed by several Bolshevik leaders
and dated November 2, 3917 (Russian calendar), showing that "on instructions
of the representatives of the German General Staff in Petrograd " and " with
the consent of the Council of People's Commissars," of which Trotsky and Lenin
were the heads, two Incriminating German circulars had also been " taken from
the Department of Counter Espionage of the Petrograd district " and given to
the Intelligence Bureau of the German General Staff in Petrograd. On the
bottom of the protocol the German adjutant acknowledges receipt of the two
incriminating circulars with liis cipher signature.
These two circulars apparently had been obtained early in the war by some
Russian agent in Germany and transmitted to Russia. The German General
Staff evidently wished to get them baclf in order to remove evidence. By the
order of the German General Staff and with the " consent " of Lenin and
Trotsky they are turned over to the Germans. A\'hy? Because they fit in with
other information of Germany's war plans and preparations before August,
1914. Indeed, several weeks before the assassination of the Austrian Arch-
dulie, which was made the pretest for war.
And Lenin and Trotsky surrender them in conformity with a working agree-
ment between the Bolshevik leaders and the German General Staff, of which
agreement a photograph is included in the series as Document No. o.
This is dated October 25, 1917. It is from a division of the German General
Staff. It is addressed to the Government of the People's Commissars, of which
Lenin and Trotsky were the heads. It begins : " In accordance with the agree-
ment wbich took place in Kronstadt, in July of the present year, between
officials of our General Staff and leaders of the Russian revolutionary army
and democracy, Jlessrs. Lenin and Trotsky, Raskolnikov, and Dybenko, the
Russian Division of our General Staff operating in Finland is ordering to I'etro-
grad officers for the disposal of the Intelligence Bureau of the staff." Among
the officers named are Maj. Luberts and Lieut. Hartwig, whose cipher signa-
ture, Henrich, is given as it appears on the receipt for the two circulars accom-
panying Document No. 3. And an indorsement on this letter (No. 5) from
the German General Staff records that the German oflacers assigned to Petro-
grad had appeared " before the military revolutionary committee " and had
" agreed on conditions with regard to their mutual activities."
MUTUAL ACTIVITIES SHOWN.
What their " mutual activities " were to be is sufficiently indicated by Docu-
ment No. 7, which is a photograph of a letter signed in cipher by this Maj.
Luberts and his adjutant, Lieut. Hartwig. They notify the Bolshevik leaders,
on January 12, 1918 (Russian calendar), that "by order of the German Gen-
eral Staff '■ the German Intelligence Bureau " has reported the names and the
characteristics of the main candidates for reelection " to the Rua-^ian Bol-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1127
shevik " Central Executive Committee," and " the General Staff orders us to
Insist on the election of the following persons." They add a list of Russian
leaders satisfactory to the German General Staff. The illst is headed by
Trotsky and Lenin. They were elected, and the rest of the present Bolshevik
executive committee were chosen from the same German list.
Document No. 8 gives evidence of the quid pro quo. It is a photograph of a
letter from the representative of th« German Imperial Bank to the Bolshevik
Commissar of Foreign Affairs. It is marked " Very secret " and dated January
8, 1918. , It says :
" Notification has today been received by me from Stockholm; that 50,000,000.
roubles of gold has been transferred to be put at the disposal of the People's
Commissars," which is the title of the Bolshevik leaders. " This credit," the
letter continues, " has been supplied to the Russian Government In order to
cover the cost of the keep of the Red Guards [the Bolshevik revolutionary
troops] and agitators in the country. The Imperial Government considers it
appropriate to remind the Council of People's Commissars of the necessity of
increasing their propaganda in the country, as the antagonistic attitude of the
south of Russia and Siberia to the existing Government in Russia is troubling
the German Government."
WAR MATERIALS AT VLADIVOSTOK
Four days later the same representative of the German Imperial Bank sent
another 5,000,000 roubles to the same address to provide for the sending of a
Russian revolutionary leader to Vladivostok, to get possession of the " Japanese
and American war materials " at that port, and if necessary to destroy them.
A photograph of his letter is given as Document No. 9.
There ivere earlier payments, but probably iwne later than these. None was
necessary. By this titne the loot of an etnpire lay open to the Bolsheviks — and,
to4he Germans. -.'
Most significant of all are two photographs of further communications from
the German Imperial Bank, given as Documents Nos. 10 and 11. One is a letter
addressed to the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, and the other
Is the " resolution of a conference of representatives of the German commercial
banks " received by the Chairman of the Bolshevik Central Executive Com-
mittee and Indorsed by his secretary. Together they give a complete synopsis
of the terms on which Germany intends to have control of all Russian Indus-
tries.
For five years from the signing of peace, English, French, and American capi-
tal in Russia is to be " banished " and " not to be allowed in the following
industries : coal, metallurgical, machine building, oil, chemical, and pharma-
ceutical." These industries are to be developed under the control of a " supreme
advisory organ consisting of 10 Russian specialists, 10 from the German indus-
trial organizations and the German and Austrian banks." Germany and Aus-
tria are to " enjoy the unlimited privilege of sending into Russia mechanics
and qualified workmen." " Other foreign mechanics and workmen * * *
are not to be allowed to enter at all " for five years after the conclusion of
peace between Russia and Germany. " Private banks In Russia arise only
with the consent " of the Union of German and Austrian banks. And so forth.
CONSPIKACY IS INDOKSED
And this conspiracy between German Imperial capitalism and the pretended
Russian Reds is indorsed by a Bolshevik leader, with the recommendation that
it should be "taken under advisement" and "the ground prepared in the
Council of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, in case the Council of People's
Commissars will not accept these requests."
Various details of the conspiracy between the Bolshevik leaders and the
German General Staff are exposed In Documents Nos. 16 to 29. These are pho-
tographs of letters which passed between the Bolshevik leaders and the Ger-
man General Staff, or the German ofBcei-s in Russia. Document No. 21 shows
that on November 1, 1917, when Russia was still regarded as an ally of Great
Britain, France, and America, the German General Staff was having " the honor
to request " the Bolshevik leaders to Inform it " at the earliest possible m6-
ment " concerning " the quantity and storage place of the supplies which have
been received from America, England, and France, and also theunlts which are
keeping guard over the military stores."
1128 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGASTDA.
Document 18 shows the German General Staff requiring the Bolshevik leaders
to send " agitators to the camps of the Russian prisoners of war In Germany,"
in order that they might procure spies to worls among the English and French
troops and to further " peace propaganda." And this is proposed by the Ger-
man General StafE as being " according to the negotiations between the Russian
and German peace delegations at Brest-Litovsk."
In Document 22 the Bolshevik leaders ^nd the Germans are arranging to
send " agents-agitators, and agents-destructors " out of Vladivostok " to ports
of the United States, Japan, and British colonies in Eastern Asia."
PASSPOBTS FOR GERMANS
In Document 16 Trotsky is providing fraudulent passports for German officers
who are going to England, France, and America, as spies and enemy agents.
And Document 17 shows Trotsky indorsing a similar proposal : " To be urgently
executed. L. T."
Three German submarines are to be sent to the Pacific on the trans-Siberian
railway by orders of the German High Command in Document No. 23. Lists
of German and Russian spies watching the British, French, and American
embassies in Petrograd are given in Document No. 25. And, finally. In Docu-
ment No. 15 the Bolshevik leaders are warned that information concerning
" the connection of the German Government with the Bolshevik workers " has
leaked out and that Russian troops are hearing of it.
Letters are given to show how the Bolshevik leaders and the German officers
arranged for the assassination of Russian Nationalist leaders (Documents 35,
39, and 52), for the destruction of the Polish legionaries in the Russian army
(Documents 40 to 42), for the disorganization of the Roumanian army and the
deposing of the Roumanian king (Document No. 37), for the substitution of
officers satisfactory to Germany in command of Russian troops instead of
patriotic Russian generals (Documents 31 and 32), for the suppression pf
patriotic agitation among the Russian soldiers (Documents 13 and 14), for an
attack upon the Italian ambassador in Petrograd and the theft of his papers
(Documents 26 and 27), and for the employment of German soldiers In Russian
uniforms against the Russian national armies in the South (Document 35).
Several of the letters are indorsed by Trotsky. Even standing alone, they
are complete proof that the Bolshevik leaders were ruling as German agents
in Russia, and obeying German orders to act against all Germany's enemies and
even against Russia Itself.
ACTED AS GERMAN AGENTS
Moreover, these Bolshevik leaders acted as German agents by suppressing
their own socialist revolution In the Russian provinces where their doctrines
interfered with German plans of annexation. Document 46 is the original letter
from the Petrograd Intelligence Bureau of the German General StafE ad-
dressed to the Bolshevik Commissar of Foreign Affairs. It reads : " Accord-
ing to instructions of the representative of our General Staff, I have the honor
once more to insist that you recall from Bsthonia, Lithuania, and Courland
all agitators of the Central Executive Committee of the Council of Workmen's
and Soldiers' Deputies." And in Document 47 the General Staff orders the
Bolshevlki to cease the agitation in Esthonia which had " finally led to the
local German landlords being declared outlawed," and to " take Immediate
steps for the restoring the rights of the above-mentioned German landlords."
Another group of letters (Nos. 33 to 36) shows how the Germans cheated
the Bolshevik leaders in their dealings with the Ukraine and made a separate
German peace with the antl-Bolshevik leaders in that Russian province. And
another group shows the Germans assisting both sides of the civil war in
Finland (Documents 38, 43, and 53).
The documents, as they follow, are given in the main in the report form in
which they were transmitted by Mr. Sisson to Mr. Creel, chairman of the
committee, with some later data added and carefully Indicated. For instance,
Mr. Sisson did not learn until several weeks after he had left Russia that the
German order (which he possessed) naming the Russian who was to "defend"
Petrograd had been obeyed.
In preparing this material for publication as a pamphlet advantage has been
taken of the opportunity to improve in some mooted points the form in which
the documents and translations are presented.
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 1129
Paet I. — The Geeman-Bolshevik Conspiracy.
[A report by Edgar gisson, special representatlye in Eussia of the Committee on Public
Information in the winter of 1917-18.]
Chaptbk I.
THE BASIC CONSPIKAGY.
Three groups of documents are subjected to internal analysis in the material
that follows. One group consists of originals, one group consists of photographs
of documents believed still to be In the file rooms of the Russian Bolshevik, and
the third (Appendix I) of typewritten circulars that have not been traced to
their originals except perhaps in the case of two of the number. The chief im-
portance of the third group is that its appearance inspired the efforts that led
to the uncovering of the other groups. And they fit into the fabric of the whole.
The first set of these appendix circulars came into my hands on February 2,
in Petrograd. An additional set appeared the following day at an office where
I frequently called. A third appeared in another quarter a day afterwards.
One set was in Russian and two in English. On February 5 I held all three
sets. A possible explanation for their appearance at this time and their intent
Is given in Appendix I.
By themselves they were plausible but not substantiated. Having first per-
formed the obvious duty of analyzing them for surface values and transmitting
them and the analyses to Washington, I turned, therefore, to the task of further
investigations.
It is not yet possible to name those who helped, but in three weeks' time the
judgment of facts became apparent.
The text of the documents discloses both the methods and the effects of the
German conspiracy not alone against Russia, but the world. With each docu-
ment is the indication of whether it is an original or photograph. With each
document is an Interpretative note.
Document No. 1.
People's Commissary for Foreign Affairs.
(Very Secret)
Petrograd. November 16, 1917.
To THE Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaks :
In accordance vnth the resolution passed by the conference of People's Com-
missars, Comrades Lenin. Trotsky, Podvoisky, Dybenko, and Volodarsky, the
following has been executed by us :
1. In the archives of the Ministry of Justice from the dossier re " treason "
of Comrades Lenin, Zinovieff, Koslovsky, Kollontai and others, has been re-
moved the order of the German Imperial Bank,- No. 7433, of the second of March,
1917, for allowing money to Comrades Lenin, ZlnoviefC, Kameneffi, Trotsky,
Sumenson, Koslovsky and others for the propaganda of peace in Russia.
2. There have been audited all the books of the Nia Bank at Stockholm con-
taining the accounts of Comrades Lenin, Trotsky, ZinoviefC, and others, which
were opened by the order of the German Imperial Bank No. 2754. These books
have been delivered to Comrade Miiller, who was sent from Berlin.
Authorized by the Commissar for Foreign Affairs.
E. POLIVANOFF,
P. Zalkind.
Note. — The Russian Council of People's Com-niissars teas dominated by the
president, Vladinvir Vlianov (Lenin) ; the then foreign minister, Leon Trotsky,
noiv war minister; and the ambassador to Germ,any, A. Joffe. The marginal
indorsement in writing is: " To the secret department. B. 77." This is the
fashion in which Lenin is accustomed to initial himself. The English equivalent
would be V. U., for Yladimir Vlianov. So, even if there existed no further
record of German Imperial Bank order No. 7^33, here would be the proof of its
contents, and here is the link connecting Lenin directly vHth his action and his
guilt. The content matter of the circular exists, however, and herewith follows:
Order of the 2d of March, 1917, of the Imperial Bank for the representatives of
all German banks in Sweden:
Notice is hereby given that requisition for money for the purpose of peace
propaganda in Russia will be received through Finland. These requisitions will
1130 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
emanate from the following: Lenin. ZinoviefC, Kameneff, Trotsky. Sumenson,
Koslovsky, Kollontai, Sivers, and Merkalln, accounts for whom have been opened
in accordance with our order No. 2754 in the agencies of private German busi-
nesses in Sweden, Norway, and Switzerland. All these requests should bear one
of the two following signatures : Dirshau or Milkenberg. With either of these
signatures the requests of the above-mentioned persons should be complied with
without delay. — 7433, Impeeiax Bank.
/ have not a copy of this ciruclar nor a photograph of it, but Document No.
2, next in order, proves its authenticity at once curiously and absolutely. Par-
ticular interest attaches to this circular because of Bolshevik public denial of
its existence. It nas one of several German circulars published in Paris in the
"Petit Parisien" last icinter. The Petrograd Bolshevik papers procla4med it a
falsehood. Zalkind, whose signature appe/irs not only here but on the protocol
(Document No. 3), was an assistant foreign minister. Me was sent in February
on a mission outside of Russia. He icas in Christiania in April when I was
there.
Have photograph of the letter.
DOCUMENT NO. 2.
G[reat] G[eneral] S[taff], Intelligence [Nachrlchten] Bureau, Section A, No. 292.
(/Secret)
February 12, 1918.
To THE Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars :
The Intelligence Bureau has the honor to inform you that there were found on
-the arrested Capt. Konshin two German documents with notations and stamps
of the Petersburg secret police [Okhrana] which show themselves to be' the
original orders of the Imperial Bank, No. 7433, March 2, 1917, concerning the
opening of accounts for Messrs. Lenin, Sumenson, Koslovsky, Trotsky, and other
active workers on the peace propaganda, by order No. 2754 of the Imperial
Bank.
These discoveries show tliat at the proper time steps were not taken to destroy
the above-mentioned documents.
For the head of the Bureau :
R. Bauek.
BUKHOLM.
Adjutant :
Note. — Observe the thoughtfulness vith which Bauer, a careful man, set
down exactly ivhat was in the document, thereby permitting the contents to rise
again from the ashes to which perhaps he committed the damaging paper. He
admits that the documents found loere truthful originals. The world will thank
him and Germany mil not.
I have the original letter. It bears marginal indorsements: "Referred to the
Commission for Combating Counter Revolution. Demanded documents. M.
Skripnik " ; and an illegible comment by N. Gorbunoff, Lenin's other Government
secretary. The letter is directed to Lenin. Did Skripnik get the documents?
I do not knoio.
The letter is remarkable otherwise, for the arrested Capt. Konshin mentioned,
is a German officer, Lieut. Otto, who appears elsewhere as an agent in the German
double-crossing intrigue in the Ukraine. What was behind the mystery of his
arrest? What was his fate?
Note (Oct. 1, 1918). — The order of the second of March, 1917, as pointed out
in the note to Document 1. has had publicity -since last icinter, and naturally has
been subject to the attack of the defenders of Lenin and Trotsky. The effort
at confunion, hmverer, is of the straio-man variety. If this date were in the
Western European calendar, it v/ould precede the March Revolution. So the
defenders of Lenin and Trotsky hare argued against the letter that it must hare
been n-ritten by a Counter-Rcvolutionary Russian who forgot the IS days'
.difference in time between the Riii:xian and the European Calendar. Curiously,
the persons irho make this contention overlook the reverse of such an argument —
that the order iras written by a German irho knew and used tlie Russian cal-
endar. He ought in common sense to have used it, as the letter teas written
to state when orders for money from Russians would be honored.
The Germans who maneuvered in Russia ivere letter perfect in Russian form
(See Document 5, " nfto use the Russian language perfectly and who are ac-
.quaintcd with Russian conditions.")
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1131
Bvt the date, March 2, may be either German or Russian, for any important
bearing it has on the documents. If German, it was written before the March
Revolution, but in preparation for getting into it as soon as it started. Many
persons, both in Russia and in Germany, kneiv of an impending effort at Revolu-
tion. What more natural on Berlin's part than to desire to get its " agents-dis-
turbers " there? And if they ivere at that moment widely scattered over the
world, the more reason to begin quicldy to call them in.
Document No. 3.
V. K. [Military Conrmissarlat] D. No. 323 — two inclosures.
PROTOCOI.
This protocal, drawn up by us on the 2d of November, 1917, in duplicate,
declares that we have taken with the consent of the Council of People's Com-
missars from the papers of the Department of Counter Espionage of the
Petrograd district and the former Department of Police [Okhrana], on instruc-
tions of the representatives of the German General Staff in Petrograd :
1. Circular of the German General Staff No. 421, dated June 9, 1914, con-
cerning the immediate mobilization of all industrial enterprises In Germany, and
2. Circular No. 93, dated November 28, 1914, of the General Staff of the High
Sea Fleet, concerning the sending into enemy countries of special agents for the
destruction of war supplies and materials.
The above noted circulars were given over under signed receipt into the In-
telligence Bureau of the German Staff in Petrograd.
Authorized by the Council of People's Commissars.
F. Zalkind.
B. POLIVANOIT.
(Illegible, but may be Mekhanoshin. )
A. JOFFE.
The Circulars No. 421 and No. 93 mentioned in this protocol and also one copy
of this protocol were received on the 3d of November, 1917, by the Intelligence
Bureau of the G[reat] G[eneral] S[taff] in Petersburg.
Adjutant : Heinkich.
Note. — The circulars inclosed are printed in German, and are as follows:
Gr[eatl General Sta£E, Central Division, Section M, No. — , Berlin.
CiKcuLAE-OF June 9, 1914, to District Commandeks :
Within 24 houre of the receipt of this circular you are to inform all industrial
concerns by wire that the documents with industrial mobilization plans and
with registration forms be opened, such as are referred to in the circular of the
Commission of Count Waldersee and Caprivi, of June 27, 1887.
No. 421, Mobilization Division.
Gteneral] S[taff] of the High Sea Fleet, No. 93.
(liKfuLAR OF November 28, 1914, to Mam>:e Agencies and Naval Societies :
You are ordered to mobilize immediately all destruction agents and observers
, in those commercial and military ports where munitions are being loaded on
ships going to England, France, Canada, the United States of North America,
and Kussia, where there are storehouses of such munitions, and where fighting
units are stationecL It is necessary to hire through third parties who stand
in no relation to tbe official representatives of Germany agents for arranging
explosions on ships bound for enemy countries, and for arranging delays, em-
broilments, and difficulties during the loading, dispatching, and unloading of
ships. For this purpose we are esiiecially recommending to your attention
loaders' gangs, among whom there are many anarchists and escaped criminals,
and that you get in touch with German and neutral shipping offices as a means
of observing agents of enemy countries who are receiving and shipping
munitions.
Funds required for the hiring and bribing of persons necessary for the desig-
nated purpose will be placed at your disposal at your request.
Intelligence Bureau of the General Staff of the High Sea Fleet.
KOENIG.
IvIoxE. Both the circulars bear the penciled notation that " one copy has
been gi-^"" '" "<•« G^rm/nM intelUaence Bureau " at Petrograd. The German
1132 BOLSHEVIK PE0PA6ANDA.
intent here was to remove from the records of the old Russian Oovemtnent the
evidence, first, that German)/ teas beginning in June, 19H, its active prepara-
tions for the war that surprised the world in August, 1914, and second, to re-
move the evidence of its responsiMUty for incendiarism and explosions in the
United States, a country with which Germany was then at peace. The result
was to give new evidence of the truth of the charges. The evident mixture of
bad and good German in these circulars seems to me evidence of an attempt to
provide an aUM against the almost inevitable day when the circulars would he
revealed. {See also page 30.)
Hare original of protocol and have the printed circulars.
Document No. 4.
G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section K, No. 35.
January 17, 1918.
To THE COMMISSAKIAT OF FOHEIGN AfFAIKS :
The Bureau has received exact information that the leaders of the socialist
party now ruling in Russia, through Messrs. Fuerstenberg and Radek, are in
correspondence with Messrs. Scheidemann and Parvus regarding the destruc-
tion of the traces of the business relations of the party with the Imperial (Jov-
ernment. We also know that this correspondence was caused by the demand
of leading groups of German socialists, who saw in the said communications a
danger to the cause of world socialism. By order of the staff, I have the honor
to request the submitting of this question to special discussion in the presence
of the representative of our staff and Mr. von Schoenemann.
For the head of the department :
R. Baueb.
Adjutant : [Illegible.]
Note. — The world penalty, therefore, was apparent to some Germans. Of
the personalities named in the letter, Scheidemarm, the leader of the German
Government-supporting wing of the Socialist party is the most notable. Once
before he has been named in relation to the " business relations " of the Russian
Bolsheviki with the Imperial Government, writing a letter from Copenhagen
in 1917, to a " Mr. Olberg " in which he stated that 150,000 kroners had been
placed at Olberg's disposal at Fuerstenberg' s office through the Nia Bank. (See
Appendix, later.) Now Fuerstenberg by this time, January, iw Petrograd at
Smolny, is trying to help Scheidemann in covering up old trails. Radek is a
clever Polish-Austrian Jew toho came from Switzerland with Lenin. He and
Trotsky between them staged the public play-acting at Brest-Litovsk. Yon
Schoenemann was the accredited German representative to the Bolshevik
foreign office. He is named later in Document No. 5. Parvus is a handler of
German propaganda money, ivith headquarters at Copenhagen, and is credited
with being the directing force behind Joffe. (For Parvus, see "New Europe,"
January 31, 1918, pp. 94-95.)
Have photograph of this letter.
DOCUMENT NO. 5.
Gr[eat] General Staff, Central Division, Section M, No. (blank), Berlin.
October 25, 1917.
To THE Government or People's Commissabs :
In accordance with the agreement which took place in Kronstadt, in July of
the present year, between officials of our General Staff and leaders of the Rus-
sian revolutionary army and democracy, Messrs. Lenin, Trotsky, Raskolnikoy,
and Dybenko, the Russian Division of our General Staff operating in Finland is
ordering to Petrograd officers for the disposal of the Intelligence Bureau of the
staff. At the head of the Petrograd Bureau will be the following officers, who
use the Russian language perfectly and who are acquainted with Russian con-
ditions :
Maj. Luberts, cipher signature Agasfer.
Maj. von Boelke, cipher signature Schott.
Maj. Bayermeister, cipher signature Ber.
Lieut. Hartwig, cipher signature Henrich.
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 1133
The Intelligence Bureau, in accordance with the agreement with Messrs.
Lenin, Trotsky, and ZinoviefE, will have the surveillance of the foreign em-
bassies and military missions and of the counter revolutionary movement, and
also will perform the espionage and counter espionage work on the internal
fronts, for which purpose agents will be assigned to the various cities.
Coincidently, it is announced that at the disposal of the Government of Peo-
ple's Commissars are assigned consultants to the Ministry of Foreign AfCairs,
Mr. von Schoenemann, and to the Ministry of Finance, Mr. von Toll.
Chief of the Russian Division, German General StafC : O. Rausch.
Adjutant; U. Wolit.
(And, 'below on the same letters)
To THE Commissariat op Fokbign Atfaies :
The officers indicated in this paper have been before the military revolu-
tionary committer and have agreed on conditions with MuraviefC, Bole, and
Danishevslsi with regard to their mutual activities. They have all come under
the direction of the committee. The consultants will appear as called for.
Chairman Military Revolutionary Committee, Council of Workers' and Sol-
diers' Deputies: A. Joffe.
Secretary : P. Kkushavitch.
October 27, 1917.
Note. — Sere is the working compact. If Rausch was then in Berlin he pre-
sumably came immediately afterwards to Petrograd. It is more probable that
the letter was written in Finland than Berlin. In som,e other letterheads on
which Berlin is printed the word is run through with a pen. Stationery was
hard to get in Petrograd. Maj. Luberts became the head of the Intelligence
Bureau (Nachrichten Bureau). Kronstadt was the midsummer headquarters of
' Lenin. Raskolnikoff will be referred to in connection with the project to sell
the Russian fleet to German. Dybenko was the commissar of the fleet, the
naval minister, a driving man and keen vntted. Zinovieff is the president of the
Petrograd Soviet, during the mnter the most powerful of the local bodies of the
Russian Soviets. He is Jewish and well educated. Joffe, in the letter of Bolshe-
vik acceptance of the German compact, again stands forth for what he is, the
spokesman, after Lenin, in all matters of supreme importance to Germany.
Have photograph of joint letter. '
Document No. 6.
Cir[eat] General Staff, Central Division, No. 813.
November 19, 1917.
To the Council ov People's Commissars :
This is to advise you that the following persons have been put at the disposal
of the Russian Government as military advisers : Maj. Erich, Maj. Bode, Maj.
Sass, Maj. Zimmerman, Maj. Anders, Lieut. Haase, Lieut. Klein, Lieut. Breitz.
These officers will choose a cadre of the most suitable officers from the list of
our prisoners, who will likewise be at the disposal of the Russian Government,
as was agreed at the conference in Stockholm when Lenin, Zinovieff, and others
were traveling through to Russia.
Head of the Russian Section, German General Staff : O. Rausch.
Adjutant : U. Wolff.
'NoTE.-^Maj. Anders took the Russian name Rubakov and Maj. Erich the
Russian name Egorov. Lenin and Zinovieff passed through Germany and
Stockholm together.
Have photograph of letter.
' Document No. 7.
[G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section R, No. 27.]
(Confidential.)
January 12, 1918.
To THE Commissak OF FOREIGN Affaiks :
Bv the order of the local department of t;he German General Stafe, the
Intelligence Department has reported the names and the characteristics of the
1134 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
main candidates for the reelection of the Central Executive Committee The
General Staff orders us to insist on the election of the following persons-
Trotsliy, Lenin, Zinovieff, Kameneff, Joffe, Sverdlov, Lunacharsky, KoUontai'
Fabrizius, Martov, Steklov, Golman, Frunze, Lander, Milk, Preobraienski'
Sellers, Studer, Golberg, Avanesoy, Volodarsky, Raskolnikov, Stuchka Peters'
and Neubut. Please inform the president of the council of the General Staff's
wish.
Head of the Bureau : Agasfeb
Adjutant : Henrich.
Note. — The indorsements are: " Copy handed to chairman Council iroc7r»ie?i's
and Soldic7-s' Deputies, No. 956." "Deliver to Comrade Zinovieff and to sseoret
department. M. Ov {?)" January 12 {Russian calendar) fell in the week
of the All-Russian Soviet convention in Petrograd, the iceeJc after the forcible
dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. The election came at the end of
the week and was a perfunctory re-election of practically ■ the whole former
executive committee of commissars. Lacking the exact list, I nevertheless can
state that the present executive committee was drafted from thi.t group. The
name there surprising to me is that of Martov, the head of a supposedly sepa-
rate faction.
Martov is an aiile writer, was associated with Trotsky in his Paria jour-
nalistic venture, but was supposed to have split tvith him in Russia. The
evidence that he is still agreeaile to Oermany is pertinent. Madame KoUontai.
the only woman cm this list, toas the Commissar of Public Welfare. She ivan
sent abroad for foreign propaganda in February, but did not get beyond
Scandinavia and later returned to Ru.ifiia. Kameneff, irho n-cnt out of Ruma
with KoUontai, also sought to return, but was arrested by the Finnish White
Guards (not the Germans) on the Aland Islands, and his release was the.
subject of negotiations. Heis Trotski/'s brothcr-in-lau). Sverdlov irns temporary,
chairman of the All-Russian Soviet. Lunacharsky is Commissar of Education.
Steklov is editor of the official paper " Isvestia." Volodarsky, who has lived
in the United States, was in close confidence with Lenin. He icas killed in
Moscow the last loeek in June. Agasfer, ivho delivered the order in behalf of
Rausch, is Maj. Luberts.
Have photograph of letter.
Chapter II.
KOLE OF THE KEICHSBANK.
The following documents show in detail how the Germun Government financed
the Russian Bolshevik revolution through the German Imperial Bank.
They show what rewards the German financial and Industrial interests de-
manded in return for the German support of the Bolsheviki. And they show
how the Bolshevik leaders betrayed their own followers and abandoned the
preaching of their social revolution wherever the Germans ordered that it
should be abandoned.
Document Xo. 8.
Imperial Bank [Relchsbank], No. 2.
(Very Secret)
January 8, 1918.
To THE People's CosiMiesAja of Foreign ArrAiEs :
Notification has to-day been received by me from Stockholm that 50,000,000
roubles of gold has been transferred to be put at the disposal of the representa-
tives of the People's Commissars. This credit has been supplied to the Russian
Government in order to cover the cost of the keep of the Red Guards and agita-
tors in the country. The Imperial Government considers it appropriate to
remind the Council of People's Commissars of the necessity of increasing their
propaganda in the country, as the antagonistic attitude of the south of Russia
and Siberia to the existing Government in Russia is troubling the German Gov-
ernment. It is of great importance to send experienced men everywhere in
order to set up a uniform government.
Representative of the Imperial Bank :
G. VON SCHANZ.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1135
Note. — ilembers of the Red Guard were paid from 12 to 16 roubles a day,
whereas soldiers were paid hardly that number of kopecks. This letter shoivs
where the money came from. The Bolshevik Government also required factory
owners to pay regular wages to their workers while the latter served in the
Bed Guard. The notation on letter indicates that it tvas referred to Menshinski,
the financial minister, ivhose expert councillor was ihe German, von Toll.
Menshinski personally conducted the wrecking of the Russian banks, a maneuver
that deprived all opponents of Bolshevikism of their financial means of warfare.
It was a classic job of destruction, done in the name of reconstruction.
Have photograph of this letter.
Document No. 9.
Imperial Bank, No. S, Berlin.
(Very Secret)
January 12, 1918.
To THE COMMISSAK OF FOREIGN AfFAIES :
I am instructed to convey the agreement of the Imperial Bank to the issue out
of the credit of the General Staff of 5,000,000 roubles for the dispatch of the
assistant naval commissar, KudriashofE, to the Far East.
On arrival at Vladivostolv he should visit the retired officer of the Russian
Fleet, Mr. Panoff, and instruct Buttenhofl: and Staufacher, who are known to
PanofC, to come to see him. Both the mentioned agents will bring with them
Messrs. Edward Shindler, William Keberlein, and Paul Diese [or Deze]. With
these persons it is necessary to think out a plan for carrying out the Japanese
and American war materials from Vladivostok to the west. If this is not possi-
l)le then they must instruct Diesel [or Deze] and his agents to destroy the stores.
Shindler must acquaint KudriashofE with the Chinese agents at Nikolsk.
These persons should receive the agreed amounts and should be dispatched to
China to carry on an agitation against Japan.
Representative of the Imperial Bank :
G. VON SCHANZ.
Note. — If this plan was developed to a climax it was not by Kudriashoft-
He tvas killed on his passage through Siberia two or three weeks later and it
was reported that a great sum of money loas taken from his body by his mur-
derers, who were said to be two Cossacks. Most of the German agents named
in this letter ivere still active in Siberia in the spring, as shoion by Document
No. 29.
Have photograph of this letter.
Document No. 10.
Imperial Bank, No. 5.
January 11, 1918.
To THE CHAIEMAN OF THE COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S COMMISSAKS :
My Dear Mr. Chairman : The industrial and commercial organizations in
Germany interested in trade relations with Russia have addressed themselves
to me in a letter, including several guiding indications. Permit me to bring
thein to your attention.
1. The conflict of the Russian revolution with the Russian capitalists abso-
lutely does not interest German manufacturing circles, in so far as the ques-
tion does not concern industry as such. You can destroy the Russian capitalists
as far as you please, but it would by no means be possible to permit the de
struction of Russian enterprises. Such a situation would produce a constant
ferment in the country, supported by famine of materials and, in consequence
of that, of products also. The English, American, and French capitalists take
advantage of this disorder and understand how to establish here corps of their
commercial agents. It is necessary to remember that German industry in the
first years after the general peace will not be in a position to satisfy the pur-
chasing demand of the Russian market, having broad similar parallel tasks
iu the Near East, in Persia, in China, and in Africa.
2. It is essential, therefore, to conduct a canvass and gather statistical
information with regard to the condition of industry, and, in view of the-
1136 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
absence of money in Russia, to address in business conversations whicliever
is desired of the groups of German commercial banks.
3. Trade witli Germany may be in the first period almost exclusively ex-
change for wheat and for any remaining products to receive household neces-
sities. Everything which exceeds the limits of such trade should be paid for
in advance to the amount of 75 per cent of the marlcet value, with the pay-
ment of the remaining quarter in a six months' period. In place of such an
arrangement, probably, it would seem to be possible to permit, privately, the
taking of German dividend shares on the Russian financial market, or
solidly guaranteed industrial and railroad loans.
In view of the indicated interest of German manufacturers and merchants
to trade relations in Russia, I cordially beg you, Mr. Chairman, to Inform
me of the views of the Government regarding the questions touched upon,
and to receive the assurances of my sincere respect.
Representative of the Imperial Bank and Stock Exchange in Berlin:
G. VON SCHANZ.
Note. — The engaging attitude of the Oerman manufacturers toward Russian
capitalists is the feature of this letter, apart from the cordial and evidently
understanding expressions of the representative of the German Imperial Bank
to that opposed enemy of the capitalists of all nations, Lenin. The letter was
sent to the secret department by Secretary Skripnik. Perhaps some day von
Schanz will disclose Lenin's answer.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 11.
Imperial Bank, No. 12378. [Printed circular in Russian]
RESOLUTION
of a conference of representatives of the German commercial banks con-
vened on proposal of the German delegation at Petrograd by the management
of the Imperial Bank, to discuss the resolutions of the Rhine-Westphalian
Industrial Syndicate and Eandelstag.
Berlin, December 28, 1917.
1. All loans are canceled the bonds of which are in the hands of German,
Austrian, Bulgarian, and Turkish holders, but payment must be realized by
the Russian treasury in the course of a 12-months' term after the conclusion
of separate peace.
2. The purchase is permitted of all Russian securities and dividend-bearing
paper by the representatives of the German banks at the rate of the day on
the open market.
3. After the conclusion of separate peace, on the expiration of 90 days, there
are reestablished all the shares of private railway companies, metallurgical in-
dustries, oil companies, and chemical pharmeceutal works.
Note. — The rating of such papers will be made by the German and Austrian
stock exchanges.
4. There are banished and for five years from date of signing peace are not
to be allowed English, French, and American capitals In the following indus-
tries : Coal, metallurgical, machine building, oil, chemical, and pharmaceutical.
5. In the question of development in Russia of coal, oil, and metallurgical
branches of industry there is to be established a supreme advisory organ
consisting of 10 Russian specialists, 10 from the German industrial organiza-
tions and the German and Austrian banks.
6. The Russian Government must not interfere in the region of questions
connected with the transfer to the benefit of Germany of two mining districts
in Poland — Dombroski and Olkishski — and to Austria of the oil region in
Galicla. The transfer of the latter will be only in the form of limitations of
the right of making claim.s, land allotments, and application of capital for the
production and refining of oil.
7. Germany and Austria enjoy the unlimited privilege of sending into Russia
mechanics and qualified workmen.
8. Other foreign mechanics and workmen during five years after the cop-
elusion of peace between Russia and Germany are not to be allowed to enter
at all.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1137
9. The statistical department of producing and manufacturing industries
with the corresponding Government organ must be controlled by German
specialists.
10. Private banks in Russia arise only vi'ith the consent and according to the
plan ot the Union of German and Austrian Bants, whereby the rating of the
stocks of the banks on all exchanges of the New and Old World will be handled
by the group of the Deutsche Bank.
11. At the ports of retrosrtid, Archangel, Odessa, Vladivostok, and Batum
will be established, under the leadership of specialists from Germany, special
statistical economic committees.
As regards the tariff, railway and shipping rate policies to regulate the
Kusso-German-Austrian trade relations, this part of the economical treaty will
be discussed by the special Tariff Council of the Handelstag.
Signed :
Chairman : von Geenner.
Secretary : Bekenbluet.
Note. — The penned indorsement on the photographed copy of the resolution is:
" Chairman of the Central Executive Committee: Commissar ilenshvnsky re-
quests that this resolution should be taken, under advisement, and to prepare
the ground in the Coun4;il of the 'Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, in case the
Council of People's Commissars will twt accept these requests. Secretary D.
Khaskin." Menshinsky is Minister of Finance. All of these terms, -wholly
punitive to American, English, and French capital, could lurk in the secret
section in the present Gennan-Russian treaty. I do not know the fate of the
resolution on this, its early imnter appearance.
Have besides the notated photograph a printed copy of this circular.
Document No. 12.
G[reat] G[eneral] S[taff.], Intelligence Bureau, Section E, No. 780.
Feb. 25, 1918.^
( Secret )
To THE Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars :
After conferring with the People's Commissar Trotsky, I have the honor tO'
ask you urgently to inform the directors of the Counter Espionage at Army
Headquarters [Stafka], Commissars Feierabend and Kalmanovich, that they
should work as formerly In complete independence and without the knowledge
of the official staff at Army Headquarters and the General StafE in Petersburg,
and particularly Gen. Bonch-Bruevich and the secret service of the northern
front, communicating only with the People's Commissar Lieut. Krilenko.
For the head of the Bureau :
Adjutant :
R. Bauer.
BUKHOLM.
]Vote. — Across the letter is written: " Inform Mosholov. N. G." {Gorbunoff's
initials). In the margin is written: "Passed on to the Commissar of War.
M. Skripnik." The significance of this letter is that it is to Lenin; that the
two chief secretaries of himself and the council passed it on for action; and that
Trotsky and Lenin on February ,27 were continuing to hamper the Russian
commander at a moment when the German army was threatening Petrograd.
Mosholov was one of the commissars on the staff of Kril&nko, the commissar
representing the Council of Commissars in the command of the Russian mili-
tary forces. Mis achievements as a di.wrganizer ivere notable. This letter
indicates that he had the confidence of Germany.
Have original letter.
Document No. 13.
G[reat] G[eneral] S[taff], Intelligence Bureau, Section K, No. 733.
February 25, 1918.
(Very Secret)
To the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars :
According to reports of our secret agency in the detachments, operating
against the German troops and against the Austrian Ukrainian corps, there has
85723—19 72
1138 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
ben observed propaganda for a natiimal rising and a struggle with the Germans
and their allies, the Ukrainians. T ask you to Inform me what has been done
by the Government to stop this harmful agitation.
For the head of the Bureau :
R. Bauer.
Adjutant : Heneich.
XoTE. — Across the top is irritten: ''Uriieiit. To the Commissars of War and
Special Staff. HI. Skripiiik." The last .sentence is underscored, and in the
■margin appears a question mark, initialed " L. T." The first is Lenin's order
through the secretary, and the second may possibly be taken as Trotsky's oppo-
sition to any action. The loss of the JTkraine by counter Gernmn intrigue was
a sore point in prestige unth him. But his essential obedience to Germany teas
not lessened.
Have origirml letter.
Document Xo. 34.
G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section R, No. 278/611.
To the People's Commissak of Fokeign Affaiks :
February 7, 1918.
According to information of the Intelligence Bureau it has been ascertained
that the promise given personally by you, Mr. Commissar, in Brest-Litovsk, not
to circulate socialistic agitational literature among the German troops is not
being fulfilled. I ask you to Inform me what steps will be taken In this matter.
For the head of the Bureau :
R. Bauer.
Adjutant : Hesrich.
Note. — Brusque ivords to the foreign minister, of the Soviet Government of
Workmen, Soldiers, and Sailors of the Russian Republic, delivered not by an
equal in official rank, but by the deputy of a German major at the head of an
intelligence department of the German Government. Did Trotsky resent or
deny the im-putationf Instead he wrote with his own hand in the margin:
" / ask to discuss it. L. T." Thus he admits that he did give the promise at
Brest-Litorsk. The question raised concerns only the measure of obedience to
be required.
Have original letter.
Document No. 15.
Counter Espionage at Army Headquarters [Stavka], No. 311, special section.
To the Chaibman of the Council of People's Commissars :
January 29, 1918.
The Counter Espionage at the Army Headquarters advises that at the frone
is being spread by unknown agitators the following counter revolutionary lit-
erature :
1. The text of circulars of various German Government institutions with
proofs of the connection of the German Government with the Bolshevik workers
before the passing of the Government into their hands. These leaflets have
reached also the German commanders.
The Supreme Commander has received a demand from Gen. Hoffman to stop
this dangerous agitation by all means possible.
2. A stenographic report of the conversation of Gen. Hoffman with Comrade
Trotsky, whereby it was supposedly proposed to the latter to make peace on
conditions of considerable concessions on the part of the Central Empires, but
on the obligation of the Russian delegation to stop the socialization of the life
of the state. Comrade Trotsky supposedly offered the termination of war
without peace and the demobilization of our army. When Gen. Hoffman an-
nounced that the Germans would continue the advance, Trotsky supposedly re-
plied : " Then under the pressure of force we shall be forced to make peace
and fulfill all demands."
This document has created indignation among the troops. Against the
Council of People's Commissars are heard cruel accusations.
Commissar: S. Kalmanovich.
Note. — This letter is a warning of the slow rising but coming storm that will
iweep these boldest pirates of history from the country they have temporarily
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1139
stolen. To get a real understanding of the meaning of the second, and impor-
tant, section of the letter, it must be pointed out that until February 1, the
Russian calendar teas IS days behind the Western European calendar. The
real date of this letter, therefore, is February 10. This is the date Trotsky's
"No peace; no loar" pronouncement was made at Brest-Litovsk. The news of
it did not reach even Petrograd until the next day. Yet on that day printed cir-
culars were being distributed at the front staing tha Trotsky had agreed to do
the very thing he did do, and giving an augury of events that did take place a
week later when Germany did begin its advance and when the Bolsheviks did
fulfill all demands. The fact is that simple truth tvas being told. Nor is the
means hy which it was secured at all obscure. A few daring and skillful Rus-
sians hid found a means to get information from Brest-Litovsk.
The circulars referred to in the first paragraph are of course those already
familiar to Washington from February dispatches.
The following native comment adds to the attractiveness of the letter: " The
Committee for Combating the Counter Revolution states that these circulars
were sent from the Don, and the stenographic report was seized, in transmission
from Kieff. Its origin is undoubtedly Austrian of from the Rada. — M. Skripnik."
Bave photograph of letter.
Chapter III.
THE GEEMAN-BOLSHEVIK PLOT AGAINST THE ALLIES
The following documents, with Mr. Sisson's interpretative notes, expose the
German-Bolshevik plot against the Allies.
Document No. 16.
Counter Espionage at Army Headquarters, No. 215.
January 21, 1918.
To the Commissariat op Foreign Affairs :
We hereby advise you of the arrival in Mogilev of the following German
officers, who are being ordered to England, France, and America :
Zanwald, von Weine, Pabst, Mayer, Gruenwaldt, and Baron Schilling. They
have been granted passports, sent here by Commissar Trotsky.
Von Weine, with a Danish passport in the name of Hansen, a merchant of
Copenhagen, is to proceed to England.
Baron Schilling is ordered to the United States of America with a Norwegian
passport in the name of Dr. Joseph Brun.
Gruenwaldt has instructions to proceed to France with a Russian passport in
the name of the Lett, Ivan Kalnin.
The remaining persons are to make a journey through Finland and Sweden,
supplied with papers from the German staff, in order to follow up the counter
revolutionary work of countries allied to us.
Chief of Counter Espionage:
Feieeabend.
Commissar : Vuznetorff.
Note. — A young German who said he was a deserting officer and that his name
was Mayer, sought the aid of the Embassy, the military mission, and myself in
getting to America. He was a good-looking young Prussian, had lived in New
York, spoke English with very little accent, and claimed to have been converted
to the President's views on peace requisites. Be said he had xoalked across
the lines as a deserter because he could stand no more of German war, and that
he wanted to go to the United States to talk and write against Germamy. I was
not receptive. Se said he was a lieutenant. There is no record at our military
control office in Christiania of a passport to Br. Joseph Brun.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 17.
Commissar for Combating the Counter Revolution and Pogroms, No. 32. Petrograd.
January 5, 1918.
To the People's Commissariat foe Foeeign Affaies :
The plenipotentiary Commissar for Combating the Counter Revolution, Com-
rade AntonofC, requests the commissariat for foreign affairs to issue passports
1140 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
for going to Denmark to the following comrades, who are going to the allied
countries to conduct peace propaganda :
To England are going: Comrades Adolf Pavlovich Ribba, Ilia Julievich
Uritskl, Vladislav Antonovlch Dashkevlch.
To France : Rlmma Lvovna Orlova, Vladimir Konstantinovich Schneur.
To America: Isal Borlsovlch Kahn, Mark Vlasievlch Gritsker, ^ofla Arturovna
Mack.
All the named comrades will visit at Copenhagen the premises of the staff,
where they will receive neutral passports for the trip to the named countries.
At the disposal of the dispatched will be placed the necessary means for com-
bating in the press with the imperialists of England, France, and the United
States. Their confidential addresses will be transmitted to you later on the
arrival of the named comrades at the places of their destination.
Authorized commissars :
A. Shiiinski.
F. ZUBERT.
Note. — TroUky indorsed thif: note: "To 6e urgentJii executed. L. T."
The plan, of jieace propnfianda canipaif/n in the allied countries is plainly out-
lined. Tliexc BolKlierik-Gerninn ayents will preach international Bolshevism
and irill rharye the countries at war with Germany irith the very imperialistic
offenses of which Germany is guilty. This also was the method used in Russia
by the Bolshcrik-Gernian press in attacking the United States, England, and
France. In the formula of the propaganda, imperialism relates not only to
territory hut to business enterprise. The agents listed above likely sought
entrance under different nofjie-'i. They and the cenlcr.t from which they work
should be recognized, however, by their words and their vxjrks. The commis-
sars who sign are members of the commission for Combating the Counter
Revolution.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. IS.
G[reat] General StaJE, Central Division, Section M, No. 951.
December 20, 1917.
To THE COMMISSABIAT OF FOREIGN AfFAIBS :
According to the negotiations between the Russian and German peace delega-
tions at Brest-Lltovsk, the Russian Division of the German General Staff have
the honor to request the hastening of the departure of agitators to the camps
of Russian prisoners of war in Germany, for the recruiting of volunteers who
will be sent to the English and French troops for the purpose of observation and
peace propaganda.
Simultaneously, the staff requests the following sailors to be sent to Ger-
many : Shlshko, Kirshu, Matvlev, and Dratchuk. They will receive special
instructions when traveling through Brest-Lltovsb.
Chief of the Russian Division, German General Staff :
O. Ratjsch.
U. Wolff.
Adjutant :
Note. — This request was referred to the Commissariats on Military and Naval
Affairs.
A marginal question asked by E. P. (probably PoUvanoff) : "[/s] Dratchuk
at Black Sea?" He was at Sevastopol and may not have been sent. The others
went, visited the camps for war prisoners in Germany, and then returned to
Russia. Shishko in February was Commissar of the Naval College in Petrograd.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 19.
Counter Espionage at Army Headquarters, No. — .
January 16, 1918.
To the Council of People's Comwis.saks :
I hereby bring to the notice of the Council of People's Commissaries that
through our front, on the personal permission of the Supreme Commander, have
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1141
passed 100 German officers, 250 non-commissioned officers, wlio proceeded to
our Internal fronts; part of the German officers hiive gone to the front in the
Don region, part to the front against DutofC, and part to Eastern Siberia and
the Trans-Bailcal for the surveillance, and if it shall be possible, to oppose the
Japanese occupatlonary detachment and the counter revolutionary Trans-Baikal
Cossack officers.
Counter Espionage Official :
P. Akkhipov.
Note. — An odd comment gives intervxt to tliia tetter. It is Itiis: "An accusation
or a silly accusal for personal henefitf ConiiHunicate [to] Coniinile Krilenlco,"
signed " N. O."
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 20.
Counter Espionage at Army Headquarters, No. 52.
Jan. S, 1918.
To THE Council of People's ( 'osimtssar.s :
The Supreme Commander Krllenko has received an offer from the Supreme
Commander of the German army to send to the disposal of the German staff ten
reliable officers of the revolutionary army. The said persons must arrive at
Warsaw, vphere they will receive their further instructions. The aim of the
trip is to visit the camps of our prisoners of war on the propaganda of peace
ideas. The staff points out the desirability of sending Dzevaltnvsky, Simashko,
Saharoff, and Volodarsky.
For the Chief of the Counter Espionage : S. Kalmaxovicii.
For the Commissar : Alexieff.
Note. — Dzevaltovsky nias an officer of the Life Guards Grenadier Regiment,
and an agitator who aroused the soldiers at the time of the ill-fated June ad-
va/nce. Volodarsky has been referred to previou,'ily. He teas assassinated in
late June at Moscoio. Kalma/novich was a Commissar on the staff of Krilenko,
the talkirig man who ivas assigned to disorganize the army. In actual army
rank Krilenko ivas a suhlieiitenant.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 21.
Gr. General Staff, Central Division, Section M, No. 750.
Berlin, November 1, 1917.
To the Council of People's Commissaks :
. In accordance with an inquiry from the German General Headquarters I have
the honor to request you to inform me at the earliest possible moment the exact
quantity of ammunition at the following places : Petrograd, Archangel, Kazan,
Tiflls.
It is necessary also to state the quantity and storage place of the supplies
which have been received from America, England, and France, and also the
units which are keeping guard over the military stores.
Head of Division : O. Rausch.
Adjutant : V. Wolff.
Note. — This is a request made upon a country which America. England, and
France still regarded at that date as an allii.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 22.
Gieneral] S[tatt] of the High Sea Fleet, No. 79.
Jan. 10, 1918.
{Very Secret)
To THE Council or People's Commissaks :
The Petersburg representative of the Supreme Sea Command has received
by wireless from Kiel orders to propose to the Council of People's Commissars
to place at the disposal of our agents at Vladivostok — Buttenhof, Staufacher,
and Franz Walden — several steamships. On these ships must be loaded the
goods indicated by our named agents and also persons indicated by them, and
1142 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
be sent as directed to ports (if tlie T'nited States, Japan, and British colonies in
Eastern Asia. In case of absence of free tonnage in Pacific ports, it is necessary
to charter ships sailing under a foreign flag. The object of sending the ships
is to carry to enemy countries agents-agitators, and agents-destructors. All the
expenses and risk the Petrograd agenc.v of the Supreme Naval Command takes
for account of the naval operations fund.
Capt. Lieut. Rudolph Milleb.
Note. — The indorsement of Lenine's secretarii Skripnik is: "Reported." The
active Vladivostok agents hare been referred to previously. The threat of the
arrival of Oerman ar/ents through Pacific ports is apparent.
Hare photograph of letter.
DoCUifENT No. 23.
Gleneral] S[taff] of the High Sea Fleet, No. 85.
Jan. 14, 1918.
(Very Secret)
To THE Cot'Xcii- OF People's Commissabs :
According to instructions of the German High Sea Command, transmitted te-
day to me by radio A, I apply to the Russian Government with a proposal to
take measures to deliver to the Pacific by railway three of our submarines,
disassembled. On the conclusion of peace negotiations and the conclusion of
peace between Russia and Germany this transporting must be begun immedi-
ately, whereby on the conclusion of the war the transported vessels will remain
at the disposal of the Russian Government.
Capt. Lieut. : Run. Milles.
Note. — The letter is indorsed: "Reported. Secretary Skripnik." The trans-
porting, aceording to the categorical deniaml, loas to begin immediately after
peace was signed. These arc the ovly tivo rommiinications of Capt. Miller
that appear.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 24. •
Commissar for Combating the Counter Revolution and Progroms, No. 445/63.
Petrograd, Jan. 21, 1918.
To THE COMIIISSAE OF WAR, SkLIANSKY :
Our agency on the Furhstatskaya informs us that two people not seen before
have been noticed to visit the American Embassy three times.
Maj. Luberts begs to point out to Commissioner Podvoisky the necessity of
keeping a watch nver the movements of these two persons. I ask your in-
structions.
Commissar : A. Kozmin.
Note. — ilaj. Luberts believed in identifyiiig rinitors to the American Embassy.
Podvoisky toas the ilinister of ^Ynr.
Have photograph of letter. •
D0CUME>-T No 2.5.
G. G.-S.. Intelligence Bureau, Section R, No. 168.
Dec. 17, 1917.
(Very Secret)
To THE COMIIISSAE OX FOEEIGX AfFAIES I
At the request of the Commission on Combating the Counter Revolution of
December 17, the Intelligence Bureau has the honor to forward a list of men
watching the missions of the countries allied to Russia :
The British Embassy is watched by German scouts Luze, Telman, Possel,
Franz, and Gezel ; Russian agents Ovisannlkov, Gluschenko, and Baliasin.
The French Embassy is watched by German scouts Silvester, Butz, Folhagen ;
Russian agents Balashev, Turin, Gavrilov, and Shilo.
The.U. S. A. Embassy is watched by German scouts Strom, Buchholtz, Fas-
uacht, Todner: Russian agi^nts Spltzberg, Sokolnlzky, Turasov, and Vavllov.
The Roumanian mission is watched liy German scouts Suttner, Balder, Wolf;
Russian agents Kuhl, Xikitin, Zolotov, and Arkipov.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1143
The Italian Embassy is watched by Austrian scouts Kuliler, von Geze, Goin,
and Burmeister ; Russian agents Salov, Alelcseievsliy, and Kuzmin.
These agents must fulfill all instructions of the Commission for Combating the
Counter Revolution, Sabotage, Looting, etc.
Head of Bureau : Agasfer.
Adjutant: E. Rantz.
Note. — The Ueniiaii Maj. Ltiberts (Ayanfer. see Docuiiiciit No. 5), therefore
toas the keeper of Ambassadorial hostages of the (dUcd countries in Russia
throughout the icinter. The names listed above tvere unidentifiable in the es-
tablishments of at least the British and the American Enibassies. All may have
been outside watchers. The method of outside surreilhnue is shoio-n in Docu-
ment No. 27.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 26.
G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section R, No. 713.
( Person 0/)
Feb. 23, 1918.
To THE Commissar of Foreign Affairs :
According to my personal conversation with the chairman of the Council of
People's Commissars, it has been decided to delay the departure of the Italian
Embassy from Petersburg and as far as possible, to search the Embassy bag-
gage. Of this decision I count it my duty to Inform you.
For the head of the Bureau :
R. Bauer.
Adjutant : Henrich.
Note. — Across the top of letter is irritten by Trotsky, " Instruct," and signed
with the initials, L. T. It is here set forth laconically that a German Officer of
the General Staff and Lenin in conference ordered the search of the baggage of
the ambassador of a country friendly to Russia, and at tear tuith Germanii : and
that Trotsky gave the instruction for carrying out the order. A clerk's note at
the bottom is additionally specific: " To be given to Blagonravoff." The last
named was the Commissar of Martial Laio in Petrograd. The Italian Embassy
train was delayed for more than 24 hours when it sought to depart, some days
later. Petroff, assistant foreign minister, told me on March 2 with a great
show of indignation, that " The Italians had given .a diplomatic passport to the
embassy cook." So, he said, it icas right to search the train. If they had better
luck than they did when they held up and searched the Italian ambassador in
his automobile almost in front of the Hotel Europe, I did not hear of it.
Document 21 tells of that robbery.
Have original letter. No. 26.
Document No. 27.
Commissar on Combating the Counter Eevolution and Pogroms, No. 71.
Petrograd, Feb. 24. 1918.
( Specially Secret — Personal )
To THE People's Commissar on Foreign Affairs :
Our agents investigating the Italian Embassy, I. E. Maerov. Tmenitski, and
Urov, followed up the ambassador and conductecl a search of him in the street,
with a confiscation. Documents regarding relations with German diplomats
and the special papers of the ambassador to the allied ambassadors, mentioned
by you, were not found. In order to mask the attack several articles listed in
the protocol furnished by Comrade Imenitski were taken from the ambassador.
The watch on the British and American ambassadors and the Serbian minis-
ter has been intensified. The supplementary observation point on the British
Embassy has been established in the Marble Palace — Lieut. Bekker and a
member of the central executive committee of the Council of Workmen's and
Soldiers' Deputies, Frunze.
On the French Embassy, on the French Quay, house No. 8. Comrade Peters,
member of the central executive coumiittee of the council of Workmen's and
Soldiers' Deputies, supplementary.
1144 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Ou tlie Ni)rth American Embassy observation bas been established at Purh-
statskaya Street, house No. 23, apartments Nos. 1 and 4. In the latter Com-
rades (jroldberg and SpitzberR are carryincc on the observation very success-
fully. Telephones have been installed in the above-mentioned places. General
management of the surveillance has been intrusted to Alfred von Geigendorf.
Commissar : Mitopovich.
For Secretary : R. Baetski.
Note. — Most of the names in this letter, in-cludiiig the signatures at end, are
-unfamiliar. Peters, pla.ced in charge of Freneh observation, is a Lettish sailor,
active and able, a former resident of England. The robbery of the Italian
ambassador took place late in the evening on a lighted frequented central street
and was a daj/'s sensation.. The observation point on the American Embassii
tvas a yelloiv apartment house almost opposite the entrance. After I not this
information I tested the vatch and always saw a head or hand retreating from
« ivindoir. But T doubt if the ivatchers profited much by studying the visitors
to the embassy.
Have photograph of letter.
DoCUStENT No. 28.
Gr. General StaSf, Central Division, Section M. No. .389.
(Confidential)
■1
February 24, 1918.
To THE People's Oomm:i>ssae of Foeeign Affairs :
According to instructions of the Imperial Government, I have the honor to
-ask you to make in the shortest possible time an investigation as to what com-
mercial boats, auxiliary cruisers, and transports may be sent into the vt^aters
of the Pacific Ocean, where the German Government intends to form, for the
purpose of opposing the American-,Iapanese trade, a powerful commercial fleet
flying the Russian flag.
At the ^ame time I call to your attention the data that in your Baltic fleet
your sailors are selling from the war ships the launches, small fittings, copper,
and bronze parts of machines, etc. Would it not be the proper time to raise
the question of selling to Germany these war vessels which are being stripped
and disarmed?
Be so kind as to communicate the decision of the Government.
Head of the Rus.siau Division of the German General Staff : O. Rausoh.
Ad.iutant: U. Wolff.
Note. — Opposite first jxiragraph. is the notation: "Ask Lomof. Markin."
Latter teas one of Trotsky's secretari.es. Opposite paragraph second, Markin
makes notation, "Refer to Raskolnikoff." Latter is a commissar on this Naval
General Staff, -icho conducted co-nferences with German officers in Kronstadt in
March, April, <ind Jvlii. 1917. and an active aid to Dybenko in stirring up the
Rus-iian fleet to rerolt. Do not knoir tfho Lomof is. The importance of the
first paragra/ph as indicating the use against America to which Germany in-
tends to put Russia is self-evident. The ludicrous picture painted in the
second paragraph at once intensifies the shame of the ending of the fine new
Russian Nary and discloses the German hope of securing and refitting the
vessels.
Have original letter.
Document No. 29.
G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section R, No. 883.
{Very Secret)
March 9, 1918.
To THE Commission fob Combating the Counteb Revolution :
It is herewith communicated that for watching, and if necessary attacking,
the Japanese, American, and Russian officers who may command the expedi-
tionary forces in eastern Siberia, our agents Staufacher, Krieger, Geze, Walden,
Buttenhoff, Dattan, and Skribanovich take charge, and to whom it is necessary
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 1145
that either Commissar Kobozeff or any of those named bv the commission must
apply. The addresses of the agents are shown in list No.' 3.
H??<i: R. Baubk.
Adjutant: M i^ (7)
Note. — Comments to " Telegraph Koboxeff " and " Telegraph Streaberg,"
with an illegible signature, appear o<n letter, and beloio it is the order: "Give
the list," initialed "D. Z.," correspending with the signing haUt of Dzerzhinski,
vhainn-an of the Commission for Cotnbating the Counter Rcvoluton. Below
this order appears the list of addresses, as folloivs.
Report according to list No. 3.
1. Staufacher Vladivostok, Panoff's house.
2. R. Krieger, Nikolsk, Ussurisky.
3. A. Geze, Irkutsk, drug store, Zhinzheroff.
4. F. Walden, Vladivostok, his own house.
5. Buttenhoff, Khabarovsk, firm Kunst & Albers.
6. Dattan, Tomsk, Nechayevskaya Street (Initial A.)
7. [Brothers or Baron] Kuzberg, Harbin, officers of the Chinese-Eastern
Railway.
S. Skribanovich (Initial G.), Blago veschen.sk, house of Kunst & Albers.
9. PanofC, Vladivostok, his own house.
This letter nas sent nic after I left I'etrograd mid readied me April 5. It is
important not only for content, indicating as it does the names and addresses
of agents-destructors n^ho arc called upon for increasing activity against the
United States and Japan to make the Facipc Ocean a new area of terror, but
■shoicing that the German General Staff was continuiny after the Brest-Litovsk
"peace" to work actively with the Russian Bolshevik (rorernnient.
Have original letter.
Chapter IV.
THE PLOT FOR A SHAMEFUL PEACE.
Germany made its Russian peace with its own puppet government, the mis-
named Council of People's (Jommissars, the president of which is Vladimir Uli-
auov (Leuin), the foreign minister of which was Leon Trotsky, and the ambas-
sador of which to German is A. JofCe. Germany made this peace harder upon
the Russian people as punishment to the ambition of its tools in seeking to be-
come too powerful, and in hoping for a little while not only that Russia would
■be delivered over to them, but that they could double-cross their masters by
turning a simulated German revolution into a real one.
But their craftiness was a toy in the hands of rough German force. Ger-
many was actually double-crossing them by negotiating with the Ukranian Rada
at the moment they dreamed they were tricking Germany.
Germany, however, did not discard the Bolshevik leaders, recognizing their
further use in the German world campaign for internal disorganizations in the
nations with which it wars, hut confined them to the limited inland province
which Great Russia proper has now become.
Lenin, according to statements made public as soon as Trotsky's spectacular
■device of " No peace — No war " failed, always was for peace on any German
terms. He dominated the situation thereafter and conceded everything that
Germany asked. Nor did Trotsky cease to continue to obey the German orders
delivered to him both liy (^en. Hoffman at Brest-Litovsk, and at Petrograd
directly by the Russian Division of the German General Staff, which was seated
in Petrograd itself from No\ember, 3917, and which was still there in full opera-
tion when I left, Monday, March 4, the day that I'etrograd received notification
that peace had been signed at Brest-Litovsk by the Russian and German dele-
gation.
Trotsky, therefore, rests rightly under the accusation of having staged his
theatrical scene as a climax to the Russian disorganization desired by Germany.
The actual order he gave was for the immediate demobilization of the Russian
army, leaving the German army unopposed.
The actual effect of the work of the Bolshevik leaders, moreover, was to enable
Germany to combine its former army of the Russian front with its western army,
for the launching of its March offensive in France. Such has been the fruition of
Russia's German-directed Bolshevikism.
The following documents tell the story of the betrayal of Russia to a shameful
and ruinous peace.
1146 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Document No. 30.
G[reat] General Staff, Central Division, Section M/R, No. 408.
(Secret)
February 26, 1918.
To THE Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars :
This Division of the Staff has the honor to request data of the attitute of the
detachments being sent to Pskoff and to guard against all possible disastrous
results if in these detachments any will carry on patriotic propaganda and agita-
tions against the German army.
Head of the Russian Division German General Staff :
O. Rausch.
Adjutant :
U. Wolff.
Note. — The chairman of the Council of People's Commissars is Lenin. At the
top of this letter is the written comment: " Urgent. Chairman of the Council of
People's Commissars asks Volodarsky to communicate this to the agitation de-
partment. Secretary Skripnik." Skripnik is the first secretary of the Govern-
ment, personally reporting to Lenin. A second notation in margin is : " Central
Executive Committee No. 82S to report," signed with illegible initials. The de-
taohinents being sent to Pskoff at this time were composed of Red Guards and of
the recruits of the neto Red Army. Pskoff rvas taken by the Germans iHthout
a fight.
Have original letter.
Document No. 31.
G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section R, No. 750.
(Very Secret)
February 27. 1918.
To the President of the Council of People's Commissars :
Not having received an exact answer to my question of the 25th of February,
I now have the honor a second time to request you to inform me in the shortest
possible time the numbers and kind of forces sent to Pskoff and Narva.
At the same time, at the orders of the representative of our General Staff, I
once more remind you of the desirability of naming Gen. Parski to the post of
commander in chief of the Russian armed forces, in place of Gen. Bonch-
Bruevich, whose actions do not meet the approval of the German High Com-
mand. Since the attacks on the lives and property of the German landowners
in Bsthonia and Livonia, which, according to our information, were carried
out with the knowledge of Gen. Bonch-Bruevich, and his nationalistic actions
in Orel, his continuance in the position of general is no longer desirable.
Head of the Bureau :
Agasfer.
Note. — Across the letter is tcritten " Send to Trotskij and Podroisky. .V. G."
(Gorbunov's initials, chief secretary of the Council of People's Commissars.)
Observe the mandatory nature of the whole letter and particularly of the first
paragraph. Agasfer, as has been shown, is the cipher signature of Ilaj. Lnberts,
head of the Petrograd Intelligence Bureau of the German General Staff, tlie
chief branch of the Russian Division of the German General Staff, the head
of which is Maj. Rausch, referred to in this letter as the representative of " our
General Staff." Apparently both Luberts and Ransch irrote a u-arning against
sending any patriots to the defending forces, and seemingh/ the Bolshevik
effort at obedience as indicated in document No. 30 was not fast enough to suit
the German martinets. Podroisky was minister of war.
Gen. Parski tvas appointed to the conunand of the Petrograd district, amd
as late as June H still held the post. He formerly was in command of the
city of Riga, which was surrendered to the Germans ivithout adequate defense
in the early autumn of 1917.
Have original letter.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1147
DOCX'MENT No. 32.
G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section R, No. 272/600.
(Very Secret)
February 6, 1918.
To THE People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs :
I ask you to immediately give the Turkish subject. Carp C. JXissirof, a
Russian passport in place of the one taken from him, which was given him in
1912 on the basis of the inclosed national passport.
Agent C. Missirof is to be sent to the staff of the Russian High Command,
where, according to the previous discussion between Gen. Hoffman and Com-
missars Trotsky and Joffe, he will keep watch on the activity of the head of
the staff. Gen. Bonch-Bruevich, in the capacity of assistant to the Commissars
Kalmanovich and Feierabend.
For the head of the Bureau :
R. Bauer.
Adjutant : Bukholm.
Note. — Here ire hare llic behind-the-scene disclosure of the real relations
bettreen Trotsky and Oen. Hoffman at Brest-IMovsk, stripping the mask from
the public pose. Trotsky got his orders in this case and he carried them out.
Across the top of this letter, too, he has written his own conviction, "Ask Joffe.
L. T.," ivhile Joffe, whose rCle seems to be that of the mouthpiece of Germany,
has written in the margin, "According to agreement this must be done. A.
Joffe." Thereby he becomes a imtness for the agreement itself — that pledge
between himself, Trotsky, and the military chief of the German Government at
the Brest-Litovsk confreence, to betray the commander of the Russian army
when he should attempt to defend Russia against Germany. A further marginal
■note states that the passport teas given February 7, under the Russian name,
P. L. Ilin.
Have original letter and Uie surrendered passport. Kalmanoinch and Feiera-
bend were Commissars of Counter Espionage.
the tjkeainian double-cross.
How the Bolsheviki themselves were double-crossed in the Ukraine ; how the
Germans toyed with their puppets to disorganize Russia, with disclosures of
plans for assassination of loyal Russian leaders, are shown in the following
•documents and Mr. Sisson's accompanying notes.
Document No. 33.
Counter Espionage at Army Headquarters, No. 63.
January 10, 1918.
To the Commission for Combating the Counter Revolution :
The Commissar on Combating the Counter Revolution in a cipher telegram.
No. 235, demanded the sending of special agents to Kieff and Novocherkask.
There have been sent Comrades Vlasenko, Gavrilchuk, and Korablev, who
have more than once very successfully performed information service. The
commissar in his cipher telegram indicates that the German and Austrian agents
assigned from Petrograd, Lieuts. Otto, Kremer, Blum, and Vasilko, are playing
a double role, reporting on what is happening at Petrograd, and they carry on
an intensive agitation in favor of a separate peace of the Ukraine with the
Central Powers, and for the restoring of order. Their work is having success.
To Siberia have been ordered Comrades Trefilev and Shepshelevich, in connec-
tion with your report of the purchase and export of gold by Austrian prisoners
in Siberia.
Director of Counter Espionage :
Secretary : N. Dracheff.
j^QTE. — So stands disclo.^ed the manner in ivhich Germany set about to double-
cross the Bolshevik servants who in success had become at times uppish in bar-
gaining with their masters. It was not a part of the German program to
1148 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
create in Russia n pourrr irhich it could not at any time control, or, if need be,
overturn. Its plan here had the additional advantage of not only disciplining
the Petrograd Bolsheviks but also of disunifying Russia still further. It
irorked out to a separate peace n-itJi Ukraine and a separate peace uMth Great
Russia. Lieut. Otto is t)ie Konshin afterivards arrested for sonic unknoum
betrayal. See Document No. 2.
Hare photograph of letter.
DocrMENT Xo. 34.
Counter Espionage at Army Headquarters, No. 511.
January 30, 1918.
To THE Commission foe Combating Counter Revolution :
You are infonued that the German and Austrian officers located at Kleff
now have private meetings with members of the deposed Rada. They insist-
ently inform us of the inevitable signing and ratification of peace treaties
both between the Ukraine and the Central Powers and between Roumania and
Austria and Germany.
Director of Counter Espionage :
Peiebabend.
Commissar : O. Kalamanovich.
Note. — Corroborative of the preceding document. The separate peace with
the Ukraine already had been signed.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 35.
G. G.-S. Intelligence Bureau, Section E, No. 181.
{Very Urgent)
December 9, 1917.
To the People's Oommissae op Foreign Aj-fairs :
In accordance with your request, the Intelligence Bureau on November 29
sent to Rostof Maj. von Boehlke, who arranged there a survey over the forces
of the Don Troop Government. The major also organized a detachment of
prisoners of war, who took part in the battles. In this case, the prisoners of
war, in accordance with the directions given by the July conference at Kron-
stadt, participated in by Messrs. Lenin, ZinoviefC, KamenefC, Raskolnikoff.
Dybenko, Shisko, AntonofC, Krilenko, Volodarsky, and Podvoisky, were dressed
in Russian army and navy uniforms. Maj. von Boehlke took part in command-
ing, but the conflicting orders of the official commander ArnautofC, and the talent-
less activity of the scout Tulak, paralyzed the plans of our officer.
The agents sent by order from Petrograd to kill Gens. Kaledin, Bogaevsky, and
Alexieff were cowardly and nonenterprising people. Agents passed through to
KaraulofC. The communications of Gen. Kaledin with the Ajnerlcans and Eng-
lish are beyond doubt, but they limit themselves entirely to financial assitance.
Maj. von Boehlke, with the passport of the Finn, Uno Muuri, returned to Petro-
grad and will make a report today at the office of the chairman of the council
at 10 p. m.
For the head of the Bureau :
R. Bauer.
Adjutant: M. K. (?).
Note. — This is a cold-blooded disclosure of a German-Bolshevik plan for the
assassination of Kaledin and Alexieff, as well as proof of a condition often denied
by Smolny during the rcinter — that German prisoners ivere being armed as Rus-
sian soldiers in the struggle against the Russian nationalists on the Don. The
letter also contains the most complete list of the participants in the July conr
spiracy conference at Kronstadt. The marginal comment opposite the assassina-
tion paragraph, " Who sent themf" is in an unknovm handwriting. Maj. von
Boehlke is a German officer referred to in Document No. 5. His cipher signa-
ture is Schott.
Have photograph of letter.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1149
DocustENT No. 36.
G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section R, No. 136.
(Very Secret)
Xoveiiiber 28, 1917.
To THE Council of People's Commissars :
In accordance with your request, the Intelligence Bureau of the General Staff
Informs the Council of People's Commissars that the Ukrainian Commission at
the Austrian High Command, in which participate the empowered representa-
tives of the German Staff, has worked out a plan of the activities of the revolu-
tionaries known to the Council of People's Commissars and the Central Execu-
tive Committee of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies — Chudovsky,
Boyarsky, Gubarsky, and Piatakov — who are under the full direction of the
Austro-Hungarian High Command.
The commander in chief of the Russian army has been made acquainted by
Schott with plans of the Austro-German High Command and will cooperate with
him.
Head of Bureau : Agasfek.
Note. — At this early time there iras harmony all around on the Ukraine pro-
gram. Oeniwiis. Austrians, and the Commissars in complete brotherhood. Schott
is ifaj. ron Boehlle and Agasfer is Maj. Luberts.
Have photograph of letter.
Chapter V.
TBOTSKY AND EOUMANIA
The machinations of Trotsky, inspired by the German Gen. Hoffman, for the
disruption of Roumania are disclosed In the following :
Document No. 37.
Counter Espionage at Army Headquarter.?, No. 20.
January 2, 1918.
To the Commission on Combating Counter Revolution :
Commander in chief Krilenko has requested the Counter Espionage at the
Army Headquarters to inform you that it is necessary to order the following
persons to the Roumanian front immediately: From Petrograd, Commissar
Kuhl, Socialist Rakovsky, Sailor Gnieshin ; and from the front the chief of staff
of the Red Guard, Durasov. These persons should be supplied with literature
and with financial resources for agitation. To them is committed the task of
taking all measures for the deposing of the Roumanian king and the removal
of counter revolutionary Roumanian offlcers.
Director of Counter Espionage:
Peieeabend.
Secretary: N. Deachev.
Note, — This marks the contimiance of large-scale work to disorganize the
Roumanian army. That it advances disappointingly to Germany is evidenced by
vengeful steps taken by Gen. Hoffman and Trotsky from. Brest-IAtovsk, when
in the middle of January (ivestern caldendar) Trotsky, at the request of Gen.
Hoffman, ordered the arrest in Petrograd of the Roumanian minister Diamandi.
(See Document 37A.)
At about the same time the Roumanian public gold reserves in custody
within the Kremlin trails at ]\Io.?cow were seised bg the Russian Government.
Diamandi was released from arrest at the demand of the united diplomatic
delegations at Petrograd, but his humiliations continued, and on January 28
he was ordered from Petrograd, being given less than 10 hours to prepare for
the departure of a party that contained many women and children. Ambas-
sador Francis sought in vain of Zalkind, who was acting as Foreign Minister
in the absence of Trotsky again at Brest, for an extension of the time of de-
partures. The Roumanian party was thrown pell-mell on a train at midnight.
It was delayed in Finland on one excuse and another, not immediately ap-
parent, but in three ireeks the minister, leaving behind a large part of his
people' loas allowed to proceed to Torneo. By good luck he reached there the
1150 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
day after the Red Guard lost Toriieo to the WInte Guard. That day saved
his life, for on. the person of SvetUt^sky, a Russiati commissar who joined him,
in mid-Finland and accompanied him to Torneo, iras found an order to
Timofeyeff, the commissar at Torneo, to shoot him. Sveilitzsky vms shot in-
stead. When I passed through Torneo the control officer talked frankly about
tlie details, e.rprcssing the opinion that the shooting might have been a mis-
take, as it was not shoivii tltat Svetlit~sky was aware of the contents of the
letter. 8i^etlit~sky, hoicever, ii:as an important person in Petrograd, close to
Trotsky. Our American party brought Guranesco, the first secretary of the
Roumanian delegation, out of Finland through the lines with us. Me had
been in Red Finland seven weeks. Behind us at Bjorneburg we left several
families of Roumanians ivho had departed from Petrograd with the minister.
H'e would have liked to have brought them through the lines of the two armieSy
but our venture was too desperate to permit unauthorized additions to the
party.
The marginal notation on this letter is "Execute," initialed "Ch," the sign
manual of Chicherin, the returned exile from England, at that time Assistant
Commissar of Foreign Affairs, now Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Have photograph of letter.
DocujiENT 37A*
Xo. 771, Affair of Peace Delegation.
(Confidential)
Brest-Litovsk, December 31, 1917.
To THE Council of People's Commissars :
Comrade L. Trotsky has charged me to bring to the knowledge of the Council
of People's Commissars the motives for his telegraphic proposal to arrest
the Roumanian diplomatic representatives in Petersburg.
Gen. Hoffman, referring to the conference which had taken place In .Brest-
Litovsk between the members of the German and Austro-Hungarian delega-
tions on December 29, presented to the Russian delegation in the name of
the German and Austrian Chief Command (a deciphered radio-telegram was
exhibited in this connection) a confidential demand concerning the. immediate
incitement of the Roumanian army to recognize the necessity of an armistice
and adopting the terms of a democratic peace pointed out by the Russian
delegates. The implacability of the staff and the whole commanding force
of the Roumanian army, with regard to which the Chief Command of the
German army has received the most exact agency information, spoils the
excellent impression produced in Germany and on all the fronts by the Russian
peace propositions, which has made it possible to again stimulate the popular
feeling against England, France, and America, and can bring about an un-
desirable and dangerous aggravation of the peace question, up to the German
army going over to the attack on our front and an open annexation of the
territories occupied in Russia.
The general expressed his opinion that against peace might be the Cossacks,
some Ukranian regiments, and the Caucasian army, in which case they will
also doubtless be joined by the Roumanian armies, which, according to the
information in possession of the German stalf, enters into the calculations of
Kaledin and Alesieff. It is greatly in the interests of the German and Austrian
delegations that complete harmony should prevail on the entire Russian
front as regards the conclusion of an armistice and adopting the terms of a
separate peace between Russia and Germany, seeing that in this event the
German and Austrian Chief Command will propose to Roumania their terms
of peace, and will be in a position to take up their operative actions on the
western front on a very large scale; at the same time Gen. Hoffman, in the
course of a conversation with Comr. Trotsky, twice hinted at the necessity
of immediately beginning these war operations.
When Comr. Trotsky declared that at the disposal of the council's power
there are no means of influencing the Roumanian staff. Gen. Hoffman pointed
out the necessity of sending trustworthy agents to the Roumanian army, and
the possibility of arresting the Roumanian mission in Petersburg, and repressive
measures against the Roumanian king and the Roumanian commanding forces.
• The contents of this letter, written by Joffe, were telegraphed to Washington in Feb-
ruary, and photographic copy of letter forwarded by Ambassador Francis to State
Department.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1151
After this interview Cumr. L. Trotsky by cable proposed to arrest the Kou-
maiiian mission in Petersburg with all its "members. This report is being sent
by special courier — Comrade I. G. BrossofC, tcho has to personally transmit
to Commissar Podvoisky some information of a secret character regarding
the sending to the Roumanian army of those persons whose names Comr. Brossoff
idll give. All these persons will be paid out of the cash of the " German
Naphtha-Industrial Bank," which has bought near Boreslav the business of
the joint-stock company of Fanto & Co. The chief direction of those agents has
been intrusted, according to Gen. Hoffman's indication, to a certain Wolf
Vonigel, who is keeping a watch over the military agents of the countries
allied with us. As regards the English and American diplomatic representa-
tives, Gen. Hoffman has expressed the agreement of the German staff to the
measures adopted by Comr. Trotsky and Comr. LiKimiroff with regard to wach-
mg over their activities.
Member of the delegation :
A. JOFFE.
[Marginal Notations'\
Comr. Shitkevitch : Take copies and send to the Commiss. for Foreign
Affairs, personally to Comr. Zalkind.
[Passages printed above in italics marked:] To Sanders.
Reported January 4, regarding the arrest of Diamandi and others.
M. Shitkevitch.
January 5, 1918. — To the Chancery : Send an urgent telegram to Trotsky
about the arrest of the Koumanian minister. — Savelieff.
Note (as cabled Feb. 9). — The date is January 12, western calendar, the eve
of the Russian New Year. The Roumanian minister was arrested that night
in Petrograd, and only released on the united demand of all embassies and
legations in Petrograd. Since then he has been sent out of Russia. The letter
shows that Trotsky took Gen. Hoffman's personal demand as an order for
action. Most important of all, hoioever, it strips the mask from the Lenin
and Trotsky public protestations that they hare sought to prevent the peace
negotiations ivith Germany from turning to the military advantage of Germany
against the United States, England, and France. The aim here disclosed is
instead to aid Germany in stimulating feeling against England, France, and
the United States, in enabling Get-many to prepare for an offensive on the west-
ern front. A German bank is named as paymaster for Bolshevik agitators among
the Roumanian soldiers. Is " Wolf Vonigel," the field director, the Wolf von
I gel of American notoriety f The similarity in, name is srtiking. Finally,
Gen. Hoffman and the German staff is satisfied with Trotsky's ivatoh over
the American and English diplomats. Joffe, who signs the letter, is a member
of the Russian Peace Commission. Since this letter was written Zalkind has
gone to Swizerland on a special m/ission.
Note. — (July 6, 1918). He did not reach there, being unable to pass through
England, and in April was im, Christiana.
Document No. 38.
Commission for Combating the Counter Eevolution and Pogroms, No. — .
Petrograd, Dec. 14, 1917.
Major von Boehlke :
Esteemed Combade : I bring to your notice that our Finnish comrades, Hakhia,
Pukko, and Enrot have advised the Commissar for Combating the Counter
Kevolution of the following facts :
1. Between the English officers and the Finnish bourgeois organizations there
are connections which cause us serious apprehension.
2. In Finland have been installed two wireless stations which are used by
unknown persons who communicate in cipher.
3. Between Gen. Kaledin and the American mission there is an undoubted
communication, of which we have received exact information from your source,
and, therefore, a most careful supervision of the American Embassy is necessary.
These reports must be established exactly. Our agents are helpless. Please
1152 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
excuse that I write on the official letter heads, but I hasten to do this, sitting
here at the commission at an extraordinary meeting. Ready to service.
F. Zalkind.
Note. — The icritien comment at the top of the letter is: "Commissar for
Foreign Affairs. I request exact instructions, l^chott." It is von Boehlke's
(luestion, sigticd with his cipher name. (.Sec document 5.) The letter may
imply that ion Boehlke hail, in the opinion of hix good friend Zalkind. a vicnn.^
of internal observation at the American Emlyassy.
Document No. 39.
Counter Espionage at the Army Headquarters, No. 268.
{Very Secret)
January 25, 1918.
To THE COitMISSION ON CoMliATING THE COUNTER REVOLUTION :
The 23d of January at the Army Headquarters [Stavka] there took place a
conference at which there participated Maj. von Boehlke, assigned from Petro-
grad. It was decided, upon the insistence of the German consultants, to send
to the internal fronts the following persons, furnishing them all powers for
dealing with individual counter revolutionaries :
To the Don : Zhikhorev, Rudnev, Krogultz, and Erne.st Delgau.
To the Caucasus Front : Vassili Dumbadze, Prince Machabelli, Sevastianov,
and Ter-Baburin.
To the 1st Polish Corps of Gen. Dovbor-JIenitsky are assigned Dembitskl,
Stetkus, Zhimiitis, and Gisman.
Be so good as to take all measures for the quick assignment and the adequate
furnishing of the assigned persons with money, reserve passports, and other
documents.
Senior officer : Petee JIieonov.
Note. — This (.s an assassination order against individuals. It was not suc-
cessful against the Polish general. Dembadzc and Prince Machabelli were
German spies implicated in the Sukhamlinoff affair and sentenced to prison,
but afterivards liberated by the Bolsheviks. lAeut. Col. Dembitski was a
Bolshevik Polish officer. Baburin icas an assistant chief of staff under Kri-
lenko. The letter is indorsed: " Comrade lAinacharsky. 6o and report to
Comrade Zinorieff," signature illegible.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 40.
Counter Espionage at the Army Headquarters, No. 51/572.
January 19, 1918.
To the COMMIS.SION FOE C<)-\IHATING THE COUNTER ReVOLT'TION :
There have been received two notes addressed to the Supreme Commander
from the staffs of the Austrian and German High Commands. These notes
inform the Army Headquarters [Stavka] that the organizer of the volunteer
army in the Don region, Gen. AlexiefC, is in written communication with the
officer personnel of the Polish legions at the front, with the view of getting the
help of Polish officers in the counter revolution. Tills Information has been
received by the Austrian agents from the Polish Bolshevik Comrade Zhuk, who
played a large part at Rostov during the November and December battles. On
the other side, the representatives of the German Government, Count Lerchen-
feldt, reports of the rapidly growing movement In Poland in favor of the
bourgeois estate owners' imperialistic plan to defend with arms the greatest
possible Independence of Poland, with the broadening of its frontiers at the
expense of Lithuania, White Russia, and Galicia.
This movement is actively supported by the popular democratic party In
Warsaw, as well as Petrograd, by military organizations guided by the counter
revolutionary estate owners and the bourgeois Polish clergy.
The situation which has arisen was discussed on the 16th of January at the
Stavka in the presence of Ma.i. von Boehlke, sent by the Petrograd branch of
the German Intelligence Bureau, and it was there decided :
1. To take the most decisive measures, up to shooting en masse, against the
Polish troops which have submitted to the counter revolutionary and Im-
perialistic propaganda.
BOLSHEVIK PBOPAGANDA. 115S
2. To arrest Gen. Dovbor-Menitsky.
3. To arrange a surveillance of the commanding personnel.
4. Send agitators to the Polish legions to consult regarding this the Polish
revolutionary organizations known to the committee.
5. On learning of the counter revolutionary activity of Polish officers to
immediately arrest them and send them to the Stavka at the disposal of the-
Counter Espionage.
6. To arrest the emissaries of Gen. Alexieff, Staif Capt. Shuravsky, and
Capt. Rushltsky.
7. To request the Commission for Combating the Counter Revolution, in
agreement with the German Intelligence Bureau at Petrograd, to arrange a
surveillance and observation of the following institutions and persons:
(a) The military committee.
(6) The Society of Friends of the Polish Soldier.
(e) Inter-Party Union.
(d) The Union of Polish Invalids.
(e) Members of the Polish Group of the former state Duma and council.
. (t) The chairman, Lednitsky, and the members of the former Committee for
the Liquidation of Affairs of the Kingdom of Poland.
(g) Boleslav Jalovtski.
(h) Vladislav Grabskl.
(i) Stanislav Shuritski.
0) Roman Catholic Polish Clergy.
(k) The Polish Treasury through which, according to agency reports, the
governments of countries allied with Russia Intend, with the assistance of the
New York National City Bank, to supply with monetary resources the counter
revolutionary camp.
(I) It is necessary to verify the private papers of several Lithuanian revo-
lutionaries that among the Church Benevolent Funds, which are at the disposal
of the Polish clergy, are the capitals of private persons who hid their money
from requisition for the benefit of the state.
In case of establishment of any connection with the counter revolution, the
guilty Polish institutions are to be liquidated, their leaders and also persons
connected with the counter revolutionary activity are to be arrested, and sent
to the disposal of the Stavka.
Chief of the Counter Espionage:
Feierabend.
Commissar : Kalmanovich.
Note. — Again Germany, through Count Lerchenfeldt, uas intriguing on both
sides. Chiefly, hoioever, the significance of the letter is in the thoroughness of
the outlined German plan to crush the threat of armed opposition from the
Polish legions of the Russian army. The troops were fired upon, as indicated.
The preceding document really follows this in natural sequence. The next two
further elucidate the situation for the benefit of the Poles of the outside world.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 41.
Counter Espionage at the Army Headquarters, No. 461.
January 28, 1918.
To THE Commission for Combating the Counter Revolution :
The Special Constituent Commission on the conflict with the Polish counter
revolutionary troops has begun its activity. All the conduct of its affairs has
been located at the Counter Espionage at the Army Headquarters [Stavka],
where is being collected all information on the counter revolution on the ex-
ternal and internal fronts. At the commission have arrived members of the
Commission for Combating the Counter Revolution, B. Miekonoshin, I. Zenzi-
nov Zhilinski, and from Sevastopo Comrade Tlurin. To a conference were
called agents announcing their wish to be sent for conflict with the bourgeois
Polish officers : Lieut. Col. Dembltski, Boleslav Yakimovich, Roman Strievsky,
Joseph Yasenovsky, and Mikhail Adamovich. All those agents are under obli-
gation to carry the affair to the point of open insubordination of the soldiers
against the officers and the arrest of the latter.
For emergency the commander in chief ordered to assign Nakhim Sher and
Ilya Razymov for the destruction of the counter revolutionary ringleaders
among the Polish troops, and the commission recognized the possibility of d«-
85723— le-- — 78
1154 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAlirDA.
daring all Polish troops outside tlie law, when that measure should present
itself as imperative.
From Peterburg, observers announced that the Polish organizations are dis-
playing great reserve and caution in mutual relations. There has been estab-
lished, however, an unquestionable contact between the High Military Council
located in Peterburg and the Polish officers and soldiers of the bourgeois estate-
owning class with the counter revolutionary Polish troops. On this matter
in the Commissariat on Military Affairs, there took place on January 22 a
conference of Comrades Podvoisky, Kedrov, Boretzkov, Dybenko, and Koval-
.sky. The Commissar on Naval Affairs announced that the sailors Trushin,
Markin, Peinkaitis, and Schultz demand the dismissal of the Polish troops,
and threaten, in case it is refused, assaults on the Polish legionaries In Peter-
burg. The commander-in-chief suggests that it might be possible to direct the
rage of the sailors mentioned, and of their group, to the front against the
counter revolutionary Polish troops.
At the present time our agitation among the Polish troops is being carried
on in very active fashion and there is great hope for the disorganization of
the Polish legionaries.
Chief of Counter Espionage :
Feieeabend.
Secretary Iv. Alexieff.
Note. — Have photofirapli of letter.
Document No. 42.
Counter Espionage at the Army Headquarters, No. 121.
January 28, 1918.
To THE CoMMI.'iSIOX FOR CoMB.\TI.\G THE < 'OUNTER REVOLUTION :
At the request of the commander in chief, in answer to your inquiry, I
inform you, supplementary to the dispatch, that the funds sent with Maj. Bayer-
meister have been received here. Among the troops acting on the front against
the counter revolutionaries have been prepared several battalions for conflict
with the Poles and Roumanians. We will pay 12 roubles a day, with an in-
creased food ration. From the hired sections sent against the legionaries have
been formed two companies, one from the best shots for the shooting of oificer-
regiments, the other of Lithuanians and Letts for the spoiling of food reserves
in Vitebsk, Minsk, and Mogilev governments, in the places where the PoUsh
troops are situated. Various local peasants have also agreed to attack the
regiments and exterminate them.
Commissar : G. Mosholov.
Secretary : Iv. Alexibff.
Note. — These tiro documents show that the ■policy against these patriotic
soldiers teas one of merciless extermination, financed by German money, handed
out by a German offlcer. Bayernieister is named in Docuynent No. 5.
Have photoyraph of letter.
Chaptek VI.
THE complete SUKKENDEK.
The following documents show the complete surrender of the Bolshevik lead-
ers to their German masters :
Document No. 43.
G[reat] General Staff, Central Division, Section. M-E, No. 411.
February 26, 1918.
(Very Secret.)
To the Council of People's Commissaes :
According to instructions from the High Command of the German Army, I
have the honor to remind you that the withdrawing and disarming of the Rus-
sian Red Guard from Finland must be commenced immediately.. It is known to
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1155
the staff that the chief opponent of this step is the head of the Finnish Red
Guard, Yarvo Haapalainen, who has a great influence on the Russian tovarische
[comrades]. I request you to assign for tliis struggle with Haapalainen our
agent, Walter Nevalainen (Nevalaiselle), bearer of Finnish passport 3681, and.
supply him with a passport and passes.
Head of the Division :
O. Rausch.
Adjutant : U. Wolff.
Note. — Written at the top of the letter and signed N. O., the inittaJs of Lenin's
secretary, N. Oorbunov, is the order: " Send to the Commissar of Foreign Af-
fairs and, execute." In the margin is written " Passport 211 — No. 392," iut un-
fortunately the name under which the neio passport %oas given Is not mentioned.
This order explains the loithdraival of the Russian Red Guard from Finland in
early March and the ahandonment n1 the Finnish Red Guard to its fate. The
latter, however, took care of the disarming both of Russian soldiers and sailors
as they left Finland, for the Finns needed guns and ammunition. The Russians
sometimes fought Imt were surrounded and disarmed. In Helsingfors while I
was there in March the Red Guard and the sailors toere fighting each other
nightly iritli rifles and machine guns. One of tno Finnish Red Guard leaders
almost surely is Neralainen, but under the circumstances I do not care to
speculate.
The order to hold all foreign embassies in Red Finland tras given coincidently
with the appearance of one of them upon the scene. The excuse offered was
that foreigners were carrying information to the White Guard. Sitnultaneously
influence was exerted in the White Guard to increase diffioulties in passage be-
tween the lines. It is reasonable to place the obstacles to passage created on
both sides of the Finnish line to German effort, for German aid was being given
the White Guard openly at the moment it -was intriguing in the inner councils
of the Red Guard. The American party concerned in Finland escaped only by
persistence and good fortune. The British Embassy party was passed through
the day before the closing order came. The French and Italian Embassies were
obliged after a month of rain effort to return to Russia.
Hare nrif/inal letter and the surrendered passport.
Document No. 44.
G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section p., No. 283.
February 7, 1918.
To the CoMiiissAK OF FoEEiGN Affaies :
We are told that secret setTice agents attached to the Army Headquarters
[Stavka] are following Ma.1. Erich, who has been ordered to KiefC. I ask you
to take urgent measures to remove the surveillance of the above-named officer.
Head of the Bureau : Agasfek.
Adjutant : Btjkholm.
Note. — Chicerin, assistant foreign minister, initials a marginal comment,
" Talk it over." This note jnarks the period of acute irritation over the Ukraine
betireen Bolsheviks and Germans. Agasfer is Maj. Luberts.
Have original letter.
Document No. 45.
G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section E, No. 228.
February 4, 1918.
To THE Commissar of Fokeign Affaies :
By instructions of the representative of our staff I have the honor to ask you
Immediately to recall from the Ukrainain front the agitators Bryansky, Wolf,
Drabkin, and Pittsker. Their activity has been recognized as dangerous by the
German General Staff.
Head of the Bui-eau : Agasfee.
Adjutant : Heneich.
Note. — An crchangc of courtesies of the same period as Document No. Jyl^.
Chicherin has notnted it. " Discuss."
Have original letter, and also photo .secured earlier.
1156 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Document No. 46.
G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section E, No. 228.
February 3, 1918.
To THE COMMISSAK OF FOKEIGN AfFAIES :
According to instructions of the representative of our General Staff, I have
the honor once more to insist that you recall from Esthonia, Lithuania, and
Courland all agitators of the Central Executive Committee of the Council of
AVorkmen's and Soldiers' Deputies.
Head of the Bureau : Agasfek.
Adjutant : ^ Buckholm.
Note. — Another instance of the time ivhen (jennanij was using an iron hand
of discipline, clearing of agitators the Provinces it already had announced its
intention of seizing for its oirn. The letter was referred by Markin, one of
Trotsky's secretaries, to Yolodarsky, who seems to hare hern in charge of the
proletarian agitation in these Provinces.
Hare original of letter, and also photo secured earlier.
Document No. 47.
G. G.-S., Intelligence Bureau, Section R, No. 317.
To THK Council of People's Commissars :
The Intelligence Bureau has received precise information that the agitators
of the Petrograd Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, A'olodarski,
Brosoff, and Guschin, have completely changed the character of the Esthonia
socialists' activity, which finally led to the local German landlords being de-
clared outla\\ed. By order of the General Staff I ask you to take immediate
steps for the restoring of the rights of the above-mentioned German landlords
and the recalling of the agitators.
For the head (jf the Bureau : R. Bauer.
Adjutant : E. Ratitz.
Note. — This order for the release of the Oennan landlords was at once
obeyed, and the act of surrender, evidently at the direct order of Lenin, to
lohom this letter is addressed, marked the end of the incipient rebellion of the
Bolshevik leaders against their German masters.
Have photograph of letter.
VAKIED ACTIVITIES.
The following documents show various miscellaneous activities, including
measures for the assassination of counter revolutionaries :
Document No. 48.
Counter Espionage at the Army Headquarters, No. ■ — .
January 22, 1918.
To THE Council of People's Commissaes :
By our agents it has been established that connections between the Poles, the
Don, and French offlcers, and also probably the diplomatic representatives of the
allied powers, are maintained by means of Russian officers traveling under the
guise of sack speculators. In view of this we request you to take measures for
the strict surveillance of the latter.
Commissar : Kalmanovich.
Note. — The indorsement on this is by Oorbunoff, " Copy to inform Podvoisky
and DzerzhAnsky." The former was War Minister, the latter chairman of the
Commission for Combating the Counter Revolution. Such speculators were food
peddlers who went into the provinces and brought food to the cities for profitable
sale. Soldiers practically had a monopoly of the trade.
Have photograph of letter. i
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
1157
Document No. 49.
G[reat] General Staff, Intelligence Bureau, Section E, No. 151.
December 4, 1917.
To THE COMMISSABIAT OF MlLITAET AjTFArKS :
Herewith the Intelligence Bureau has the honor to transmit a list of the
persons of Russian origin who are in the service of the German Intelligence De-
partment :
SakharofC, officer First Infantry Reserve Regiment ; Ensign Ter-Arytiuniantz,
Zanko, Yarchuk, Colovin, Zhuk, Ilinsky, Chernlavsky, Capt. Postinkov, Schneier,
Sailors Trushin and Gavrilqv. All the persons mentioned are on the permanent
staff of the Intelligence Bureau of the German General StafC.
Head of the Bureau : Agasfek.
Adjutant : Henkich.
Note. — Have photograph, of letter.
Document No. 50.
G[reat] General Staff, Central Division, Section M, No. 22.
January 14, 1918.
{Very Confidential)
To THE ChADBMAN OF THE PEOPtE'S COUNCIL OF OOMMISSABS :
The Russian Division of the German General StafC has received an urgent re-
port from our agents at Novocherkash and Rostoff that the friction which has
arisen between Gen. Alexieff and Gen. Kaledin, after which the volunteer corps
of Gen. AlexiefC began the movement to the north, is a tactical step to have a
base in the rear. In this way the army of Gen. AlexiefE will have a reliable rear
base, protected by Cossack troops, for supplying the army, and a base in case
of an overwhelming movement on the part of the enemy. The communications
of Gen. Alexieff with the Polish troops have been proved by new reports of the
Polish Bolshevik commissars, Zhuk and Dembitski.
Chief of the Division of General Staff : O. Rausch.
Chief Adjutant : R. Kriegee.
Note. — Important as sUomng that the German had a real fear of the mili-
tary possibilities in the Alexieff-Kaledin movement. The suicide of Oen. Kaledin
at a moment of depression, following betrayals that undoubtedly were carefully
plotted, was tragically a part of the great national tragedy.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. 51.
Counter Espionage at the Army Headquarters, No. 263/79.
January 23, 1918.
To THE Commissaeiat of Foreign Affairs :
To your Inquiry regarding those agents who might be able to give an exact
report of the sentiment of the troops and population in the Provinces, I transmit
to you a short list of the Russo-German agents-informers : In Voronezh, S. Sirt-
zoff; in BostofC, Globoff and Melikoff; in Tiflis, Euskivze, and GavrilofE; In
Kazan, Pfaltz ; in Samara, Oaipoff and Voenig ; in Omsk, Blagovenschensky and
Sipko ; in Tomsk, Dattan, Tarasoff, and RodionofC ; in Irkutsk, Zhinzherova and
Geze ; in Vladivostok, ButtenhofC, Pannoff, and Erlanger.
Chief of Counter Espionage : Feierabend.
Commissar : Kalmanovich.
Note. — Apart from the list of agents this letter has interest from the com-
ment: " To the company of Comrade Bonch-Bruevich and Secret Department."
The signature is illegible.
Have photograph of letter.
1158 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
DOCUMEXT Xo. 52,
Counter Espionage at the Army Headquarters, No. 395.
January 21, 1918.
To THE Commission for Combating the Counter Revolution :
The agents of the Counter Espionage at the Stavka [Army Headquarters]
have established that the anarchists Stepan Kriloff, Fedor Kutzi, and Albert
Bremsen, at Helsingfors, and also Nahim Arshavsky, Ruphim Levin, and Mikhail
Shntiloff had during the recent days a conference with the chief of stafC of the
Petrograd army district Shpilko. After Comrade Shpilko transmitted to the
anarchists the offer of Comrade AntonofC and Comrade Bersin to recruit agents
for the destruction of several counter revolutionists, the latter expressed their
willingness and immediately began the recruiting. To KiefC are assigned the
following, who have been hired at Helsingfors ; S. Smirnoff and Rigamann ;
and to Odessa, Brack and Schulkovich.
For the Chief of the Counter Espionage. Commissar : C. Moshlov.
Note. — This is an assassination compact between Bolsheviks and anarchists.
Antonoff, if one of the chief Bolshevik military leaders, is credited with the tak-
ing of Petrograd, and icas in charge of the operations against Alexieff and Kale-
din. The list of anarchists include several notorious characters.
Have photograph of letter.
Document No. .53.
Counter Espionage at the Army Headquarters, No. 471.
January 27, 1918.
To the Commission for Combating the Counter Revolution :
By us here there has been received a report from Finland, from Grishin and
Rakhi, of the counter revolutionary activity of the lawyer, Jonas Kastren. This
Kastren, in the years 1914r-15 recruited on German funds Finnish volunteer regi-
ments and sent them to Germany. For facilitating the work of recruiting he
represented himself as a Socialist-Maximalist, and promised support to the
Workers' Red Guard. In his office in Stockholm many of our comrades found
a cordial reception and material support. Kastren furnished to Russia German
money for the propaganda of Bolshevism in Russia. He had already established
in 1916 a division of the German General Staff in Helsingfors. Now he, together
with Svinhuvud, Ernroth, and Nandelschtedt, is on the side of the White Guards
and is aiding them with money, supplies, and arms. We are informed that Kas-
tren works both with German and English money. It is necessary immediately
to cut short the work of Jonas Kastren and his group. The commander in chief
advises to call to Petersburg the Finnish comrades, Rahki and Pukho, or order
Grishin to Helsingfors.
Commissar : A. SrvKO.
Secretary : Iv. Alexieff.
Note. — Kastren was still alive when I spent a week in Helsingfors in March,
but he added to his chances of longevity by fleeing in early February to the
White Guards headquarters at Vasa. The order for Ms removal came too late.
Again we see Germany playing with both sides in Finland at the same time.
Have photograph of letter.
it: ^ * * * ^ *
(The following was, on May 14, 1919, ordered inserted in the
record at this point:)
Note bt Me. Humes. — In view of the testimony of Col. Raymond
Eobins relative to the opinion of Mr. E. H. B. Lockhart, who repre-
sented the English Government in Russia, and with whom he coop-
erated in many official activities, the following communication from
Mr. Lockhart, which is one of "A collection of reports on Bolshevism
in Russia " submitted by the English Government to Parliament in
April, 1919. is hereby submitted for the record :
Mr. Lockhart to Sir G. Clerk.
DEAR SIR Qmm-.K. November 10, 1918.
The following point.s may interest Mr. Balfour :
1. The Bolsheviks have established a rule of force and oppression unequalled
in the history of any autocracy.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1159
2. Themselves the fiercest upholders of the right of free speech, they have
suppressed, since coming into power, every newspaper which does not approve
their policy. In this respect the Socialist press has suffered nlost of all.
Even the papers of the Internationalist Mensheviks like " Martov " have been
suppressed and closed down, and the unfortunate editors thrown into prison or
forced to flee for their lives.
3. The right of holding public meetings has been abolished. The vote has
been taken away from everyone except the workmen in the factories and the
poorer servants, and even amongst the workmen those who dare to vote against
the Bolsheviks are marked down by the Bolshevik secret police as counter-
revolutionaries, and are fortunate if their worst fate is to be thrown into
prison, of which in Russia to-day it may truly be said, " many go in but few
come out."
4. The worst crimes of the Bolsheviks have been against their Socialist oppo-
nents. Of the countless executions which the Bolsheviks have carried out a
large percentage has fallen on the heads of Socialists who had waged a life-
long struggle against the old rggime, but who are now denounced as counter-
revolutionaries merely because they disapprove of the manner in which the
Bolsheviks have discredited socialism.
5. The Bolsheviks have abolished even the most primitive- forms of justice.
Thousands of men and women have been shot without even the mockery of a
trial, and thousands more are left to rot in the prisons under conditions to
find a parallel to which one must turn to the darkest annals of Indian or
Chinese history.
6. The Bolsheviks have restored the barbarous methods of torture. The
examination of prisoners frequently takes place with a revolver at the un-
fortunate prisoner's head.
7. The Bolsheviks have established the odious practice of taking hostages.
Still worse, they have struck at their political opponents through their women
folk. When recently a long list of hostages was published in Petrograd, the
Bolsheviks seized the wives of those men whom they could not find and threw
them into prison until their husbands should give themselves up.
8. The Bolsheviks who destroyed the Russian army, and who have always
been the avowed opponents of militarism, have forcibly mobilised officers who
do not share their political views, but whose technical knowledge is indis-
pensable, and by the threat of immediate execution have forced them to fight
against their fellow-countrymen in a civil war of unparalleled horror.
9. The avowed ambition of Lenin is to create civil warfare throughout
Europe. Every speech of Lenin's is a denunciation of constitutional methods,
and a glorification of the doctrine of physical force. With that ob.iect in view
he is destroying systematically both by executions and by deliberate starvation
every form of opposition to Bolshevism. This system of " terror " is aimed
chiefly at the Liberals and non-Bolshevik Socialists, whom Lenin regards as
his most dangerous opponents.
10. In order to maintain their popularity with the working men and with
their hired mercenaries, the Bolsheviks are paying their supporters enormous
wages by means of an unchecked paper issue, until to-day money in Russia has
naturally lost all value. Even according to their own figures the Bolsheviks' ex-
penditure exceeds the revenue by thousands of millions of roubles per annum.
These are facts for which the Bolsheviks may seek to find an excuse, but
which they can not deny.
Yours, sincerely.
R. H. B. LOCKHAET.
(The following, submitted after the close of the hearings, by Mr.
Humes, was ordered printed in the record:)
[Translation.]
RUSSIAN REVOLUTIONARY PAMPHLETS.
Constitution (Fundamental Law) of the Russian Socialist Fedebal
Soviet Republic. '
{Published by the Department of Foreign Political Literature of the People's Commissariat
for Foreign Affairs, Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic. Moscow, 1918.]
Decision of the 5th All-Russian Convention of the Soviets, Adopted at the
Session of July IOth, 1918.
The declaration of the rights of the toiling and exploited people, confirmed by
the 3rd All-Russian Convention of Soviets in January, 1918, constitutes, to-
1160 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
getlier with the Constitution of the Soviet Republic which was confirmed by the
5th Convention of the Soviets tlie sole fundamental law of the Russian Socialist
Federal Soviet Republic.
This fundamental law comes into force from the moment of its publication in
its final form in the " Izvestiya of the AU-Russian Central Executive Com-
mittee of the Soviets." It must be published by all local organs of the Soviet
government and exhibited in a prominent place in all Soviet institutions.
The 5th Convention charges the People's Commissary for Public Instruction
to introduce in all schools and institutions of learning of the Russian Republic
without exception the study of the fundamental principles of the present Con-
stitution, as well as their explanation and interpretation.
Division 1. — Declakatiox or the Rights of the Tolling and Exploited
People.
CHAPTER one.
1. Russia is declared a Republic of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and
Peasants' Deputies. All central and local power belongs to these Soviets.
2. The Soviet Republic of Russia is established upon the basis of a free union
of free nations, as a federation of Soviet national republics.
CHAPTER TWO.
3. Setting before itself the fundamental task of putting an end to all ex-
ploitation of man by man, of removing the division of society Into classes, of
mercilessly suppressing the exploiters, of establishing a socialist organization
of societ,\', and of securing the victory of socialism in all countries, the 3rd
All-Russian Convention of Soviets of W. S. and P. D. decrees as follows:
(a) For the purpose of realizing the principle of the socialization of land,
private ownership in land is abolished and the entire land fund is declared the
property of the people and is turned over to the toilers without any indemnity
iipon the principle of equalization of land-allotments.
(b) All forests, mineral wealth, water power and waterways of public im-
portance, as well as all live stock and agricultural implements, all model
landed estates and agricultural enterprises are declared national property.
(c) As a first step to the complete transfer of factories, mills, mines rail-
roads and other means of production and transportation into property of the
Workers' and Peasants' Soviet Republic, the law concerning the workers' con-
trol and concerning the Supreme Council for National Economy, which aims at
securing the power of the toilers over the exploiters, is hereby confirmed.
(d) The 3rd Convention of the Soviets considers the Soviet law concerning
the annulling (repudiation) of loans contracted by the governments of the
Tzar, the landlords and the capitalists, as the first blow at international bank-
ing an and finincial capital and expresses the conviction that the Soviet govern-
ment will advance steadfastly along this path until complete victory of the
international workers' against the yoke of capitalism is secured.
(e) The principle of the transfer of all banks to the property of the workers'
and peasants' state, as one of the conditions of emancipation of the tolling
masses from the yoke of capital is hereby reaffirmed.
(/) For the purpose of doing away with parasitical elements in society and
of organizing the economic affairs of the country, universal obligatory labor
service is established.
(g) In order to secure full power for the tolling masses, and to remove every
opportunity for re-establishing tlie government of the exploiters, the principle
of arming the tollers, of forming a Socialistic Red Army of the workers and
peasants and of completely disarming the property-holding classes is hereby
decreed.
CHAPTER THREE.
4. Expressing its unshakable determination to drag humanity out of the
clutches of financial capital and imperialism, which has soaked the earth with
blood in the present most criminal of all wars, the 3rd Convention of the Soviets
expresses its entire approval of the policy adopted by the Soviet government
namely, that of tearing up the secret treaties ; of organizing on the largest
scale possible fraternization with the workers and peasants of the armies now
at war with each other, and of securing by revolutionary means and at all costs
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1161
a democratic peace of the toilers without annexations and indemnities, upon
the basis of free self-determination of nations.
5. For the same purpose the 3rd Convention of the Soviets insists upon the
complete repudiation of the barbarous policy of bourgeois civilization, which
enables the exploiters in a few chosen nations to prosper upon the enslavement
of hundreds of milUons of the toiling population in Asia, in colonies generally,
and in small countries.
6. The 3rd Convention of the Soviets welcomes the policy of the Council of
the People's Commissaries, who have proclaimed the complete independence of
Finland, have begun the withdrawal of troops from Persia, and have declared
the freedom of self-determination for Armenia.
CHAPTSK rOUE.
7. The 3rd All-Russian Convention of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and
Peasants' Deputies holds that at the present moment of decisive struggle of
the proletariat with its exploiters, the latter can have no place in any of the
organs of government. The government must entirely and exclusively be in
the hands of the toiling masses and their authorized representative — The
Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.
8. At the same time, aiming at creating a really free and voluntary union
of the toiling classes of all nationalities of Russia, the 3rd Convention of the
Soviets limits itself to establishing the basic principles of a federation of
Soviet republic of Russia, leaving to the workers and peasants of each nation-
ality the right to decide for themselves at their own duly authorized convention
of Soviets, whether and on which conditions they wish to particpate in the
federal government and in the other federal soviet institutions.
Division Two. — General Peinciples of the Constitution of the Russian
Socialistic Federal Soviet Republic.
chaptee five.
9. The principal aim of the Constitution of the Russian Socialist Federal
Soviet Republic in the present transitory period is to establish the dictatorship
of the city and rural proletariat and of the poorest elements of the peasantry
in the form of the powerful All-Russian Soviet government for the purpose of
completely suppressing the capitalist class, of abolishing the exploitation of
man by man and of establishing Socialism, under which there will be no
division of society into classes, nor any power of state.
10. The Russian Republic is a free socialist society of all the toilers of
Russia. The entire power of government within the Russian Socialist Federal
Soviet Republic belongs to the whole working population of the country, united
round the city and rural Soviets.
11. Soviets of (oblasts) (regions), distinguished by the mode of living and
national peculiarities of their population, may combine into autonomous
(oblast) (regional) unions at the head of which are the (Ob last) Conventions
of Soviets, and their executive organs. These autonomous (oblast) (regional)
unions also should be at the head of any (oblast) combinations that may be
formed.
These autonomous (oblast) (regional) unions enter on the federal basis into
the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic.
12. The supreme authority in the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic
belongs to the All-Russian Convention of Soviets and in the interval between
conventions to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.
18. For the purpose of securing for the toilers real freedom of conscience the
church is separated from the state and the school from the church and the
freedom of religious and antireligious propaganda is secured for all citizens.
14. For the purpose of securing for the toilers real freedom of expression
of their opinions the R. S. F. S. R. abolishes the dependence of the press upon
capital and places in the hands of the working class and of the poorer elements
of the peasantry all the technical and material means for the publication of
newspapers, pamphlets, books and all other press productions and secures their
free circulation throughout the country.
15. For the purpose of securing for the toilers real freedom of assembly, the
R. S. F. S .R., recognizing the right of the citizens of the Soviet Republic to
freely hold meetings, gatherings, processions, etc., places at the disposal of
1162 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the working class and of the poorer element of the peasantry all premises
suitable for holding public meetings, including furniture, lighting and heating.
16. For the purpose of securing for the toilers real freedom of workers union,
the R. S. F. S. R., having broken the economic and political power of the prop-
erty holding classes and having thus removed all obstacles which under the
bourgeois order of society prevented the workers and peasants from enjoy,
ing freedom of organization and action, renders to the workers and poorest
peasants all possible assistance, material and otherwise, in order to unite and
organize them.
17. For the purpose of securing for the tollers real access to knowledge, the
R. S. F. S. R. aims at placing at the disposal of the workers and of the poorest
peasants full and general education free of charge.
18. The Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic reenaiiizes laTjour as a duty
of all citizens of the republic and proclaims the motto : " He who does not work
neither shall he eat."
19. For the purpose of defending by all means the conquests of the great
revolution of workers and peasants, the R. S. F. S. R. recognizes as a duty of
all citizens of the Republic the defence of the socialist fatherland and estab-
lishes universal obligatory military service. The honourable privilege of de-
fending the revolution with arms in hand is granted only to the toilers; upon
the non-working elements other military duties are Imposed.
20. Basing its actions upon the Idea of solidarity of the tollers of all nations,
the R. S. F. S. R. grants all political rights of Russian citizenship to foreigners,
who live upon the territory of the Russian Republic, are engaged in productive
occupations an"d who belong either to the working class or to peasants that do
not exploit the labour of others. The R. S. F. S. R. recognizes the right of
local Soviets to grant to such foreigners without any troublesome formalities
the rights of Russian citizenship.
21. The Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic grants the right of asylum
to all foreigners who are being persecuted for religious or political offences.
22. The R. S. F. R. recognizing the equality of the rights of citizens inde-
pendent of their race and nationality, declares that it is contrary to the basic
laws of the Republic to establish or to tolerate any privileges or advantages on
this ground, as well as to in any way oppress national minorities or curtail the
equality of their rights.
23. Guided by the rights of the working class as a whole, the R. S. F. R. de-
prives individuals and separate groups of any rights, which they may be using
to the detriment of the Socialist Revolution.
Division Thkee. — Constbuction of the Soviet Government. — A. Organisation
or THE Centeai, Goveknment.
CHAPTER SIX. CONCERNING THE ALL-RUSSIAN CONVENTION OF SOVIETS OF WOEKEBS'
peasants' and RED-AEMT DEPUTIES.
24. The AU-Russian Convention of Soviets is the Supreme Authority in the
Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic.
25. The AU-Russian Convention is formed of representatives of the Soviets
of the cities on the basis of one deputy for 25,000 electors and of representa-
tives of the provincial (" gubemia ") conventions of Soviets on the basis of one
deputy for 125,000 inhabitants.
Note 1. In case the convention of the Soviets of a " gubernia " does not
directly precede the All-Russian Convention, the delegates to the latter are sent
directly by the Conventions of " uyezds."
Note 2. In case the Convention of the Soviets of the " oblast " directly pre-
cedes the All-Russian Convention, the delegates to the latter be sent by the
convention of the " oblast."
26. The All-Russian Convention of Soviets is called by the AU-Russlan Cen-
tral Executive Committee not less than twice a year.
27. A special All-Russian Convention is called by the AU-Russlan Central
Executive Committee on its own initiative or on the demand of Soviets of
localities, on which are represented not less than one third of the entire popula-
tion of the RepubUc.
28. The All-Russian Convention of the Soviets elects an All-Russian Central
Executive Committee consisting of not more than 200 persons.
29. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee is entirely responsible to
the All-Russian Convention of Soviets.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
30. During the intervals between the Conventions the Suprem
the Republic is the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.
CHAPTEB SEVEN. CONCEENING THE AL]>-RtJSSIAN CENTEAL EXECUT)
31. The All-Eussian Central Executive Committee is the high
administrative and controlling organ in the R. S. F. S. R.
32. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee gives a ge
to the activities of the workers' and peasants government and
of the Soviet Government in the country ; it unites and co-ordii
of legislation and administration, and sees to the carrying out
Constitution and of the decisions of the All-Russian Gonventi
and of the central organs of the Soviet Government.
83. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee considers
projected decrees and other propositions brought in by the Coui
Commissaries or by the different departments of the adminis
also issues its own decrees and orders.
34. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee summons t
Convention of Soviets to which it submits a report of its activi
reports concerning the general policy and special questions.
35. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee appoints
the People's Commissaries for the general administration of thi
Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, and it also establish
(People's Commissariats) for the different branches of the adm
36. Members of the All-Russian Central Executive Commits
departments of administration (People's Commissariats) or ca
commissions of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.
CHAPTER EIGHT. CONCEENING THE COTJNCH. OF THE PEOPtE'S C
37. The general administration of the affairs of the Russian
eral Soviet Republic is in the hands of the Council of People's (
38. To accomplish this task, the Conucil of People's Comn
decrees, orders, and instructions, and in general takes all meai
for regularly and speedily carrying on the business of the state
39. The Council of People's Commissaries immediately infori
sian Central Executive Committee of all decrees and decisions
Council.
40. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee has the
or hold up any order or decisions of the Council of the People's (
41. All decrees and decisions of the Council of the People'i
of high political importance are presented to the All-Russian Ce
Committee for consideration and approval.
Note. — Measures requiring immediate execution may be can
Council of the People's Commissaries directly.
42. The members of the Council of the People's Commissari(
of various People's Commissariats.
43. Eighteen People's Commissariats are formed, viz :
(a) For Foreign Affairs;
(6) For Military Affairs;
(c) For Naval Affairs;
(d) For the Interior;
(e) For Justice;
(/) For Labour;
Ig) For Social Insurance;
(h) For Public Instruction;
(i) For Posts and Telegraphs; ,
0') For Nationalities;
(fc) For Finance;
1164 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
44. With every People's Commissary and under his presidency a collegiate
(Board of Commissioners) is formed, the members of which are confirmed by
the Council of People's Commissaries.
45. A People's Commissary has the right to make decisions in accordance
with his personal judgment on all questions which come under his particular
department, informing the members of the collegiate of such decisions. If these
members do not approve of some decision of the People's Commissary, the col-
legiate, without holding up the execution of the decision may lodge a "complaint
with the Council of the People's Commissaries or with the presidium of the
AU-Russian Central Executive Committee. The same right of lodging com-
plaints is enjoyed by individual members of the collegiate.
46. The Council of the People's Commissaries is entirely responsible to the
AU-Russian Convention of Soviets and the All-Russian Central Executive
Committee.
47. The People's Commissaries and the collegiates at the head of the People's
Commissariats are entirely responsible to the Council of the People's Commis-
saries and to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.
48. The title of People's Commissary belongs exclusively to the members of
the Council of the People's Commissaries, which administer the general affairs
of the R. S. F. S. R., and may not be appropriated by any other representatives
of the central or local Soviet Government.
CHAPTER NINE. CONCEENING THE ADMINISTRATIVE FUNCTIONS OF THE ALL-BUSSIAR
CONVENTION OF SOVIETS AND OF THE AIX-KUSSIAN CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COM-
MITTEE.
49. All matters of general state Importance fall under the jurisdiction of the
All-Russian Convention of Soviets and of the AU-Russian Central Executive
Committee. Such matters are :
(a) The confirmation of, alteration and addition to the constitution of the
R. S. P. S. R.
(6) The general direction of the entire foreign and internal policy of the
Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic.
(c) The establishment and alteration of frontiers, as well as the alienation
of any part of the territory of the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic or
of the rights belonging to it.
(d) The determination of the powers possessed by and the boundaries be-
tween the various Soviet organizations of the " oblasts," which go to make up
the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, as well as the settlement of dis-
putes among them.
(e) The admission into the R. S. F. S. R. of new federal parts of the Soviet
Republic and the acknowledgment of the withdrawal of any part of the Russian
Federation from the union.
(/) General division of the territory of the R. S. P. S. R. for administrative
purposes and the confirmation of provincial unions of Soviets, making up an
" oblast."
(g) The establishment and change of the systems of weights, measures and
currency within the territory of the R. S. F. S. R.
(ft.) Relations with foreign powers, the declaration of war and the conclusion
of peace.
(i) The contracting of loans, customs and commercial treaties, as well as
the conclusion of financial agreements.
(j) The establishment of a general plan of public economy' and of its different
departments within the territory of the R. S. F. S. R.
(fc) The confirmation of the Budget of the Russion Federal Soviet Republic.
(I) The fixing of a general system of state taxation and of compulsory serv-
ices. •
(ni) The establishment of a plan of organization for the armed forces of the
Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic.
(n) General State-legislation, jurisprudence and judicial proceedings, civil
and criminal legislation, etc.
(0) The appointment and dismissal of individual members of the Council of
People's Commissaries, as well as of the entire Council of People's Commissaries
as a whole and also the confirmation of its chairman.
(p) The publication of general decrees concerning acquisition and loss of
rights, of Russian citizenship, and concerning the rights of foreigners on the
territory of the Republic.
(q) The right of general or partial amnesty.
BOLSHE-VIK PKOPAGANDA.
1165
50. Besides the matters above indicated the All-Eussian Executive Committee
have the right to deal with all questions which they recognize as pertaining to
their jurisdiction.
51. The following matters come within the sole jurisdiction of the AU-
Russian Convention of Soviets :
(a) The establishment and alteration of and the addition to the fundamental
principles of the Soviet Constitution.
(6) The ratification of peace treaties.
52. The settlement of question set forth in statute c and h of article 49 may-
be made by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee only when the All-
Russlan Convention of Soviets cannot be called.
B. Oeganization or Local Soviet Government.
CHAPTER TEN. CONCBENING THE SOVIET CONVENTIONS.
53. Conventions of Soviets are made up as follows :
(a) The conventions of the Olkasts' (territories) ; these may be composed
of either 10 representatives chosen by Soviets of cities and conventions of
Uyezds^ upon the basis of one deputy for every 25,000 Inhabitants In the
" Uyezds " and of one deputy for every 500 electors in the cities, but the total
number of deputies got an entire " Oblast " not to exceed 500; or (2) repre-
sentatives elected at soviet conventions of separate " gubernias " immediately
precedes that of the " oblast."
(6) The conventions of gubernias (provinces or "Okrugs"; these are made'
up of representatives from Soviets of cities and conventions of volosts") upon
the basis of 1 deputy for every 10,000 inhabitants in a " volost " and 1 deputy
for 2,000 electors in a city, but the total number of deputies for an entire
"gubernia" (or "Okrug") not to exceed 300. In case a convention of Soviets
for an " uyezd " is called immediately preceding that of a " gubernia " the
deputies are elected upon the same basis by the convention of the " uyezd " arid
not by those of " volosts."
(c) The convention of "uyezds" ("rayons" or districts), these are com-
posed of representatives of village Soviets on the basis of 1 deputy for 1,000
inhabitants, but not more than 300 deputies for the whole " uyezd " (ryon).
(d) The conventions of "volosts"; these are composed of representatives of
all the village of the " volost," on the basis of 1 deputy for every 10 members
of the Soviet.
Note 1. — At the " uyezd " conventions representatives of town Soviets, the
population of which does not exceed 10,000 inhabitants, participate ; village
Soviets of districts numbering less than 1,000 inhabitants unite for the purpose
of electing joint deputies for the " uyezd " convention.
Note 2. — Village Soviets, numbering less than 10 members, send to the " vo-
lost " donvention one representative each.
54. The conventions of Soviets are summoned by the respective executive or-
gans (Executive Committees) of the Soviet authority in the territory at the
discretion of the latter or on the demand of Soviets of localities, the inhabitants
of which represent not less than one-third of the population of the district under
consideration. In any case the conventions must be held not less than twice a
year in the " oblast," once in three months in the " gubernia " and " Uyezds "
and once a month in the " volost."
55. The Convention of Soviets (for the "oblast," "gubernia," "uyezd" or
" volost," ) elects its executive members of Executive Committee — the number
of members of which should not exceed: (a) for the oblast and " gubernia," 25
members; (&) for the uyezd, 20; (o) for the " volost," 10. The Executive Com-
mittes is wholly responsible to the convention of Soviets, by which it is elected.
56. Within the limits of its jurisdiction the Soviet convention (of an oblast,
gubernia, uyezd or volost) is the highest authority within the bounds of the
given territory ; during the Intervals between the conventions this authority is
transferred to the Executive Committee.
^An oblast is an area uniting more than one " gubernia " province in one local ad-
ministration.
^TJyezd is tlie administrative unit into whiclia gubernia Is divided, similar to Ameri-
can counties.
3A volost is made up of a number of villages united for administrative purposes ; it Is
a subdivision of an uyead.
1166 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGAIIDA.
CHAPTER KLE\'KX. — CONCEBNING SOVIETS OF DEPUTIES.
57. Soviets of Deputies are formed :
(a) In towns or cities — on the basis of one deputy for each thousand in-
habitants, but the total number of such deputies to be not less than 50 and not
more than 1,000.
(6) In rural centers (in villages, church-villages, cossack-stanitzas, boroughs,
towns numbering less than 10,000 inhabitants, Caucasian and Tartar auls, farm-
ing settlements, etc.) — on the basis of one deputy for every 100 inhabitants,
the total number of deputies to be not less than 3 nor more than 50 for each
rural center.
The powers possessed by the deputies to extend over a period of 8 months.
Note. — In those rural districts, where it is recognized as feasible, questions
of administration are decided directly by a general assembly of electors of the
given district.
58. For current transactions the Soviet of deputies elects from its midst an
executive organ (Executive Committee) consisting of not more than 5 members
in rural centers and in cities or towns on the basis of one for each 50 members,
but not less than 3 nor more than 15 (for Petrograd and Moscow not more than
40) The Executive Committee is wholly responsible to the Soviet, by which it is
elected.
59. The Soviets of Deputies are convened by the Executive ''onmiittee nt the
discretion of the latter or on the demand of not less than one half of the
members of the Soviet, but not less than once a week in cities and towns and
twice a week in rural centers.
60. Within the limits of its jurisdiction the Soviet, and in cases provided for
by paragraph 57 (note), the general assembly of electors, is the highest au-
thority in the given territory.
CHAPTER TWELVE. COXCEKNING THE SUBJECTS WHICH THE LOCAL ORGANS Ol' THE
SOVIET GOVERNMENT H.WE AUTHORITY TO DE.\L WITH.
61. The organs of Soviet government of an oblast (gubernia) (uyezd) and
(volost) and also Soviets of Deputies, have the following subjects to deal
with :
(a) The carrying out of all decisions of the higher organs of the Soviet
government.
(6) The adoption of all measures aiming at the cultural and economic im-
provement of the given territory ;
(c) All questions having a purely local character in the given district;
(d) The co-ordination of all Soviet activities within the given territory.
62. The Conventions of Soviets and their Executive Committees have the
right of control over the activities of the local Soviets (i. e. the oblast con-
ventions and Executive Committees have the power of control over all the
Soviets of the given oblast ; those of a gubernia over all the Soviets of the
given gubernia except over Soviets of towns and cities not included in the
convention of an uyezd, etc.). In addition to this the conventions and Execu-
tive Committees of an oblast and gubernia have the right to annul the de-
cisions of the Soviets acting within their territory. Of all such actions they
must, in the most important cases, inform the Central Soviet Authority.
63. For the fulfillment of the tasks imposed on the organs of Soviet gov-
ernment there are formed, in connection with Soviets (in cities and towns),
and with their Executive Committees (in an oblast, gubernia, uyezd and
volost. special administrative departments, headed by directors of such
departments.
Division Four. — Active and Passive Franchise.
chapter thirteen.
64. The right to elect and be elected to membership in the Soviets is enjoyed,
independent of religion, nationality, right of domicile, etc., by the following
citizens of the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, of either sex, who up
to date of the elections have reached the age of eighteen years :
(a) All persons obtaining their means of livelihood by productive and socially
useful labour, as well as persons engaged in domestic service, who thereby
enable the former to carry on their productive labours, such as workmen and
servants of all kinds and categories engaged in industry, trade, agriculture.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
116T
etc., peasants and cossack cultivators, not using hired labour for the pui^pose
of securing profit.
(6) Soldiers and sailors of the Soviet array and navy.
(c) Citizens who belong to the categories enumerated in paragraphs (ft)
and ( & ) of this article, but who have lost in some degree their working capacity.
Note 1. — Local Soviets may with the consent of the Central authority lower
the age limit for the franchise established by the present article.
Note 2. — Among the persons who are not naturalized citizens of Russia
those, indicated In article 20 (division 2, chapter 5), enjoy also active and pas-
sive franchise rights.
65. The following persons, even if they should belong to any of the above
mentioned categories, may neither elect nor be elected:
(a) Persons using hired labour for the sake of profit;
(b) Persons living on unearned increment such as Interest on capital, in-
come from industrial enterprises and property, etc. ;
(c) Private traders, trading and commercial agents;
((J) Monks and ecclesiastical servants of churches and religious cults;
(e) Employees and agents of the former police, of the special corps of gen-
darmes and of branches of secret police department and also members of the
former reigning house of Russia ;
(/) Persons, duly recognized as mentally alHlcted or insane, as well as per-
sons placed in charge of guardians ;
(g) Persons sentenced for crimes of speculation and bribery to a term fixed
by law or by a judicial sentence.
CHAPTEK FOUKTEEX. CONCKKNING THE CONDUCT OF ELECTIONS.
66. Elections take place in accordance with established customs on days
fixed by local Soviets.
67. Elections are conducted in the presence of the election commission and
the representative of the local Soviet.
68. In cases where tlie presence of the representative of the Soviet govern-
ment is for technical reasons impossible, his place is taken by the chairman of
the election committee, and, in the absence of the latter, by tlie chairman of
the election assembly.
69. An official record is made on the progress and result of elections and the
same is signed by members of the election committee and the representative of
the Soviet.
70. The precise order of election procedure and also the question of par-
ticipation in the elections of the labour unions and other workers' organiza-
tions is determined by the local Soviets, in accordance with the instructions of
the All-Russlan Central Executive Committee.
CHAPTEK FIFTEEN. CONCERNING THE CONTROL AND CANCELLATION OF ELECTIONS
AND THE RECALL OF DEPUTIES.
71. All records in connection with elections are filed with the respective
Soviets.
72. For examining the elections the Soviet appoints a commission on cre-
dentials.
73. The credentials commission reports the results of its examinatioa to the
Soviet.
74. The Soviet decides the question of confirming disputed candidates.
7.5. In the event of rejection of any candidate the Soviet orders new elections.
76. In the event of irregularity in the election as a whole, the question of
annulling the election is decided by the Soviet organ next highest in authority.
77. The highest body for cancellation of Soviet elections is the AU-Russian
Central Executive Committee.
78. The electors, who have sent a deputy to the Soviet have the right to
recall him at any time and order new elections in accordance with the general
Division PmE. — The Budget Right.
CHAPTER sixteen.
79. The financial policy of the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic
during the present transition period of the dictatorship of the toilers is framed
with a view to reaching the goal, namely that of expropriation of the capitalist
class and of preparing the conditions for general social equality of the citizens
of the republic in the domain of production and distribution of wealth. For
1168 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
this purpose it aims at placing at the disposal o£ the organs of Soviet govern-
ment all means necessary for the satisfaction of local and general state needs
of the Soviet Republic, not even hesitating at the violation of the rights of
private property to attain this end.
80. The state revenues and expenditures of the Russian Socialist Federal
Soviet Republic are combined in the general state budget.
81. The All-Russian Convention of Soviets or the AU-Russian Central Execu-
tive Committee determines, which of the revenues and incomes are to be
entered in the general state budget and vrhich are to be placed at the disposal
of the local Soviets ; they also define the limits of taxation.
82. The Soviets establish the rate of taxation and revenues exclusively for
needs of a local character. The general state needs are satisfied out of the
funds of the state treasury.
83. No item of expenditure can be paid out of the state treasury without
an entry for such payment being made in the account of state receipts and
expenditures or unless the Central government issues a special decree for the
payment of such an item.
84. For the satisfaction of the needs of a general state character the
respective People's Commissariats^ place at the disposal of local Soviets the
necessary credits out of the general state treasury.
85. All credits granted to the Soviets out of the funds of the general state
treasury, as well as the credits approved according to estimates for local needs,
must be expended by them within the limits provided for in the subdivisions
of the estimates, as directly indicated in their paragraphs and articles and may
not be used for the satisfaction of any other needs without a special decree
of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's
Commissaries.
86. The local Soviets draw up half-yearly and yearly estimates of receipts
and expenditures for local needs. The estimates of the Soviets of villages and
volosts and those of the Soviets of towns, which participate in conventions of
uyezds, and likewise the estimates of uyezd organs of the Soviet govern-
ment are subject to approval by the corresponding conventions of gubernias
and oblasts or by their Executive Committees ; the estimates of the organs of
Soviet government of cities, gubernias and oblasts are approved by the All-
Russian Central Executive Committee and by the Council of the People's Com-
missaries.
87. For expenditures, not foreseen by the estimates and likewise in case of
deficits in the estimates, supplementary credits may be obtained by the Soviets
from the corresponding People's Commissariats.
88. In the event of an insufficiency of local resources for the satisfaction of
local needs subsidies or loans to meet pressing expenditures and granted from
the funds of the general state treasury to the local Soviets by the All-Russian
Central Executive Committee and by the Council of the People's Commissaries.
Division Six. — Conceening the Coat of Arms and Flag of the Russian
SociAiiST Federal Soviet Republic.
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN.
89. The Coat of Arms of the R. S. F. S. R. consists of the representation of
a red background in rays of the sun of a gold sickle and hammer placed cross-
wise, the handles pointing downward ; the whole surrounded by a wreath of
wheat ears and having the inscription :
(a) Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic and
(&) Proletarians of all countries, unite!
90. The commercial, naval, and military standard of the R. S. F. S. R. con-
sists of a scarlet flag in the upper left corner of which, near the flag-staff, are
placed the letters R. S. F. S. R. in gold, or the words Russian Socialist Federal
Soviet Republic.
Signed: Chairman of the 5th All-Russian Convention of Soviets and of the
All-Russian Central Executive Committee, J. Sverdlov.
Members of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.
G. L. Teodorovich, F. A. Rosenhoh5, A. C. Mitrofanor, K. G. Rosin, A. P.
Maximov.
Secretary of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, V. A. Avanessov.
1 Executive departments of the State, which were formerly known as ministries.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1169
(Mr. Humes submitted the following translation of various decrees
of the Bolshevik government of Russia, preceded by table of con-
tents, which was ordered inserted in the record as an appendix:)
Contents op Appendix,
organization of government.
Exhibit 1. Decree of Bolshevik Government Reiterating the Call for a Con-
stituent Assembly Originally Called by the Provisional Government.
Exhibit 2. Decree Organizing Council of People's Commissaries.
Exhibit 3. Regulations of the Government on the Order in which the Laws
are to be Confirmed and Published.
Exhibit 4. Decree on the dissolution of the Central Duma of Petrograd. No-
vember 16, 1917.
Exhibit 5. Decree on the annulation of Class of Society and Civil Grades.
November 10, 1917.
Exhibit 6. Declaration of rights of the peoples of Russia. November 2, 1917.
Exhibit 7. Instructions on the rights and duties of Soviets.
Exhibit 8. Decree on the Provincial Soviet Organization.
Exhibit 9. Decree on the Organization of Local Self-government. Decem-
ber 24, 1917.
Exhibit 10. Decree on the Administration of National Undertakings. March
7, 1918.
Exhibit 11. Decree on the Supreme Board of National Economy.
Exhibit 12. Decree on the Regional and Local Boards of National Economy.
Exhibit 13. Decree appropriating Two Million Roubles for International
Revolutionary Propaganda purposes. December 13, 1917.
Exhibit 14. Decree on Peace. October 26th, 1917.
Exhibit 15. Appeal to Laboring Mohammedans of Russia and the East. No-
vember 24, 1917.
Exhibit 16. Declaration of the Rights of the Laboring and Exploited People.
The form of this Declaration was prepared for submission to the Constituent
Assembly by the Bolshevic Government and the refusal of the Constituent As-
sembly to adopt it was one reason for its forcible dissolution by the Red Guard.
THE AEMT.
Exhibit 17. Decree on the Equalization of Rights of all Serving in the Army.
December 17, 19l7.
Exhibit 18. Order of the High Commander in Chief Krylenko to the Army.
November 21, 1917.
Exhibit 19. Decree on the Appropriation of Twenty Million Roubles for the
Workmen's and Peasant's Red Army. January 16, 1918.
THE NAVY.
Exhibit 20. Decree on the Democratization of the Navy of the Russian Re-
public. January 12, 1918.
Exhibit 21. Decree on the Democratization of the Fleet of the Russian Re-
public.
Exhibit 22. Decree on Assessment of Salaries for the Seamen of the Navy
Recruited on Voluntary System. February 14, 1918.
Exhibit 23. Decree Suppressing the Admiralty Council.
Exhibit 24. Decree of the People's Commissaries Organizing a Red Fleet.
Exhibit 25. Decree of the Soviet of People's Commissaries on the Assessment
of salaries of the Government Employes and Persons Standing in the Govern-
ment Service of the Ports and Institutions of the Admiralty. February 15, 1918.
Exhibit 26. Decree of the Soviet of the People's Commissars on the Assess-
ment of Salaries of Commanders and Others of the Navy Recruited on Prin-
ciples of Voluntary Service.
THE LAND.
Exhibit 27. Decree Abolishing Private Ownership of Land, Farming Imple-
ments, Live Stock, and Farm Products. Passed by the Congress of Soviets of
Workmen and Soldiers Delegates at the Meeting of October 25, 1917.
85723—19 74
1170 BOLSHEATIK PROPAGANDA.
Exhibit 28. Decree Abolishing Private Ownership of Land, Farming Imple-
ments:. Live Stock, Farm Products, and for Other Purposes. October ilO, 1017.
Exhibit 29. Decree Abolishing Private Ownership in Cities.
Exhibit 30. Land laws of the Russian Federated Soviet Republic. Septem-
ber, 1918,
Exhibit 31. Decree on Harvesting and Requisitioning Detachments,
Exhibit 32, Decree on Sequestration of all Vacant Premises Suitable for
Dwelling Purposes. October 28, 1917.
AGKICULTUKE.
Exhibit 33. Ordinance of the Commissariat of Agriculture Regarding the
Organization of the Central Geodetical Technical Department. January 1, 1918,
Exhibit 34. Ordinance on the Supply of Agricultural Implements.
Exhibit .3,5. Decree on Grain Control. May 14, 1918.
TRADE, COMMEECE AND INDUSTRY.
Exhibit 36. Ordinance of the Commissariat of Commerce and Industry Re-
garding the Jleasures of the Import and Export of Goods. December 29, 1917.
Exhibit .37. Decree on the Nationalization of Foreign Trade. April 22, 1918.
Exhibit 38. Decree on Local Sections of People's Commissai'iat of Trade and
Industry. Council of People's Commissarifes July 27, 1918.
Exhibit 39. Regulations Adopted at the First All-Russian Congress of the
Councils of National Economy on the 26th of May, 1918.
Exhibit 40. Translation of Article in the " Courier of the Peoples Commis-
sariat of Trade and Industry " as to Concessions. .Tune 20, 1918,
Exhibit 41. Decree on the Regulation of Prices. January 30, 1918,
Exhibit 42. Decree Nationalizing Soap Factories and Monopolizing the Sale
of Fats and Soap.
Exhibit 43. Decree on the Nationalization of the Textile Industry. January
19, 1918.
workmen's control of industry.
Exhibit 44, Decree on the Workmen's Control of Industries, November 14,
1917,
LABOR.
Exhibit 4.5. Decree of the "Workmen'.s and Peasants' Government on the Eight
Hour Working Day. October 29, 1917.
Exhibit 46. Decree on Suspension of Work and Terms of Hiring and Dis-
charging Workmen. December 20, 1917.
INSURANCE.
Exhibit 47. Decree on Nationalization of the Insurance Business.
Exhibit 48. Decree Organizing the Insurance Council.
Exhibit 49. Regulations on the Insurance Boards.
Exhibit ^0. Regulations on the Insurance Against L^nemployment,
Exhibit 51, Memorandum on the Insurance against Unemployment,
Exhibit 52. Decree on Worl^men's Insurance against. Accidents. November
8, 1917.
Exhibit 53, Decree on the Indemnification of Soldiers who were Detailed to
Work in Industrial Enterprises and who Have Suffered from Accidents,
BANK CONTROL AND NATIONAtlZATIOX.
Exhibit 54. Decree on the State Bank. November 17, 1917.
Exhibit 55. Decree on Suppression of the Land Bank of the Nobility and the
Peasant Land Bank of the old Ministry of Finance. November 25, 1917.
Exliibit -56. Decree on the Nationalization of Banks. December 14, 1917.
Exhibit 57. Decree on Steel Boxes 'n Banks, December 14, 1917.
Exhibit 58, Decree on the Confiscation of Shares of Former Private Banks-
January 27, 1918.
REPUDIATION OF LOANS.
Exhibit 59, Decree on the Annulment of National Loans Agreed on at the
Session of the Central Executive Committee, January 21, 1918,
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1171
Kxhibit GO. Decree on Annulment of State Loans Passed at tlie Meeting of
the Cejitral Executive Committee January 21, 19] S.
Exhibit 61. Order Concernlns the Execution of Decrees for the Annulment
of the State Loans. March 7, 1918.
FIN.iNdAL.
Exhibit 62. Decree on the Circulation of Ccrtiticates of the Liberty Loan as.
Currency Notes. February 16, 1918.
Exhibit 63. Order Concerning the Circulation as Specie of Obligations of the
"Liberty Loan" and of Coupons of the Reiiudinted State Loans. Moscow
District Executive Committee of the Councils of Workmen's, Soldiers' and
Peasants' Deputies. May 30, 191S.
Exhibit 64. Decree Abolishing Courts of the Old Regime and Instituting-
Others. November 24. 1917.
Exhibit 05. Instructions to the Revolutionary Tribunal. December 19, 1917.
THE PKESS.
Exhibit 66. Decree on the Nationalization of the Press. October 28, 1917.
Exhibit 67. Decree on the Revcjlutionary Tribunal of the Press. December ] s,
1917.
Exhibit 68. Decree on Government Publications.
Exhibit 69. Decree on the Introduction of a State ilonopoly on Advertise-
ments. November 12, 1917.
Exhibit 70. Statement on the Activity of the Literary Publications Board.
Attached to the People's Commissariat on Education.
POSTS AND TELEGRAPHS.
Exhibit 71. Decree of the People's Commissar of the Post and Telegraph.
November 3, 1917.
Exhibit 72. Regulations of the Commissariat of Post and Telegraphs for a
New Schedule of Salaries of the Postal and Telegraph Officials. January 13,
1918.
EDUCATION.
Exhibit 73. Decree on the Dissolution of the State Committee on Public
Instruction. November 23, 1917.
Exhibit 74. Decree on the Creation of a State Commission of Education.
Exhibit 75. Regulation Concerning the Admission to a Higher School Insti-
tution of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic.
Exhibit 76. Regulation of the Soviet of People's Commissaries Concerning
Standai-d Remuneration for Teachers.
Exhibit 77. Decree on the Appropriation of 12,520,000 Roubles for Subsidies,
to Teachers. January 3, 1918.
Exhibit 78. Resolution of the School Sanitation Board.
Exhibit 79. Orders of the People's Commissioner of Education of the Westbrm
Provinces and Front.
Exhibit 80. Commissary Lepeshinsky's Paper on School Reform Read at the
First AU-Russian Congress of Teachers — Internationalists. June 2, 1918.
Exhibit 81. Statement of the Repertoire Committee of the Art-Educational
Section.
SOCIAL WELFABE.
Exhibit 82. Decree of the Commissariat of Social Welfare Creating a " Palace-
of Motherhood." December 31, 1917.
INHERITANCE.
Exhibit 83. Decree Abolishing Inheritance. April 27, 1918.
MAEBIAQE AND DIVOKCE.
Exhibit 84. Decree on Marriage, Children, and Registration of Civil Status;.
December 18, 1917. ,. ,„ ,^.„
Exhibit 85. Decree on Divorce. December 18, 1917.
1172 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
CHURCH AND STATE.
Exhibit 86. Decree on Separation of Church from the State.
Exhibit 87. Decree on the Nationalization of Church Property. January 16,
1918.
TAXES.
Exhibit 88. Decree on the Levying of Direct Taxes. November 24, 1917.
AEEEST OF BEVOLXJTIONISTS.
Exhibit 89. Decree on the Arrest of the Leaders of the Civil War against the
Revolution. November 28, 1917.
WOEKEES MILITIA.
Exhibit 90. Decree on the Organization of a Workers Militia. October 28,
1917.
THE BED CROSS.
Exhibit 91. Decree on the Nationalization of the Property and Capital of
the Red Cross.
HOSPITALS.
Exhibit 92. Decree on the Transfer of Hospitals.
MONUMENT TO KAEL MABX.
Exhibit 93. Instructions Concerning the Erection of a Monument in Honour
of Karl Marx. June 1, 1918.
APPENDIX.
Exhibit No. 1.
DECREE OF BOLSHEVIK GOVERNMENT REITERATING THE CALL FOE A CONSTITUENT
ASSEMBLY ORIGINALLY CALLED BY PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT.
In the name of the Government of the Republic, elected by the AU-Russian
Congress of Councils of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates, with the participa-
tion of the Peasants' Delegates, the Council of the People's Commissiaries
decree :
1. That the elections to the Constituent Assembly shall be held on November
25th, the day set aside for this purpose.
2. All electoral committees, all local organizations, the Councils of Work-
men's, Soldiers' and Peasants' Delegates and the soldiers' organizations at the
front are to bend every effort toward safeguarding the freedom of the voters
and fair play at the elections to the Constituent Assembly, which will be held
on the appointed date.
Exhibit 2.
decree organizing council of people's commissaries.
The all-Russian congress of Soviets of workmen, soldiers and peasant dele-
gates decrees.
A temporay workmen and peasant government, which will bear the name
of council of people's commissaries is to be formed until the convocation of
the Constituent Assembly. The management of separate branches of the life
of the State is entrusted to commissions, the contingent of which must guaran-
tee the realisation of the, programme announced by the Congress, in close
union with the working organisations of workmen, workwomen, sailors, soldiers,
peasants and employees. The Governing Power belongs to a Collegium of
Chairmen of such commissions, i. e. to the Council of People's Commissaries.
The Control over the activity of the people's commissaries and the right to
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1173
dismiss tliem belongs to the AU-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workmen,
Peasant and Soldiers Delegates and its Central. Exec. Com. At the present
moment the Covmcll of People's Commissaries is Composed of the following per-
sons :
The Chairman of the Council — Vladimir OulianofC (Lenin) ; Commissary for
the Interior— A. I. Rybofe; Agriculture— V. P. Mulitin; Labour— A. G.
ShliapnikofC ; For Military and Naval Affairs — a Committee composed of : V. A.
Ovseienko (AntonofE) N. V, Krylenko and F. N. Dybenko; Trade and In-
dustry— V. P. Xogin; Public Instruction — A. V. Lunacharsky ; Finance — I. I.
Skvortzoff (Stepanoff) ; Foreign Afeairs — L. D. Bronstein (Trotzky) ; Justice —
G. I. Oppokoff (Lomoff) ; Food Supply— I. A. Teodorovitch ; Post and Tele-
graph— N. P. Aviloff (Glebofl) ; Chairman of affairs of nationalities— I. V.
D.iugiisvili (Stalin).
The post of Conimissary for railway affairs is temporarily vacant.
Exhibit 3.
regulations of the govekxmekt ox the ordek in which the laws ake to be
(o.nfikmed and pltblished.
1. From now on until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly the
elaboration and publication of laws shall be carried out In the order established
in these Regulations by the Provisional Workmen and Peasants Government
elected by the All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workmen Soldiers ana
Peasants Delegates.
2. Each law project is submitted to the examination of the Gov't by the
respective ministry signed by the corresponding People's Conmi. qv it may
be submitted by the Chancery of legislative propositions attached to the
Gov't under the signature of the manager of the Department.
3. After confirmation by the Government the Regulation in its final wording
is signed in the name of the Russian RepuliUc by the Chairman of the Council
of I'efiple's Commissaries or bj' the People's Commissary wlio acting in his
stead submitted said Regulation to the examination of the (fovernment and
it is then published for general information.
4. The day of its publication in the official " Gazeta of the W. & P. Gov't " i'i
the (lay on which a law or regulation is recognized as having entered intO'
force of law.
'i. An.-\' other term for its entering in force may be specially mentioned, in
whicli case it is considered to have entered in force of law in each place wlien
the respective telegrams was published there.
6. The publishing of the legislative di-^positlons of the Government through
the Governing Senate is suspended. The department of Legislail\e proj)ositions
attached to tbe Council of P. C. shall publish periodically Digests of the Reg.
and Disp. of the Govt, which have entered into force of law.
7. The ( 'entral Executive Committee of the Soviets of AV. S. & P. Del. is
entitled at any time to stop or modify or revoke any regulations of the Go"v-
ernment.
(Signed) VI. Oulianoff — Lenin.
October 31st, 1917. No. 212.
Exhibit 4.
decree on the dissolution of the central dt'lia of petrograd.
Whereas the Central Jlunicipal Duma elected Augu.st 20th before the days
of Korniloff's attempt has obviously and finally lost all right to be the repre-
sentative of the population of Petrograd. as being quite contrary to its desires
and hopes, as was proved by the revolution of October 2.5th and at the elec-
tions to the Constituent Assembly. And whereas the present contingent of the
Duma majority having lost all the political confidence of the population is
still continuing to make use of its formal rights for counter revolutionary
resistance against the will of the workman, soldiers and peasants, for sabotage
and impeding all well-planned public uork, the Council of People's Commis-
saries considers necessary to appeal to the inhabitants of the capital to pass ii
resolution regarding the policy of the self-government of the town.
1174 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGAHTDA.
Fell- tlii^ purpo'sp the C'oiim'il of People's Commissaries decrees:
1. To flissolve tlie Jlnnicipfil Duma of Petrograd ; tlie d.iy of its dissolution to
be Noveuiber ITtli, 1917.
2. All the functionaries elected by the Duma of the present contiusent are to
remain at their posts an<l fulfill all their duties until the functionaries elected
by the new Duma will lie ready to take up said duties.
3. All the employees of the Jlunieipnl Self-Oovernment of I'etrograd are to
continue to fulfill their direct duties ; those who will leave the service of their
■own will shall be reco.miised as dismissed forthwith.
4. Xew elections to the Duma of Petrograd are to be held November 26th,
1917, in conformity to the Regulations for the election of members to tlie mu-
nicipal Duma of Petrogiad of November 26tli 1917, which are being published
together with this decree.
5. The new aiunicipal Duma of Petrograd is to meet on November 2Sth
1917 at 2 p. m.
6. Per.sons guilty of not submitting to the pi-esent decree and also of in-
tentionally damaging or destroying any property belonging to the Town shall be
immediately arrested and brought before the Military Revolutionary Tribunal.
In the name of the Russian Republic :
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaries VI : Oulilanoff (Lenin).
People's Commissary of Justice P. Stouchka.
Manager of the Affairs of the Council Vi., VI : BoncU-Bruevitch.
.Secretary of the Council N. GorbounofE.
Petrograd November 16th, 1917.
Exhibit ."3.
decree on the annvllation of classes of society and civil geades.
Art. 1. All the classes of society existing up to now in Russia, and all Ul-
Tisions of citizens into classes, all class distinctions and privileges, class organi-
zations and institutions and also all civil grades are abolished.
Art. 2. All ranks (nobleman, merchant, peasant etc., titles prince, count etc.)
and denominations of civil grades (private, state, and other councillors) are
abolished and only one denomination is establi.shed for all the population of
Russia, that of citizens of the Russian Republic.
Art. 3. The property of the class institutions of the nobility are to be immedi-
ately handed over to the zemstvo (county Council) self -.governing organizations.
Art. 4. All property of the merchants and burgess corporations is to be iin-
inediately transferred to the corresponding municipal self-governing organi-
zations.
Art. o. All the institutions of corpoi'ations. affairs, proceedings and archives
ai-e to be handed over immediately to the corresponding town and zemstvo
organizations.
Art. 6. All the corresponding articles of the laws in tovce up to now are re-
voked.
Art. 7. The present decree shall enter in force on the day of its publication
and it .shall be immediately put into execution by the local .Soviets of workmen
soldiers and peasant Delegates.
The present decree is confirmed by the Central Executive Connnittee of the
Soviets of workmen and soldiers Delegates at the meeting of November 10th,
19] 7.
Signed :
Chairman of the Central Executive Connnittee J. Sverdloff.
Chairman of the Council of People's (_'ommissaries VI. OulianofC (Lenin).
Manager of the affairs of the Council of People's Conmiissarles V. Boncli-
Bruevitch.
Secretary of the Council : N. Gorbounoff.
Exhibit 6.
declaration of eights of the peoples of RUSSIA.
The October Revolution of the workmen and peasants began under the sign
of a general liberation.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1175
The peasants are being liberated from the power of the landed proprietors,
iDecause there will be no more landed property — it is abolished. The soldiers
and sailors are liberated from the power of autocratic generals, because the
.generals will now be elected and they may be rerao^'ed. The ^^■orlim'en are lib-
erated from the caprices and oppression of the capitalists Ijecause from now on
a workmen's control will be established over the factories and works. Every-
thing that is alive and that is capable of living is becoming liberated from hate-
ful bondage.
Only the peoples of Russia remain yet, who have sufCered and are still suffer-
ing from oppression and arbitrary administration and it must be proceeded im-
mediately to their liberation, which must be brought about decisively and
irrevocably.
During the epoch of tsarism the peoples of Russia were system'atically baited
against one another. The results of such policy were — slaughter and pogroms
on one side, the enslavement of the people on the other.
There can not and shall not be any return to this shameful policy of baiting.
From now on it must be replaced by the policy of a voluntary and honourable
■union of all the peoples of Russia.
In the period of imperialism after the revolution of February when the power
passed into the hands of the Kadet bourgeoisie, the undisguised policy of baiting
ceded the place to a policy of a cowardly mistrust of all the peoples of Russia,
a policy of cavilling and provocation, hiding itself behind the words : " liberty "
and equality of the peoples. The results of this policy are M'ell known : increase
of national ill-will, destruction of mutual confidence.
An end must be put to this unworthy ijolicy of falsehood and mistrust, cavil
and provocation. From now on it must be replaced by a frank and honest
policy leading to a complete mutual understanding among the peoples of Russia.
Only as a result of such policy will there be formed an honourable and solid
union of the peoples of Russia.
Only as a result of such a union will it be possible to weld the workmen and
peasants of all the peoples of Russia into a single revolutionary force, capable
of withstanding all attempts on the part of the imperialist-annexationist bour-
.geoisie.
The Congress of the Soviets in June c. y. proclaimed the right of the peoples
of Russia to a free self-determination.
The second Congress of Soviets in October c. y. confirmed this inalienable
right of the peoples of Russia still more decisively and definitely.
In execution of the desire of these Congresses the Council of People's Com-
missaries has decided to lay the following principles as the basis of its activity
in regard to the question of nationalities in Russia.
1. The equality and sovereign rights of the peoples of Russia.
2. The right of the peoples of Russia to determine freely how they are to be
governed even up to their separation and formation of an independent state.
3. The revocation of all national, and national-religious privileges and limita-
tions.
4. The free development of the national minorities and etnographic groups in-
"habiting the Russian territory.
Q^'he concrete decrees resulting from the above shall be elaliorated immediately
after the formation of a Commission for the Affairs of Nationalities.
In the name of the Russian Republic the People's Commissary on Affairs of
Nationalities — Joseph Diugashvili — Stalin.
Chairm-an of the Council of PeoiJle's Commissaries V. OulianofE (Lenin)
JVovember 2nd 1917.
Exhibit 7.
instructions on the eights and duties of soviets.
1. Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies, being local organs,
•are quite independent in regard to questions of a local character, but always
act in accord with the decrees of the central Soviet Government as well as of
the larger bodies (district, provincial and regional Soviets) of which they form
a part.
2. Upon the Soviets, as organs of government, devolve the tasks of administra-
tion and service in all departments of local life — administrative, economic,
iinancial and educational.
1176 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
3. Under administration, the Soviets carry out all decrees and decisions of
the central Government, take measures for giving the people the widest infor-
mation about those decisions, issue obligatory ordinances, make requisitions
and confiscation, impose fines, suppress counter-revolutionary organs of the
press, make arrests, and dissolve public organizations vs'hich incite active
opposition or the overthrow of the Soviet Government.
Note. — The Soviets render a report to the central Soviet Government regard-
ing all measures undertaken by them and important local events.
4. The Soviets elect from their number an executive organ which is charged
with the duty of carrying out their decisions and the performance of Ithe
current work of administration.
Note 1. — The Military-Revolutionary Committees, as fighting organs which
came into existence during the revolution, are abolished.
Note 2. — ^As a temporary measure, it is permitted to appoint Commissaries
in those provinces and districts where the power of the Soviet is not sufficiently
well-established or where the Soviet Government is not exclusively recognized.
5. The Soviets, being organs of government, are allowed credits from state
funds for three months upon the presentation of detailed budgets.
Instructions regarding the Organizations of Soviets. — At the session of the
collegium under the People's Commissary for Internal Affairs, on January 9,
1918, instructions as to the organization of Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers', and
Peasants' Deputies were voted as follows :
In all Soviets, in place of the old, antiquated government institutions, the
following departments or commissariats must first be organized :
1. Administration, in charge of the domestic and foreign relations of the
Republic and technically unifying all the other departments.
2. Finances, whose duty is the compilation of the local budget, the collection
of local and state taxes, the carrying out of measures for the nationalization of
the banks, the administration of the People's Bank, control over the disburse-
ment of national funds, etc.
3. Board of National Economy, which organizes the manufacture of most
necessary products of factory, mill, and home industries, determines the amount
of raw materials and fuel, obtains and distributes them, organizes and supplies
the rural economy, etc.
4. Land, whose duty is to make an exact survey of the land, forests, waters,
and other resources, and their distribution for purposes of utilization.
5. Labor, which must organize and unite trade unions, factory and mill com-
mittees, peasant associations, etc., and also create insurance organizations of
all kinds.
6. Ways of Communication, whose duty is the taking of measures for the
nationalization of the railways and steamship enterprizes, the direction of this
most important branch of the national economy, the building of new roads of
local importance, etc.
7. Post, Telegraph and Telephone, which must aid and develop these state
enterprizes.
8. Public Education, which looks after the education and instruction of the
population in the school and out of school, establishes new schools, kindergar-
tens, universities, libraries, clubs, etc., carries out measures for the nationaliza-
tion of printing-shops, the publication of necessary periodicals and books and
their circulation among the population, etc.
9. Legal, which must liquidate the old courts, organize people's and iirbitra-
tion courts, take charge of places of detention, reform them, etc.
10. Medical-Sanitary, whose duty is sanitary-hygienic supervision, the organ-
ization of medical aid accessible to all, sanitary equipment of urban and rural
settlements, etc.
11. Public Realty, whose duty Is the regulation of the housing problem, super-
vision over confiscated and public buildings, the construction of new ones, etc.
Note. — Soviets are advised to utilize the organizational apparatus of Zemstvo
and municipal institutions, with appropriate changes, when forming the depart-
ments.
At the same session was passed the draft of the decree fixing the boundaries
of provinces, districts, etc., as follows :
1. Questions of changes of boundaries of provinces, districts, or townships
are to be settled entirely by the local Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers', Peasants',
and Laborers' Deputies.
2. When parts of one province or territory are included in another, ^ the
technical questions and misunderstandings which arise are dealt with by mixed
commissions of the interested Provincial Soviets or their congress.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
117T
3. A similar procedure is followed when the boundaries of a district or town-
ship are rectified at the expense of another.
4. Territories, provinces, districts and townships may also be divided intO'
parts, forming new administrative economic units.
5. Detailed data regarding all such changes are reported to the Commissary
for Internal Affairs.
(Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 8.
THE PEOVINCIAL SOVIET OKGANIZATION.
The scheme of the general statutes of Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers',
Peasant, and Cossack Deputies, as a representative organ, is no less necessary
for the obscure places in our provinces than is the scheme of the departments
and sub-departments of the Soviets. . . .
The statutes of the Soviets may be divided into sections, as follows: (1) the
purpose of the organization of Soviets; (2) the basis of representation; (3)
sections of the Soviets; (4) elections of the presidium and executive committee
of the Soviet; (5) the functions of the presidium; (6) the executive committee
and Its functions ; (7) general sessions ; (8) committees.
1. The purpose of the organization of the Soviet.
The Soviet of Workmen's, Soldiers', Peasant, and Cossack Deputies is the
sovereign state organ of revolutionary democracy, in addition to the organiza-
tion of governmental authority in the provinces. The Soviet pursues the follow-
ing objects :
(a) The organization of the large laboring masses of workmen, peasants,,
soldiers, and Cossacks ;
(b) The struggle against counter-revolutionary currents and the strengthen-
ing of the Soviet Republic and all liberties gained by the October revolution.
2. The basis and order of representation in the Soviets.
(a) A Soviet of Workmen's, Soldiers', Peasant, and Cossack Deputies is con-
stituted of one or two representatives each of all workmen's, soldiers', peasant,
and Cossack organizations (parties, trade unions, committees, etc.) in the cities,,
villages and settlements.
(b) The peasants elect two representatives from each township to the district
Soviet (a township Soviet has one or two representatives from each small
town, village or hamlet).
(c) The Cossacks elect two representatives (or three) from each village to
the Regional Soviet of Workmen's, Soldiers', Peasant, and Cossack Deputies,
and one representative each from a forepost [small settlement], hamlet or small
town to the village Soviet. (In Cossack territories the peasant representation
in the Regional Soviet is proportional, according to the villages.)
(d) The workmen and all proletarian laboring masses in cities where the
urban proletariat, does not exceed 5,000 or 6,000 persons have representation on
the following basis:
(1) Every enterprise employing 100 persons sends one representative.
(2) Enterprises employing from 100 to 200 persons send two representatives;
from 200 to 300 persons, three representatives, etc.
(3) Enterprises employing less than 50 persons, combine, if possible, with
other small kindred enterprises and send a common representative to the Soviet.
Those unable to combine may send their representative independently.
(e) The soldiers of a local garrison (Cossack, sailors) send to the Soviet
their representatives on the following principle : each company, squadron, com-
mand, etc., elects two representatives to the Soviet ; clerks, hospital attendants,
horse reserves, and other small units, send one representative each.
Addenda to paragraph 2. (1) Every member newly elected to the Soviet
must present a certificate from his constituents, which is examined by the cre-
dentials committee; (2) if a member of the Soviet deviates from the instruc-
tions of his constituents then the constituents have the right to recall him and
elect another In his place; (3) each section (the workmen's, the soldiers', etc.)
of the Soviet has the right to include in its membership experienced and neces-
sary workers by cooptation up to one-fifth of its entire membership. Those
added by cooptation have the right of a consulting vote at general sessions of
the Soviet in the committees and sections.
3. Sections of the Soviet: (a) a Soviet has four sections: peasant, work-
men's, soldiers', and Cossack; (b) eacli section elects from its membership a
1178 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
presidium consisting of a cliairman, two vice-cliairmen, and two secretaries,
wliicli directs all the business of the section; (c) the representation in the
presidium is proportional to the membership of this or that party group.
4. Election of the Presidium and Executive Committee: (a) The members of
the Soviet, in each section, elect a presidium, which is chosen at a general meet-
ing by a universal, direct, equal and secret vote, in the proportion and number
indicated in paragraph 3 (Sections of the Soviet) ; (b) the presidia of all sec-
tions of the Soviet constitute the general presidium of the Soviet, which elects
from its membership a general chairman of all sections, two vice-chairmen, and
two secretaries; (c) besides the presidium, the general assembly of the Soviet
elects from its membership an executive committee, proportionate to the mem-
bership of each party group (not section), so arranged that the membership of
the executive committee shall not exceed one-fourth of the entire membership
of the Soviet, (d) the members of the presidium form a part of the membership
of the Executive Committee on an equal basis with the other members.
5. The Functions of the Presidium : (a) The presidium is the directing organ
of the entire Soviet and decides independently all matters which cannot suiter
delay; (b) the presidium meets not less than four times a week; (c) the
presidimn renders an accounts of its activity to the executive committee and to
the entire Soviet, who have the right to recall them and to replace them at
any time and period; (d) the presidium must in Its actively abide strictly by
the instructions of the executive committee and the general assembly.
6. The Executive Committee and its Functions : (a) The executive committee
of the Soviet is an organ formed out of the membership of the Soviet (para-
graph 4 ) . The president, or one of the vice-presidents of the Soviet is the chair-
man of the executive committee (paragraph 4) ; (b) all current business of the
Soviet is decided and carried on by the executive committee, and only matters
X)f particular importance are submitted to the decision of the general assembly
of the Soviet; (c) questions considered by the executive committee are passed
or rejected by a relative majority of votes. On questions of extraordinary im-
portance a minority report is received, entered upon the records, and reported
to the general assembly; (d) questions are decided by an open vote, and only
in matters of extraordinary importance, at the request of members of the execu-
tive committee, by a secret ballot; (e) a session of the executive committee is
considered legal when not less than one-half of its membership is present; (f)
members of the executive committee who for one reason or another cannot at-
tend a session of the executive committee must notify the member of the execu-
tive committee on duty to that effect not later than half an hour before the
opening of the session ; (g) members of the executive committee who have been
absent from three sessions without sufficient reason are deprived of the right to
vote at two sessions, and the presidium noti0es their constituents regarding the
ca.se; (h) the executive committee meets once a week (irrespective of special
sessions) ; (i) special sessions, to consider questions of extraordinary impor-
tance, are called by the chairman or the vice-chairman or by three members of
the executive committee; (j) members of the executive committee must be
notified of a special session by a summons not later than two hours before the
opening of the session; (k) a special session is legal with any number of mem-
bers present; (1) the sessions of the executive committee may be open or excu-
tive; (m) members of the executive committee are on duty in the reception
Tooms of the Soviet, one from each section, by turns.
7. General sessions: (a) general sessions of the Soviets are called by the
presidium whenever necessity arises, but not less than twice a month; (b)
general sessions may be regarded as legal when half of the entire membersliip of
the Soviet is present; special sessions, when any number are present; (c) all
<questions sumbitted for the consideration of the general assembly must first be
passed upon either by the executive committee or by the presidium; (d) a
general session may be called also at the request of one-fifth of the membership
■of the Soviet; (e) admission to the sessions of the Soviet is by ticket only;
(f) the sessions may be open or executive by decision of the presidium or of
the assembly itself.
8. Committees: (a) committees are elected in each case by the general as-
sembly, by the executive committee, or by the presidium; (b) the member-ship
of a committe is determined by the assembly; (c) the chairman of each com-
mittee makes a report about the work of the committee to the general assembly
of the Soviet, the executive committee, and the presidium; (d) auditing com-
mittees, control committees, etc., for the examination of the Soviet aifalrs, are
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1179
selected only by the general assenil)ly of tlie Soviet; (e) each committee has the
right of independent cooptation of learned persons with the privilege of a
consultin.s vote.
(Nation, Dec. 2S, 1918.)
Exhibit 9.
decree on the organization of local self-goveenment.
The Central Executive power — the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Gov-
ernment (the Soviet of People's Commissars) — was instituted by the Central
organ of the Soviets — by the 2nd AU-Eussian Congress of Soviets. In localities
the administrative power belongs to the Soviets, in whose jurisdiction must be
all the institutions of administrative, economic, financial and educational char-
acters. Such an organization of central power and of power in localities is
not more than a confirmation of that political factor that the power of the
country has been transferred to the proletarian and semi-proletarian elements.
Having established this fundamental law and endeavoring to enforce it con-
sistently, we approach the period of the following organization scheme.
All previous orders of local self-governments, such as : regional, provincial
and county commissars, committee of public organization, rural administration,
■etc., must be replaced by respective (regional, provincial, and county) Soviets
of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies. The whole country must be
covered with a network of Soviet organizations, which must be in close relation
to one another. Each one of these organizations, including the smallest, is
absolutelji autonomous in questions of local character, but their decrees must
he of a character corresponding with the decrees and laws of the larger Soviet
organizations and the decrees of the Central power, of which they are a part.
Thus is being organized a united uniform state — the Republic of Soviets.
Under such circumstances the regional, provincial and county Soviets of
Workers' Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, have a tremendous responsibility in
solving the organization problem. In view of fact that the peasants' organiza-
tion is weaker than any other democratic organization, the Deputies must give
special attention to the organization of Peasants' Soviets and their closest co-
operation with the Soviets of the Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. In the or-
ganization of the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies it must be borne in mind that
they should really unite all the democratic, proletarian and semi-proletarian
■elements of the village.
People's Commissariat of Interior.
Published in the organ of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Govern-
ment, #21, December 24th 1917.
(Note. — Each decree of the Soviet of Workers' and Peasants' Government
hecomes effective and must be enforced upon its publication in the official
organ of the Government.)
Exhibit 10.
decree on the administration of national undertakings.
Part I.
1. The Central Administration of Natinnalized Undertakings, of whatever
branch of industry, assigns for each large nationalized undertaking technical
and administrative directors, in whose hands are placed the actual administra-
tion and direction of the entire activit.v of the undertaking. They are respon-
sible to the Central Administration and the Commissioner appointed by it.
2. The technical director appoints technical employees and gives all orders
regarding the technical administration of the undertaking. The factory com-
mittee may, however, complain regarding these appointments and orders to the
Commissioner of the Central Administration, and then to the Central Adminis-
tration itself ; but only the Commissioner and Central Administration may stop
the appointments and order of the technical director.
3. In connection with the Administrative Director there is an Economic Ad-
ministrative Council, consisting of delegates from laborers, employees, and
engineers of the undertaking. The Council examines the estimates of the un-
dertaking, the plan of its works, the rules of internal distribution, complaints
1180 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
the material and moral conditions of the work and life of the workmen and
employees, and likewise all questions regarding the progress of the undertaking.
4. On questions of a technical character relating to the enterprise the Council
has only a consultative voice, but on other questions a decisive voice, on condi-
tion, however, that the Administrative Director appointed by the Central Ad-
ministration has the right to appeal from the orders of the Council to the Com-
missioner of the Central Administration.
5. The duty of acting upon decisions of the Economic Administrative Council
belongs to the Administrative Director.
6. The Council of the enterprise has the right to make representation to the
Central Administration regarding a change of the directors of the enterprise,
and to present its own candidates.
7. Depending on the size and importance of the enterprise, the Central .Vd-
ministratlon may appoint several technical and administrative directors.
8. The composition of the Economic Administrative Council of the enterprise
consists of (a) a representative of the workmen of the undertaking; (1)) a
representative of the other employees; (c) a representative of the highest
technical and commercial personnel; (d) the directors of the undertaking, ap-
pointed by the Central Administration; (e) representatives of the local or
regional council of professional unions of the people's economic council, of the
coimcil of workmen's deputies, and of the professional council of that branch of
industry to which The given enterprise belongs; (f) a representative of the
workmen's cooperative council, and (g) a representative of the Soviet of
peasants' deputies of the corresponding region.
9. In the composition of the Economic Administrative Council of the enter-
prise, representatives of workmen and other employees, as mentioned in points
(a) and (b) of Article 8, may furnish only half of the number of members.
10. The workmen's control of nationalized undertakings is realized by leaving
all declarations and orders of the factory committee, or of the controlling
commission, to the judgment and decision of the Economic Administrative Coun-
cil of the enterprise.
11. The workmen, employees, and highest technical and commercial personnel
of nationalized undertakings are in duty bound before the Russian Soviet
itepublic to observe severe industrial discipline, and to carry out conscientiously
and accurately the work assigned to them. To the Economic Administrative
Council are given judicial rights, including that of dismissal without notice for
longer or shorter periods, together with the declaration of a boycott for non-
proletariat recognition of their rights and duties.
12. In the ease of those industrial branches for which central administrations
have not yet been formed, all their rights are vested in provincial councils of
the national economy, and in corresponding industrial sections of the Supreme
Council of the Xational Economy.
13. The estimates and plan of work of a nationalized undertaking nni.st be
presented by its Economic Administrative Council to the central administration
of a given industrial branch at least as often as once in three months, through
the provincial organizations, where such have been established.
14. The management of nationalized undertakings, where such management
has heretofore been organized on other principles because of the absence of a
general plan and general orders for the whole of Russia, must now he reor-
ganized in accordance with the present regulation, within the next three months
[I. e., by the end of May. new style].
15. For the consideration of the declarations of the Economic Administrative
Council concerning the activity of the directors of the undertaking at the
central administration of a given branch of industry, a special section is
established, composed one-third of representatives of general governmental,
political, and economic Institutions of the proletariat, one-third of representa-
tives of workmen and other employees of the given industrial branch, and one-
third of representatives of the directing, technical and commercial personnel
and its professional organizations.
16. The present order must be posted on the premises of each nationalized
undertaking.
Note. — Small nationalized enterprises are managed on similar principles,
with the proviso that the duties of technical and administrative directors may
be combined in one person, and the numerical strength of the Econoinic Ad-
ministrative Council may be cut down by the omission of representatives of
one or another Institution or organization.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Paet II.
1181
17. A Central Administration LPriucipal Committee] for each nationalized
branch of industry is to be established In connection with the Supreme Council
of the National Economy, to be composed one-tliird of representatives of
workmen and employees of a given industrial branch; one-third of representa-
tives of the general proletariat, general governmental, political, and economic
organizations and institutions (Supreme Council of National Economy, the
People's Commissioners, All-Russian Council of Professional Unions, AU-Rus-
sian Council of Workmen's Cooperative Unions, Central Executive Committee
of the Councils of Workmen's Delegates) and one-third of representatives of
scientific bodies, of the supreme technical and commercial personnel, and of
democratic organizations of all Russia ( Council of the Congresses of All Russia,
cooperative unions of consumers, councils of peasants' deputies).
18. The Central Administration selects its bureau, for which all orders of the
Central Administration are obligatory, which conducts the current work and
carries into effect the general plans for the undertaking.
19. The Central Administration organizes provincial and local administra-
tions of a given industrial branch, on principles similar to those on which its
own organization is based.
20. The rights and duties of each Central Administration are indicated in the
order concerning the establishment of each of them, but in each case each
Central Administration unites, in its own hands (a) the management of the
enterprises of a given industrial branch, (b) their financing, (c) their technical
unification or reconstruction, (d) standardization of the working conditions of
the given industrial branch.
21. All orders of the Supreme Council of National Economy are obligatory
for each Central Administration ; the Central Administration comes in contact
with the Supreme Council in the person of the bureau of productive organiza-
tion of the Supreme Council of National Economy through the corresponding
productive sections.
22. When the Central Administration for any industrial branch which has
not yet been nationalized is organized, it has the right to sequestrate the enter-
prises f>f the given branch, and equally, without sequestration, to prevent its
managers completely or in part from engaging in its administration, appoint
connnlssioners, give orders, which are obligatory, to the owners of non-nation-
alized enterprises, and incur expenses on account of these enterprises for meas-
ures which the Central Administration may consider necessary ; and likewise
to combine into a technical whole separate enterprises or parts of the same, to
transfer from some enterprises to others fuel and customers' orders, and estab-
lish prices upon articles of production and commerce.
23. The Central Administration controls imports and exports of corresponding
goods for a period which it determines, for which purpose it forms a part of the
general governmental organizations of external commerce.
24. The Central Administration has the right to concentrate in its hands and
in institutions established by It, both the entire preparation of articles necessary
for a given branch of industry (raw material, machinery, etc.), and the disposal
to enterprises subject to it of all products and acceptance of orders for them.
Part III.
2.5. Upon the introduction of nationalization Into any industrial branch, or
into any individual enterprise, the corresponding Central Administration (or
the temporary Central Administration appointed with its rights) takes under
its management the nationalized enterprises, each separately, and preserves the
large ones as separate admini.strative units, annexing to them the smaller ones.
26. Until the nationalized enterprises have been taken over by the Central
Acfministration (or principal commissioner), all former managers or directorates
nuist continue their work in its entirety in the usual manner, and under the
supervision of the corresponding commissioner (if one has been appointed),
taking all measures necessary for the preservation of the national property
and for the continuous course of operations.
27. The Central Administration and its organs establish new managemenls
and technical administrative directorates of enterprises.
28. Technical administrative directorates of nationalized enterprises are
organized according to Part I of this Regulation.
29 The management of a large undertaking, treated as a separate administra-
tive unit is organized with a view to securing, in as large a measure as possible,
1182 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
llie utilization of the teclinicMl :uicl commercial cxiierience accumuliited by the-
undertaking; for which imnmse there are included in the composition of the
new management not only representatives of the laborers and employees of the
enterprise (to the number of one-third of the general numerical strength of the
management) and of the Central Administration itself (to the number of one-
tljird or less, as the Central Administration shall see fit), but also, as far as pos-
sible, members of former mana.uements, excepting persons specially removed by
the Central Administration and, upon their refusal, representatives of any
sjjecial competent organizations, even if they are not proletariat (to a number
not exceeding one-third of the ueneral membership of tlie management.)
30. When nationalization is introduceil, whether of the entire branch of the
industry or of separate enterpi'ises, the Ceuti-a1 Administrations are permitted,
in order to facilitate the change, to pay to the higliest technical and commercial
personnel their present salaries, and even, in case of refusal on their part to
work and the imiiossiliility of filling their ])laces with other persons, to introduce
for their benefit obligatory work and to bring suit against them.
31. The former management of each nationalized undertaking mu.st prepare
a report for the last year of operation and an inventory of the undertaking, in
accordance with which inventory tlie new management verities the properties
taken over. The actual taking over of the enterprise is done liy the new man-
agement immediately upon its confirmation by the principal conunittee. without
waiting for the presentation of the inventory and report.
32. Upon receipt in their locality of notice of the nationalization of .some
enterprise, and until the organization of the management and its administration
by the Central Administration (or the principal commissioner, or institution
having the rights of the principal commissioner) the workmen and employees-
of the given enterprise, and, if possible, also the Council of Workmen's Deputies,
the Council of National Economy, and Council of Professional Unions, select
temporary commissioners, under whose supervision and oliservation (and, if
necessary, under whose management) the activity of the undertaking continues.
The workmen and employees of the given enterprises, and the regional councils
of national economy, of professional unions, and of workmen's delegates have the
right also to organize temporary managements and directorates of nationalized
enterprises until the same are completely established by the Central Adminis-
tration.
33. If the initiative for the nationalization of a given enterprise comes, not
from the general governmental and proletariat organs authorized for that pur-
pose, but from the workmen of a given enterprise or from some local or regional
organization, then- they propose to the Supreme Council of National Economy,
in the person of its bureau of organization of production, that the necessary
steps be undertaken through the proper production sections, according to the
decree of 28 February regarding the method of confiscating enterprises.
34. In exceptional cases local labor organizations are given the right to take
temporarily under their management the given enterprise, if circumstances do
not permit of awaiting the decision of the question in the regular order, but on
condition that such action be immediately brought to the notice of the nearest
jirovincial council of national ecenomy, which then puts a temporary sequestra-
tion upon the enterprise pending the complete solution of the question of nation-
alization by the Supreme Council of National Economy; or, if it shall consider
the reasons insufficient, or nationalization clearly inexpedient, or a prolonged
sequestration unnecessary, it directs a temijorary sequestration or even directly
reestablishes the former management of the enterprise under its supervision.
Or introduces into the compo.sition of the management representatives of labor
organizations.
35. The present order must be furnished by the professional unions of all
Ifussia to all their local divisions, and by the councils of factory committees to
all factory committees, and must be published in full in the Isvestia of all pro-
vincial councils of workmen's and peasants' deputies.
Published March 7, 1918.
(Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 11.
deceee on the supeeme board of national economy.
1. The Supreme Board of National Economy is established under the Council
of the People's Commissaries.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1183
^■^1^6 task of the Supreme Board of National Economy is tlie organization
of tlie national economy and state finances. For tliat purpose tlie Supreme
Board of National Economy elaborates general standards and a plan for ttie
regulation of the economic life of the country, coiii'dinates and unifies the
activity of the central and local regulating institutions (fuel board, metal
board, transport board, central supplies cunniiittee, etc.. and the respective
People's Commissaries of commerce and industry, supplies, agricdlture, finances,
war and navy, etc.) of the AU-Russian Board of Workmen's Control, and also
of the corresponding activities of factory and trade organizations of the working
class.
0. The Supreme Board of National Economy is given the right of confiscation,
requisition, sequestration, and compulsory syndication of various branches of
industry and commerce, and other measures in the domain of production,
distribution, and state finances.
4. All existing institutions for the regulation of the national economy are
subordinated to the Supreme Board of National Economv, which is given the,
right to reform them.
."i. The Supreme Board of National Economy is formed: (a) of the AU-Rus-
sian Board of Workmen's Control, whose personnel is determined by the decree-
of November 14. 1917; (b) of representatives of all the People's Commissaries;
(c) of learned persons, who are invited and have a consulting vote.
6. The Supreme Board of National Economy is divided into sections and
departments (as fuel, metal, demobilization, finance, etc.), and the number and
the sphere of activity of these sections and departments are determined by the
entire Board.
7. The departments of the Supreme Board of National Economy conduct the
work of regulating the separate branches of national economic life, and also,
prepare the measures of the respective People's Commissaries.
8. The Supreme Board of National Economy forms out of its membership a
bureau of 15 persons, for the coordination of the current work of the sections
and departments and the performance of tasks which demand immediate-
attention.
9. All projects of law and large measures which have reference to the regu-
lation of the national economy in its entirety are submitted to the Council of
the People's Commissaries through the Supreme Board of National Economy.
10. The Supreme Board of National Economy unifies and directs the Soviets
of Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies, which include the local organs,
of workmen's control, and also the local commissaries of labor, commerce and
industry, supplies, etc. In the absence of corresponding economic branches,,
the Supreme Board of National Economy forms local organs.
All decisions of the Supreme Board of National Economy are binding upon,
the economic departments of the local Soviets, which constitute the local organs,
of the Supreme Board of National Economy.
(Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 12.
decree on kkgional and local boakds of national economy.
1. For the purpose of the organization and regulation of the entire economic-
life of every industrial region, in conformity with general state and local in-
terests, under the regional and local Soviets of A'V'orkmen's, Soldiers', and.
Peasants' Deputies, there are organized regional Boards of National Economy,,
as local institutions for the organization and the regulation of production,,
directed by the Supreme Board of National Economy and acting under the.
general control of the respective Soviet of Workmen's, Soldiers' and Peasants'
Deputies.
2. The Regional Board of National Economy is formed: (a) of the collegia,
elected at the joint conferences of producers' trade unions and factory com-
mittees (mining, commercial, industrial, transport, etc.) and also at conferences
of land committees called by the Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers' and Peasants'
Deputies; (b) of representatives of Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers' and
Peasants' Deputies and democratic cooperative societies; (c) of representatives
of the technical, administrative, and commercial management of enterprises-,
(numbering not more than one-third of the entire membership of the
board). ... . , , ,.
Representatives of departments participate m the •deliberations- of the Re-
gional Board of National Economy and have a consulting vote.
1184 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
3. The Regional Board of National Economy is divided into sections, accord-
ing to the branches of economic life: (1) state economy and banks, (2) fuel,
(3) metal manufacture, (4) textile manufacture, (5) cotton manufacture, (6)
wood, (7) mineral substances, (8) animal products, (9) alimentary and gas-
tronomic substances, (10) chemical products, (11) construction works, (12)
transport, (13) agriculture, (14) supplies and consumption, or other sections
^vhich the Regional Board of National Economy, owing to local circumstances,
may find necessary.
Each section which takes charge of any branch of production is divided into
four ^ain departments: (1) organization: (a) management, (b) financing,
and (c) technical organization of enterprizes; (2) supply and distribution;
(3) labor; (4) statistical. Kindred departments of the sections, by meeting
jointly, form conferences (1) on organization, (2) on supplies and distribution,
(3) on labor questions, (4) on statistics. They maintain permanent business
Ijureaus.
The Board of National Economy forms also other inter-sectional conferences,
-as on demobilization, etc.
4. The Regional Board of National Economy elects an executive committee
which directs all the activity of the Board, its departments, sections and
Ijureaus.
The Regional Board of National Economy elects a presidium which consti-
tutes the presidium of the executive committee and of the .separate committees
■of the Regional Board of National Economy.
.5. The Regional Board of National Economy has jurisdiction over the fol-
lowing matters :
(a) The consideration and solution of questions of principle and those com-
mon to the whole region ; the unification and direction of the activities of the
lower organs of workmen's control in the region, the regulation of their mutual
relations, the composition and elaboration of detailed instructions for them re-
garding different questions of control.
(b) The direction, under the supervision of the Supreme Board of National
Economy, of the management of private enterprises which have become the
property of the Republic.
(c) The investigation of conflicts not settled by the local organs.
(d) The investigation of all the needs of the region as to fuel, raw material,
means of production, labor force, transportation, facilities, supplies, and, in
general, articles of prime necessity.
(e) The accounting of raw material, unfinished products, goods, labor forces,
implements, and other articles of production.
(f ) The taking of measures for the satisfaction of the wants and economic
needs of the population, rural economy, etc.
(g) The establishment of regulations and plans for the distribution of gen-
eral state supplies in the region.
(h) The formation of plans for the distribution of orders among the enter-
prises.
( i ) The regulation of transport in the region.
(j) The establishment of strict supervision over the entire economic life of
the region with regard to organization, finances, etc.
(k) The taking of mea.sures for the most complete utilization of the pro-
ductive forces of the region, in the industries as well as in rural economy.
(1) The establishment of bases of distribution of the labor forces, materials,
fuel, means of production, goods, supplies, etc.
(m) The taking of measures for the improvement of the sanitary-hygienic
-conditions of labor. . .
6. All regulating institutions of local significance come under the jurisdiction
of the respective Regional Boards of National Economy, and all employees,
together with the technical and administrative apparatus, are placed at the
disposal of the Regional Board of National Economy.
7. All decisions of the Regional Board of National Economy have a com-
pulsory character, and must be carried out by all local institutions and also
by the directorates of enterprises.
The decisions of the Regional Board of National Economy can be suspended
^nd vacated only by the Supreme Board of National Economy.
8. The limits of the economic regions are fixed by a congress of Regional
Boards of National Economy and, until its meeting, by the Supreme Board of
jSational Economy.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1185
9. All Regional Boards of National Economy must, immediately upon forma-
tion, enter into business connection with the Supreme Board of National
Economy, obeying its directions upon questions affecting gen(n-al state interests.
10. The formation of Boards of National Economy of smaller regions (pro-
vincial, district, etc.), modelled after the organization of Kegional Boards of
National Economy, is left to the initiative of provincial Soviets of Workmen's,
Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies. The establishment of the sphere of their
activity and their general direction and coordination devolve upon the Regional
Board of National Economy.
(Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.) "
Exhibit 13.
decree appropkiatikg 2, ■00,000 roubles fok international revolutionary
propaganda purposes.
An Odrinance on assigning two million roubles for the needs of the revolutionary
internationalist movement.
Taking into consideration that Soviet authority stands on the ground of the
principles of international solidarity of the proletariat and the brotherhood of
the toilers of all countries, that the struggle against war and Imperialism, only
on an international scale, can lead to complete victory, the Soviet of Peoples
•Commissaries, considers it necessary to come forth with all aid, including
financial aid, to the assistance of the left, internationalist, wing of the workers
movement of all countries, entirely regardless whether these countries are at
war with Russia, or in an alliance, or whether they retain their neutrality.
With these aims the Soviet of Peoples Commissaries ordains: the assigning
of two million roubles for the needs of the revolutionary internationalist move-
ment, at the disposition of the foreign representatives of the Commissariat for
Foreign Affairs.
President of the Soviet of Peoples Commissaries — VI. OulianofC (Lenin).
Peoples Commissary for Foreign Aftairs — L. Trotzky.
Manager of Affairs of the Soviet of Peoples Commissaries. VI. Bonch-
Bruevich.
Secretary of the Soviet — N. Gorbouno^'.
Published in No. 31 of the " Gazette of the Temporary Workers and Peasants
Government," December 13, 1917.
Exhibit 14.
decree on peace.
Accepted unanimously at the meeting of the All-Russlan Congress of Soviets
■of W. S. & P. Delegates October 26th, 1917.
The workmen and peasant Government created by the revolution of October
24th-2oth and supported by the Soviets of W. S. & P. Delegates proposes to all
belligerent nations and their governments to commence immediately negotia-
tions for an equitable democratic peace.
An equitable or democratic peace, deslr:^d by the greatest majority of ex-
hausted tormented and ravaged-by-the-war workmen and labouring classes of
all the combatant countries, a peace which the Russian workmen and peasants
demanded most insistently and decisively after the overthrow, of the monarchy,
is, according to the Government, an immediate peace without annexation (1. e.
without the seizure of foreign lands, without the forcible annexation of foreign
nationalities) and without the payment of indemnifications.
This is the peace which the Russian Government is proposing all the belli-
gerents to conclude immediately, expressing its willingness to take all decisive
steps without any delay till the final confirmation of all the conditions of such
a peace by the lawful meetings of the people's representatives of all countries
and all nations.
Under the annexation or seizure of foreign lands the Government understands
any addition to a great and strong state of a small or weak nationality with-
S5723 —19 75
1186 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
out the precisely, clearly and voluntarily expressed consent and wish of such a
nation, independently thereof when such an annexation had been accomplished,
independently thereof how cultured or ignorant is the nation which is being-
arbitrarily annexed or retained within the limits of a given state. Inde-
pendently, lastly, thereof, whether such a nation is residing in Europe or in
some far country across the ocean.
If any nation is being retained within the boundarie.s of a given state forcibly^
if notwithstanding its desire, expressed in print, or in popular meetings, in de-
cisions of parties of revolts and uprisings against oppression, it will not be^
given the possibility by a free voting with the absolute removal of all the
troops of the annexing or stronger nation, to decide without the least compul-
sion the question regarding the form of its existence as a state, then its an-
nexation is arbitrary seizure and violation of its rights.
The Government considers that to continue this war in order to divide be-
tween the stronger and richer nations the weaker ones seized by them, is a
crime against humanity and it solemnly declares its decision to sign imme-
diately any conditions of peace which will stop this war on the terms men-
tioned above and which are equally fair to all the nations without exception.
At the same time the Government declares that it does not in any way con-
sider the aforesaid peace conditions as an ultimatum, i. e., the Government con-
sents to examine all other conditions of peace, insisting only that they be pro-
posed as quickly as possible liy any one of the combatants and as clearly as
possible, with the exclusion of all ambiguities and secrets in the proposition of
the peace conditions.
The Government revokes all secret diplomacy expressing on its part the firm
intention to cimduct all negotiations openly before all the people, and proceed-
ing immediately to the publication of all secret agreements confirmed or con-
cluded by the Government of landowners and capitalists .since February and
up to October 25th, 1917. All the tenure of these secret agreements in so far
as they are directed as in most cases to the granting of advantages and privi-
leges to the Russian landowners and capitalists, or to the retaining or increase
of the annexations of the Great Rus.sians, The Government declares to be uncon-
ditionally and immediately revoked.
In addressing the governments and nations of all the countries with a proposi-
tion to begin immediately negotiations regarding the conclusion of peace the
Goverment expresses on its part its willingness to conduct these negotiations,
by means of correspondence, or by telegraph, or by way of negotiations be-
tween the representatives of the different countries or at a conference of such
representatives. For the facilitation of such negotiations the Government will
detail its empowered representative to the neutral countries.
The Government proposes to all the governments and peoples of the belliger-
ent countries to conclude an immediate truce, desiring on its part, that such a
truce be concluded for not less than three months, i. e., for such a period of time
during which it would be quite possible to complete the negotiations for peace
with the participation of representatives of all the nations or nationalities,
which were involved in the war or compelled to take part in it, and also to con-
vene full-powered meetings of peoples' representatives of all countries for the
final confirmation of the peace conditions.
Addressing this proposition of peace to the governments and peoples of all the
belligerent countries, the provisional Avorkmen and peasant government of Rus-
sia addresses itself also in particular to the conscious workmen of the three-
most advanced nations of humanity and the greatest of the powers participat-
ing in the present war. England, France and Germany. The workmen of these
countries have given the best services to the cause of progress and socialism
and the great models of the chartist movement in England, the series of revolu-
tions carried out by the French proletariat, lastly, the heroic struggle against
the exclusive law in Germany and the long stubborn disciplinary \A-ork for the
creation of proletarian organisations in Germany which ought to serve as a
model for the workmen of the whole world, — all these models of preletarian
heroism and historical creation serve as a guarantee that the workmen of the
aforenamed countries will understand the duties lying on them which are to-
deliver humanity from the horrors of war and their results, — because these same
workmen by their decisive and energetic activity will help us to bring a suc-
cessful end the cause of peace and at the same time the liberation of all work-
ing classes from slavery and exploitation.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1187
Exhibit 15.
appeal to laboring mohammedans of russia and the east.
To all Laboring Mohammeclans of Russia and the Bast.
Couu-ades ! Brothers !
Great events are transpiring in Russia. An end is approaching to the bloody
war— begun over the partition of foreign lands. The domination of ravishers
who enslaved the peoples of the world, is followinsj-. Under the blows of the
Rtissian revolution the old structure of Kabal and slavery is cracking. The
world of arbitrariness and oppression is living out its last days. A new world
is coming forth, a world of toilers and the emancipated. At the head of this
revolution stands the ^\■orkers and peasants' government of Russia, the Soviet
of Peoples' Commissaries.
All Russia is sown with Revolutionary Soviets of workers, soldiers, and
peasants deputies. The po\\er of the country is in the hands of the people. The
laboring people of Russia are burning up with the one desire to obtain an
honorable peace, and help the oppressed peoples of the world to fight for and
obtain freedom for themselves.
For this holy work Russia is not alone. The great call of freedom sounded by
the Russian revolution is taken up by all the toilers of the West and East. The
peoples of Europe, exhausted by war, are already stretching their arms to us,
creating peace. The workers and soldiers of the AA'est are already gathering
under the standard of socialism, storming the strongholds of inipei-ialisra. And
distant India, the same, which for centuries was oppressed by the " enlightened "
ravishers of Europe, has raised the standard of revolt, organizing their own
Soviets of Deputies, casting from their shoulders contemptible slavery, calling
the peoples of the East to the struggle for freedom.
The Kingdom of Capitalistic plunder and force is crumbling. The soil is
burning under the feet of the plunderers of imperialism. In the face of these
great events we turn to you, toiling and unfortunate Mohammedans of Russia
and the East.
Mohammedans of Russia, Tartars of the Pre-A'olga and Crimea, Kirgeese and
Sarts of Siberia and Turkestan, Turks and Tartars of Trancaucasia, Checheuts
and Mountaineers of Caucasia, all those whose Mosques and houses of prayer
were destroyed, whose faith and customs were trampled under foot by the
Tzars and oppressors of Russia I From now your faith and customs, your
national and cultural Institutions are proclaimed free and inviolate. Arrange
your national life freely and without hindrance. Ydu have that right. Know,
then, that your rights, as also the rights of all the peoples of Russia, are pro-
tected by all the might of the revolution and its organs, the Soviets or Workers,
Soldiers and Peasants Deputies.
Support then, this revolution and its authorized government.
Mohammedans of the East, Persians and Turks, Arabians and Hindoos ; all
those with whose heads and property, with whose liberty and native land, the
covetous plunderers of Europe, have traded for hundreds of years, all those
whose countries the robbers who started the war wish to share !
We announce that the secret agreements of the overthrown Tzar on the
seizure of Constantinople confirmed by the overthrown Kerensky, are now-
torn up and destroyed. The Russian Republic and its gf)vernment, the Soviet
of Peoples' Commissaries, is against the seizure of foreign lands ; Constanti-
nople must remain in the hands of the Mohammedans.
We announce that the agreement on the partition of Persia is torn and de-
stroyed. As ,soon as military activities cease the troops w^ill be withdrawn from
Persia, and the Per.sians will be guaranteed the right of free determination of
their fate.
We announce that the agreement on the partition of Turkey and the taking
away from her of Armenia is torn up and destroyed. As soon as military
activities cease, the Armenians will be secured the right to freely determine
their political fate.
Not from Russia or her revolutionary government does slavery await you. but
from the plunderers of European imperialism, from those who turned your
native land into a plundered and pilfered " colony " of their own.
Overthrow these plunderers and enslavers of your countries. Now, when war
and destruction are crushing the foundations of the world, when the whole
world is inflamed with indignation against the imperialistic usurpers, when
1188 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
every spark of revolt is convi^led into tlie mislity flames of revolution, when
even tlae Indian Moliammedans, lioinuled ami exhausted by the foreign yoke
aie risln.L;- up against their enslavers, now we cannot be silent. Lose no time,
and cast from your shoulders tlie centuries (jld usuriiers. Do not surrender any
UKJie to their plundering of the sites of your burnt home. You must be master
of .^•our own country I You must yourself arrange your life to your own image
and likeness! You have the right to that, yimr fate is in your own hands.
Brothers I t'omrados !
AVe are firmly and resolutely .uoing toward an honorable, democratic peace.
On our standard we carry the liberation of the oppressed peoples of the world.
Jlohammedans of liussia !
Mohammedans of the East!
On this path of restoration of the world, we ex]iect from you sympathy and
support.
('h.-iirman of the Soviets of Peoples Commissaries V. Ulyanov (Lenine).
Peoples Commissary of National Affairs Djougatoilio Stalin.
(Published in the No. 17 of the Gazette of the Temporary Workers and
Peasants Government, November 24, 1917.)
Exhibit 1(>.
decl.\r^ti0k of the bights of the laboring and exploited people.
The form of the following declaration was prepared for submission to the
Constituent Assembly by the Bolshevik Government and the refusal of the
Constituant Assembly to adopt it was one reason for its forcible dissolution by
the Red Guard.
The Central Executive Committee proclaims the following basic principles :
I. The Constituent Assembly resolves :
1. Russia is declared to be a Republic of Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers'
and Peasants' Deputies. All the power in the centre and in the provinces
belongs to these Soviets.
2. The Russian Soviet Republic is formed on the basis of a free union of free
nations, as a federation of national Soviet republics.
II. Taking as its fundamental task the abolition of any exploitation of man
by men, the complete elimination of the division of society into classes, the
ruthless suppression of exploiters, the establishment of a socialistic organiza-
tion of society and the victory of Socialism in all countries, the Constituent
Assembly resolves, further :
1. To effect the socialization of the land, private ownership of land is abol-
ished, and the whole land fund is declared common national property and trans-
ferred to the laborers without compensation, on the basis of equalized use of
the soil.
All forests, minerals, and waters of state-wide importance, as well as the
whole inventory of animate and inanimate objects, all estates and agricultural
enterprises, are declared national property.
2. The Soviet law of labor control and the Supreme Board of National Econ-
omy are confirmed, with a view to securing the authority of the toilers over the
exploiters, as the first step to the complete transfer of all factories, mills, mines,
railways, and other means of production and transportation to the ownership
of the Workmen's and Peasants' Soviet Republic.
.3. The transfer of all banks into the ownership of the Workers' and Peasants'
state is confirmed. It being one of the conditions of the emancipation of the
laboring masses from the yoke of capital.
4. With a view to the destruction of the parasitic classes of society and the
organization of the national economy, universal labor service is established.
•5. In the interest of securing all the power for the laboring masses and the
elimination of any possibility of the reestabllshment of the power of the ex-
ploiters, the arming (if the toilers, the formation of a socialistic red army of
workmen and peasants, and the complete disarmament of the wealthy classes
are decreed.
III. 1. Expressing its inflexible determination to wrest humanity from the
talons of financial capital and imperialism, which have drenched the earth with
blood in this most criminal of wars, the Constituent Assembly subscribes
unanimously to the policy of abrogating secret treaties which has been adopted
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1189
by the Soviet Government, the organization of the widest fraternization with
the workmen and peasants of the armies now warring against each other, and
the securing, at any cost and by revolutionary measures, of a democratic peace
witliout annexations and indemnities, on the basis of free self-determination
of peoples.
2. For these same purposes the Constituent Assembly insists upon a complete
break with the barbarous policy of bourgeois civilization which built the pros-
perity of the exploiters among the few chosen nations upon the enslavement
of hundreds of millions of the laboring population in Asia, in the colonies in
general, and in the small countries.
The Constituent Assembly welcomes the policy of the Council of the People's
Commissaries which has proclaimed the complete independence of Finland,
which has begun the removal of the troops from Persia, and which has de-
clared the freedom of self-determination of Armenia.
The Constituent Assembly views the Soviet law of the repudiation of the
loans contracted , by the Government of the Czar, the landowners and bour-
geoisie, as the first blow to international banking, finance and capital, and ex-
presses its confidence that the Soviet authority will continue to pursue that
course until the complete victory of the rising of international labor against the
yoke of capital is attained.
IV. Having been elected on the basis of party lists made up before the October
revolution, when the people could not yet rise en masses against the exploiters
and did not know the strength of the opposition when the latter defends its
class privileges, and when the people had not yet practically undertaken the
creation of a socialistic society, the Constituent Assembly would deem it
radically wrong, even from a formal point of view, to set itself in opposition
to the Soviets.
In substance, the Constituent Assembly considers that now, at the moment of
the decisive battle of the people with their exploiters, there can be no place for
the latter in any of the organs of government. The power must belong wholly
and exclusively to the toiling masses and their plenipotentiaries, the Soviets of
Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants' Delegates.
Supporting the Soviet Government and the decrees of the Council of the
People's Commissaries, the Constituent Assembly recognizes that its tasks are
completed when it has framed a general statement of the fundamental bases
of a socialistic reconstruction of society.
At the same time, aiming at the creation of a really free and voluntary and,
consequently, a more complete and lasting union of the laboring classes of all
the nations of Russia, the Constituent Assembly confines itself to the establish-
met of the fundamental principles of federation of the Soviet Republic of Russia,
leaving it to the workmen and peasants of each nation to decide independently,
at their own representative Soviet Congress, whether they wish to participate in
the Federal Government and in the other Soviet institutions, and on what
(Nation,' Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 17.
decbee on the equalization of eights of all serving in the armt.
On the equalization of rights of all serving in the army. In realization of
the will of a revolutionary people, for the quickest and most decisive destruc-
tion of all remnants of the former inequality in the army, the Soviet of
Peoples Commissaries ordains :
1. All titles and stations in the army, starting with that of corporal and
ending with that of general, are abolished. The army of the Russian Repub-
lic from now on consists of free and equal-to-one-another citizens, holding the
honorable station of Soldiers of the Revolutionary Army.
2. All preference, connected with the former titles and stations as well as
outward distinctions are annulled.
3 All titles are annulled.
4' All orders and other marks of distinction are abolished.
5! With the abolishing of the officers rank there are aboUshed all ieparate
officers organizations. . .
6 The institution of orderlies, now existing in the active army, is abolished.
Note. — Orderlies remain only in regimental offices, committees and other
army organizations.
1190 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
President of the Soviet of Peoples Commissaries — VI. OuUanofE (Lenin).
Peoples Commissary for Military and Naval Affairs — N. Krilenko.
Peoples Commissary for Military Affairs — -Padvaoyskiy.
Colleagues of the Peoples Commissary for Military Affairs — Kedrov, Sklyan-
skiy, Legran, Mehonoshin.
Secretary of the Soviet — X. Gorbounov.
December 16, 1917.
Published in No. 35 of the " Gazette of the Temporary Workers and Peasants
Government." December 17, 1917.
Exhibit 18.
ORDER or THE HIGH C0SIMA>;DER-IX-CHIEF.
IKrylenko to the Army. — Telegram.]
Petrograd, Smolny. Council of People's Commissaries, Trotzky. In the
name of the revolution order to the armies.
Upon receiving information and communications from the separate Corps
and Armies regarding the armistices concluded with the enemy on the fronts
I enjoin the following rules to be observed in future for the conclusion of
armistices :
1. All private agreements regarding the suspension of hostilities must con-
form to the ffict of the sending of a special delegation, in accordance with the
resolution of the Council of People's Commissaries, to the general headquarter.s
of the high commander of the German armies on the 19th instant.
This armistice must be a general one for all the fronts, as coming from the
Central Authority of the Russian Republic, wherefore all partial armisticps
must automatically losi» their force from the moment of tlie conclusion of a
general armistice by the aforementioned delegation.
2. An obligatory condition for the conclusion of a partial armistice must be
that of the suspension of all movements of troops from the fronts of the con-
tracting parties to any new fronts, and especially from our front to those of
the Allied armies.
3. All armistices to be concluded must be confirmed by me or by the central
organs of authority of Petrograd.
4. A preliminary concordance of such armistices on as large sectors of the
front is desirable ; in particular, the western front which has already con-
cluded such an armistice, the Roumanian front just proceeding to the conclu-
sion of one, the northern front where partial armistices have taken place, —
must immediately take note of the above conditions and inform me of the
corresponding alterations in the wording of their agreements.
Comrades ! Only under such conditions can we be assured of the solidity and
nnity of the revolutionary struggle for peace.
Long live the peace concluded by the peoples themselves !
Hail to the end of the accursed slaughter !
Hail to the victory and power of the people !
The present order is to be read in all the companies, squadrons, sotnias,
batteries, ship's crews and separate detachments.
November 21st 1917. No. 16248.
High Commander-in-Chief Krylenko.
Exhibit 19.
decree on the appropriation of 20,000,000 roubles for the workmen's and
peasants' red AEMT.
Assignment of twenty million (20,000,000) rubles for the organization of the
Workmen's and Peasants' Red Army. In agreement with the decision of the
Committee of the Soldiers' Section of the Third All-Russian Congress of
Peasants, Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies for the organization of the Work-
men's and Peasants' Red Army, the Soviet of People's Commissaries ordains as
follows :
For the organization of the Workmen's and Peasants' Red Army shall be
allotted at first from the National Treasury, twenty million (20,000,000) rubles
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1191
^t tlie disposition of tlie All-Russian Committee established In connection with
the People's Commissariat fpr military affairs consisting of two representatives
of the Military Commissariat and two representatives of the General Staff of
the Red Army for the organization of the Workmen's and Peasants' Bed Army
with the consequent transfer of these twenty million (20,000,000) rubles from
the war fund.
Of the sum thus assigned, credits shall be opened with the local District and
Regional Soviet's Army Committees and StafC of the Red Army for the organi-
zation of a Workmen's and Peasants' Red Army, to provide for the Soldiers
forming the Army and their families and for the organization of a Central
Directorate.
(Signed) :
President of the Soviet of People's Commissaries, V. Ulianov (Lenin).
People's Commissary for Military Affairs, N. I. Podvoiski.
Director of Administration, Vlad. Bonch-Bruevich.
Secretary of the Soviet, N. Gorbunov.
Published, January 16, 1918.
Exhibit 20.
deceee on the desioceatization of the navy of the russian beptjblic.
Ox THE Democratization of the Navy.
Pakt 1. General regulation on the personnel of the Fleet.
1. The personnel of the Fleet of the Russian Republic consists of free citizens,
•enjoying equal civic rights.
2. The designation by title, which has existed until now, and which expressed
class distinction, are abolished, and all sailors in the Navy are to be called
"' Sailors of the Naval Fleet of the Russian Republic."
3. From the sailors of the Fleet of the Russian Republic there will be appor-
tioned the commanding personnel, superintending the tactical and technical
.sections, working in conjunction with the committees for the management of the
administrative section of the Navy.
4. The political section is entirely in the administration of elected com-
mittees.
5. The commanding personnel is formed of persons, who are accepted into the
service and performing this service in accordance with special rules expounded
in Part 5.
6. From persons not of the commanding personnel, on accordance with rules
in Part 5, there are elected according to their specialties foremen who are
responsible aids of the specialists of the commanding personnel.
7. All sailors have designations, answering to their specialties and position
occupied ; for example. Commander, Mechanic, Artilleryman, Electrician, etc.
8. All titles are revoked and persons occupying positions of command, are
designated by their duties, for example, — Citizen Commander, Citizen Mechanic,
etc.
9. A new style of clothing, general for all naval sailors, is to be designed by a
separate, special commission.
Note. — Pending the preparation of the new form of clothing, the wearing of
the old uniform is permissible.
10. All sailors in the Navy are granted the right to wear civilian clothing
off duty.
11. All sailors of the Navy have the right to be members of any political,
national, religious, economic or professional organization, society or union.
They have the right, freely and openly, to express and profess by word of
mouth, in writing or in print, their political, religious and other views.
12. All sailors of the Navy are subject to the laws, general for all citizens,
without any exceptions. Correspondence must be delivered to the addressee
without interruption.
13. All sailors, not on duty, have the right to absent themselves from their
vessels and sections in accordance with orders and rules, established by corre-
sponding organizations, but on the condition that a suificient number of persons
must remain to serve the vessel or section.
14. The commanding personnel have separate accommodations for living and
for work, on board ship and at shore-stations.
1192 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAXDA.
15. The commanding personnel are allowed servants who hire out at their
own free will, at the expense of the person desiring to have same, or in time
of war, by the appointment of orderlies, on a mutual (Avith the crew) agree-
ment, and with a definite salary.
XoTE. — The hiring of female help is prohibited on vessels of the Navy.
Part 2. — The management of the Xavy.
16. The general guidance of the life and activities of the Navy is concen-
trated in the Central Committee of the Sea. At the head of the latter stands
the iiilitary -Naval Section, which superintends entirely the operative and tech-
nical affairs and works in conjunction with the Administrative, Economic, and
Political Sections of the Central Committee of the Sea.
17. The Military-Naval Section is elected by the plenarium of the Central
Committee of the Sea, on a basis of special instructions, which were worked out
for that.
18. Being entirely independent in its operative ordinances, the Military-Naval
Section is responsible for its actions to the plenium of the Central Committee of
the Sea, as well as before the Superior State organs.
19. At the head of the Military-Naval Section stands a person designated as
the Chief of the Military-Naval section of the Central Committee of the Sea,
elected in accordance with paragraph 38, part 5, on the election of the com-
manding personnel.
20. All orders for the fleet or flotilla are issued by the IMiiltary-Naval Section,,
signed by the chief, countersigned by the member of the section attached to
him, and are compulsory for the entire personnel of the Navy.
Note : Decisions of the Central Committee of the Sea are presented to the
Military -Naval Section, which in accordance with the decision, issues an order,
in accordance with the above paragraph, referring to the corresponding number
of the decision.
Pabt 3.
21. The Chief of the Military-Naval Section has two assistants to the section,
the first of which is the substitute chief and superintends the operative section
of the fleet, — the second assistant superintends the technical and administrative
sections.
22. F(3r the development and bringing to reality of questions on all branches
of the Jlilitary-Naval Section, there will enter into the Military Section ; the
principal specialists, with their assistants, on the operative, administrative and
technical sections. The number of principal specialists and their assistants must
correspond to the actual needs of the Navy, is determined by the Central Com-
mittee of the Sea and confirmed by the Supreme Naval organ.
23. The following commanding duties exist in the Fleet :
(a) Flag Offlcers. — Chief of: Divisions, Brigades, Detachments, Flotillas, Di-
visions of 2d grade vessels, divisions of 3rd grade vessels, divisions of 4th grade
vessels, divisions of aircraft, coast defence, hydrographic expedition, protection
of aquatic regions, service of connection, regions of the service of connection.
For each of the above duties there is a corresponding military section, the
complement of which is determined by the Military-Naval Section of the Cen-
tral Committee of the Sea.
(b) f>hiij Duties. — Commander of vessel, assistant to the commander, reviser.
Specialists : Pilot, artilleryman, miner, electro-technic, diver, mechanic, doctor.
Assistant specialists: Section plutong (?) commanders and others.
(c) Shore Duties. — Commander of a crew, commander of a company.
Note (to Par. 23) : In other shore detachments and stations the commanding
personnel is determined in accordance with the construction of the establish-
ment, and is composed of persons administering, according to their special-
ties, the supreme military and technical branches.
Past i. Bights, Duties ami RcsponsihUitji of the Co)inuan(liiig Personnel.
24. The Chief of the Jlilitary-Xaval Section works in conjunction with the
Military section and the Central Commitlee of the Sea, on instructions, worked
out specially for that, and issues all ordinances to the Navy, detachments, sec-
tions and vessels, over his signature, countersigned by the member of the Cen-
tral Committee of the Sea attached to him.
25. Issuing all orders and ordinances, the Chief of the Military-Naval Section
is responsible entirely for the operative and technical branches of the Navy.
In branches where the work is in conjunction with the Central Committee of
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1193
the Military-Naval Section is responsible only in the event tliat the ordinance
of the C. C. of the Sea was introduced in accordance with his report, or if the
ordinance is contrary to the views expressed in the matter hy the Chief of the
Military Section, and the latter does not agree with the plenium of the Central
Committee of the Sea in regard to the introduced ordinance, then the responsi-
bility for events, resulting from such ordinance are not borne by the Chief of
the Military Section.
26. The duties of the commanding personnel are :
(a.) In commanding their section, according to specialization in military,
navigation or technical respect, in battle as well as when not in battle ;
(6) In commanding in military-naval instruction, in its entirety as well as
in separate sections.
(c) Determining the date of preparedness of vessels for going to sea;
(d) Issuing of orders for work which can not be postponed, caused by un-
avoidable circumstances ;
(e) All matters of administration, in con.iunction with ship committee, in
accordance with ordinances regarding the latter.
27. The commanding personnel assumes full responsibility in the limits of its
activities described in par. a, b, c, d, or Par. 26, and shares the responsibility
with committees in the limits of their joint activities, in the sense and spirit of
responsibility, described In par. 25.
Paet 5. manner of Electing the Commanding Personnel of the Active Fleet
and Battle Sections.
28. From persons having a sufficient preparation both in a theoretical and
practical respect, there are elected foremen specialists by a general assembly
of the corporation of specialists, on the basis of the four-member formula, and
the results of the election are communicated to the ship committee and the
commander of the vessel.
29. All persons designated to supersede and position of command, must have
the necessary preparation, both theoretical and practical, substantiated by
diploma from special schools, or special examining commissions.
Note. — To the duties of specialist can be admitted elected persons of good
practical experience, who have passed the practical tests on the commission,,
which are established for that by the Central Committee of the Sea, and in
connection with which, before assuming their duties, such persons must be sent
to a school for a short theoretif preparation.
30. Before the election of foremen-specialist, the corporation of the corre-
sponding specialty, together with the commander, prepares a list of candidates:
proposed for the assuming of the duties.
Note. — If the corporation has no candidates of its own, then it must refer
to the Central Committee of the Sea for same.
31. From the person placed in the list of candidates (according to par. 29)
are elected the foremen-specialists, only by the corporation of the corresponding
specialty, on the basis of the four-member formula ; the election of this or that
person is communicated by the corporation to the commander of the vessel for'
the notification of the entire complement of the vessel. If, within seven days
from the date of the proclaiming of the result of the election, there has been nO'
challenging of the candidate, (announced in accordance with par. 43, part 6)
on the part of the crew, then the candidate is considered confirmed by the per-
sonnel of the vessel.
32. Before the election of an assistant commander, a candidate list of persons,
proposed for the assumption of duty Is compiled by the ship committee together
with the commander. In the necessity of electing a commander the candidates-
list is prepared by the ship committee together with the Flag Office.
Note. — If the ship committee has no candidates it must obtain same from the-
Central Committee of the Sea.
33. The election of an assistant commander, as well as a commander is;
conducted by the entire crew of a vessel, on the basis of the four-member for-
mula, in connection with which the elections are considered effective if not
less than two-thirds of the complement of the vessel participated.
34. Chiefs of divisions are elected by the division committee and commanders,
of vessels of the division from a list of candidates, compiled by the division
committee and commanders, together with the Chief of Division.
35. This Chief of Division is elected by a committee of the division, together
with the Chiefs of Divisions, from a list of candidates prepared by the Central
1194 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA,
Commttee of the Sea, together with the Chief of the Military-Naval Section of
the Central Committee of the Sea.
36. Chiefs of brigades, detachments, flotillas and others, are elected by the
committee of the brigade, detachment, flotilla, etc., with the commander.s of
vessels, from a candidate list, compiled by the Central Committee of the Sea,
together with the chief of the Military-Naval Section of the Central Committee
of the Sea.
37. The commanding personnel, elected in accordance with Par. 32, 34 and
35, are confirmed in their positions by the Central Committee of the Sea, which
issues the necessary order to the fleet and flotillas.
38. The Chief of the Military Naval Section of the Central Committee of
the Sea is elected from candidates of the Central Committee of the Sea. to-
gether with the committees of divisions, brigades, detachments and flotillas,
with the Chiefs of brigades, divisions, detachments and flotillas. The elec-
tions are conducted by the committees and chiefs who participated in the
preparation of the list of candidates according to the four-member formula,
and the elected person is confirmed in their position by the Supreme Jlaritime
College at the presentation of the Central Committee of the Sea.
39. The personnel of the military sections is elected by the Chief of the Sec-
tion, together with the committee of the section.
Note. — Pending the preparation of new lists the complement will remain
the same.
40. The medical personnel is elected by the professional union of surgeons
and assistant surgeons, and the results of elections are communicated to the
Central Committee of the Sea after the confirmation of the candidate liy the
command of the vessel, in the manner of the confirmation of foremen-specialists
(as in paragraph 31). The medical personnel is elected in accordance with
#36, from a candidate list, presented by the Professional Union of Surgeons
and Assistant-Surgeons.
41. Every sailor of the Naval P'leet, selected for any of these positions, ha.s
the privilege of refusing to occupy the position, having submitted the motive
for his refusal. The final decision on the acceptability or nou-acceptibllity of
the refusal is reserved to the Central Committee of the Sea, at whose disposal is
also all business connected with the election of the particular person, the
motive of his refusal and the recall of the corresponding Chief and section
committee, regarding the motive of refusal of the elected sailor.
42. The persons elected to office, at these elections will be considered those
who receive an absolute majority, in connection with which if there is no
absolute majority, then the two first candidates, having received the compara-
ative majority, are voted on again.
Part 6. Bccall of persons of the Commanding Personnel.
43. The question of the recall of any member of the commanding personnel
of a vessel can be raised before the Ship Committee, by a group of J of the
complement of the vessel or the separate corporation of a specialty, if it per-
tains to specialists. The recall is subject to further action. If it is adopted liy
a general assembly of the crew or the corporation and specialties, by not less
than f of the number present.
44. The recall, adopted by the general assembly of the crew or corporation
•of specialists is forwarded, together with the report of the Chief of Section, if a
commander is being recalled, or with the report of the commander in the recall
of his as.sistant or a specialist, to the Central Committee of the Sea, for a final
confirmation of the recall.
4.3. The commander of a vessel can raise the question of the recall of his
assistant or any one of the specialists, by presenting to the ship's committee
a statement explaining his motives. Having received such a statement the
sliip's committee brings it before a general assembly (for deliberation) of the
entire complement of the vessel or corporation of specialists and the entire
expedition of business on sxich recall with a protocol of the general assembly is
presented for a final decision to the Central Committee of the Sea.
46. The question of the removal of chiefs of divisions, brigades, detachments,
flotillas, and the personnel of other military sections attached to them, can be
raised by committees and members of the commanding personnel who elected as
well as those who participated in preparing the candidate lists for the chief who
is being removed (Nos. 34, 35, 36 and 37) and is considered in the correspond-
ing committee, whereupon the final decision is presented to the Central Com-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1195
mittee of the Sea, wliich forwards the entire expedition of business on the dis-
-cussion of tlie notice of recall to the corresponding committees.
•17. The question of the removal of the Chief of the Military-Naval Section of
the Central Committee of the Sea can be raised by the committees and persons
■of the commanding personnel, who participated in the election of the chief, in
accordance with paragraph 38, by presenting a statement of their motives to
the Central Committee of the Sea. Having received such a statement, the
Central Committee of the Sea presents it for joint deliberation of the Central
Committee of the Sea with the committees and the chiefs of brigades, divisions,
•detachments, and flotillas, and the removal is considered adopted if it is voted
for by not less than s of the members present at the consultation. The final
confirmation of the adopted recall is presented to the Supreme Naval College,
to whom the Central Committee of the Sea directs the entire expedition of busi-
ness on the removal of the chief, together with the designation of the person
newly elected to that duty in exact acc(H'dance with No. 38.
48. In exceptional cases persons against whom a statement of removal has
lieen placed and adopted by the crew, can be temporarily removed from duty
and even removed from the vessel pending a final decision of the Central Com-
mittee of the Sea on the question of their removal.
Paet 7. Order of Subordination.
49. The distribution of the commanding personnel in the order of its subordi-
nation is established as follows: Cliief of the Military-Naval Section of the
■Central Committee of the Sea, Flag Officers, Chiefs of Divisions, Commanders,
Senior Specialists and their Assistants, and Forman Specialists.
50. The distribution of committees in the order of subordination is established
as follows : Central Committee of the Sea, committees of separate sections
(divisions, brigades, detachments, positions, etc.) Ship and Company Commit-
tees.
51. Instructions to vessels, detachments, and the fleet on operative and tech-
nical questions are issued by corresponding persons of the commanding per-
sonnel, on economic and administrative questions by the commanding personnel,
together with the committee and on political questions by the committees ;
vvhereupoVi the commander and committees must be notified of all signals and
■semaphore messages received and sent.
Note. — All orders of central organs of the naval administration, as well as
the general state, and also ordinances of any committees published for general
information are subject to execution in the fleet and flotillas of the Navy only
in the event of their confirmation by the Central Committee of the Sea, through
instructions published in accordance with No. 20 and the foot note.
Maimer of ponrlurtinij of elections at the present tirne. — 1. All members of
the commanding personnel must be reelected.
2. In view of the fact that during the period of the revolutionary movement,
a majority of the members of the commanding personnel were in fact appointed
with the consent of the crew, the re-election of the existing commanding per-
sonnel can be made by the removal of undesirable persons under the authority
of Part 6 regarding removals.
3. Persons who are proposed for removal and who are not elected to posi-
tions corresponding to their knowledge and practical ability, are at the disposal
of the Central Committee of the Sea and are either entered into the reserve
of the Central Committee of the Sea, discharged from the service on account of
age, or on general rules which \A-iU be worked out for the dismissal from the
«er-vice of members of the commanding personnel, or for the lack of suitable
appointments.
4. Persons enrolled in the reserve of the Central Committee of the Sea musi
be given a salary corresponding to the position for which they are considered
a candidate.
5. The salaries of the commanding personnel, according to positions held on
an elective basis, remain as heretofore, pending the development of new salaries
and establishment of a real status ;
6 Every change in the personnel of a fleet, which has adopted the ordinance
of the Central Committee of the Sea is to be communicated to the Administra-
tion of Personnel for the conducting of corresponding accounts.
7. In fulfilling this ordinance in cases which were not anticipated it Is neces-
sary to be guided by local conditions of fleets.
1196
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Peoples Commissary for Naval Affairs — Dibenko.
Director of the Xaval Jlinistry — il. Ivanow.
Published in No. 6 of the Gazette of the Temporary Workers and Peasants
Government on January 12, 1918.
Exhibit 21.
deceee ox the deiioceatization of the fleet of the russian eepublic.
Section 1. General Position of the Personnel of the Fleet.
(1) The Personnel of the Fleet of the Russian Republic consists of free-
citizens enjoying equal civil ri.ghts.
(2) The hitherto existing titles of rank which emphasized caste distinctions
are abolished and all serving in the Fleet are called "Sailors of the War Fleet
of the Russian Republic."
(3) From among the Snilors of the Fleet of the Russian Republic is taken
the commanding body which consists of the war operations and technical
departments who work with elected committees in carrying out the adminis-
trative work of the Fleet.
(4) The Depai-tment of Politics is entrusted altogether to elected committees,
(p. 50.)
Exhibit 22.
deceee ox assessment of salaeies for. the seamen of the navy eecruited
on voluntaey system.
Nomenclature of occupations.
Fundamental
assessment
monthly.
Bonus (addi-
tional pay-
ment on
account of
high cost
ofliving).
Ship boys (students) of all specialties
Seamen
Superior seaman, carpenter, machinist helper, cook, baker (bread), musi-
cian, sanitarian, ruderer, signalman, distance measurer, mess caterer
Stoker helper
Clerk, superior gunner, galvanizer, electrician, superior signalman, superior
distance measurer
Stoker, boatsman
Cook and diver
Mine machinist
Superior stoker, superior bandmaster
Superior mine machinist
Machinist (Komendor). motorman, superior galvanizer, master gunner,
superior electrician, and superior clerk
Master skipper for artillery and machines
Superior machinist, superior diver, artilleryman
Feldsher
Motorman superior
Telegraph operator and radio-telegraph operator
Telegraph operator superior and radio telegraph operator superior
160
160
160
160
160
160
160
160
160
leo
160
160
160
160
160
160
160
(Published in the 23rd issue of .Journal of the A^'orkmen and Peasant Govern-
ment of February 14th (new style).)
'Exhibit 23.
deceee suppressing the admiraxty"-council.
The Admiralty-Council is suppressed. All the rights of the Admiralty-Council
as the highest organ in the affairs of the Fleet and Navy Department shall pass
over to the Marine Section of the Central Executive Committee elected by the
AU-Russian Congress of the Military fleet. A detailed re.gulation on the limits
of the competency and order of activity of the ilarine Section will be pub-
lished separately.
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaries. V. OulianofC (Lenin).
People's Commissary ad int. Lieutenant Ilyin (Raskolnikoff).
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1197
Exhibit 24.
decree of the soviet of people's collmiss.vp.ies. okga^'izi.^jri a bed fleet.
The Itnssian fleet, like the army, has been brousht, by the crimes of the Im-
perial and Bourgeois regimes and by the burden of war to a condition of great
•disorganization. The transition to tlie armin.^- of the people which the program
of the Socialist party demands, is greatly obstructed liy these circumstances.
In order to preserve the national property and to oppose the organized forces
which are the remnants of the mercenary nraiy of the Capitalists and Bour-
geoisie and in order to uphold, in case of necessity, the idea of the Universal
Proletariat, it is necessary as a transition measure to have recourse to the
organization of the fleet on the basis of the recommendation of the candidates
of parties, professions and other collective democratic organizations.
In view of this the Soviet of People's Commissaries proclaims : the fleet which
existed on the basis of universal military service under the Imperial laws is
declared to be abolished and there is hereby organized a Socialistic Workmen's
and Peasants' Red Fleet.
Exhibit 2.">.
Decree op the Soviet of People's Commissaries on Assessment of Salaries of the
Government Employes and Persons Standing in the Goveunment Service of the
Ports and Institutions of the Admiralty.
Part II.-
-A. Scliedide of salaries of Government officials and
Service of the Admiralty.
persons in the Government
Class.
Fundamental
salaries per
month.
Additional
salary per
month on ace.
othighcostof
living.
Total per
month.
1.
150
160
170
175
185
200
220
225
2.50
275
285
300
315
325
340
370
380
385
395
405
420
460
480
500
650
690
615
665
685
705
796
870
Bullies Inp.
160
156
160
162. 50
167. 50
175
183
185
195
202. 50
210
217
220
222. 60
226
226. 80
229. 60
230.30
232. 30
233. 50
236.30
239. 10
241.25
243. 10
242
247.33
247. 33
247.33
247. .33
247.33
247.33
247.33
Rubles
lop.
300
2
315
3
330
4
337. 50
5
352.50
8
375
7
403
8
410
ft
445
10
477. 50
11
495
12
517
13
635
14
547. 50
15
665
596.80
17
609. 60
315.39
19
627.30
20
638. 50
21
666. 30
22
699. 10
23
721. 25
24
743. 10
796
26
837. 33
872.33
28
912.33
932. 33
30
962. 33
1,042.33
32
1,117.33
Chairman of the Soviet of People's Commissaries: V. L. Uljanov (Lenin).
People's Commissary for the Navy : Dibenko.
Assistant People's Commissary of Finance: Axelrod.
Secretary of the Soviet of People's Commissaries: N. Gorbunov.
(Published in the 24th number of the Journal of the Workmen and Peasant
-Oovernment of February 15th (new style).)
1198
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Exhibit 26.
decree of the soviet of thje people's coiimissaks on assessment of salaries-
of commanders and others of the navy recruited on principles of volun-
taey service.
Nomenclature of duties on the men of war.
1st class.
2nd class.
Srd class.
Remark.
Captain
1st Assistant t5 ' aptain
2nd Assistant to Captain
3rd " " "
1st Mechanic
2nd "
3rd
1st Artilleryman'and 1st Miner...
2nd " " 2nd " ...
3rd " " 3rd " ...
Section f^hief (plutong) peleton..
Brigadier
Detachment Flagman Specialist .
655
580
530
480
635
560
510
635
560
510
430
,S05
710
580
505
455
505
430
560
185
560
485
380
730
635
330
655
560
With tHe train-
ing of a cap-
tain.
With the train-
ing of ship-
mechanic.
Chief of the Naval General Sta'/ 955
Manager of PrDvisions of the Navv Commissariat 955
Chief of the War Department . . . .' 980-
Assistant to the C hief of the War Department of the operative and structural Department 805
Specialist Flagman of the Chief of the War Department 785
Chief of the Communication Service ■3§"
District Chief 52x
Chief of the Central Station fw
Chief of the Radl station 430
To all on the above chart mentioned salaries is to be added the high cost of living bonns
per 160 Rubles,
The foregoing salaries are for a full month.
Exhibit 27.
decree abolishing private ownekship of land. farming implements. live
stock and farm peoducts. passed by the congress of soviets of workmen,
and soldiers delegates at the meeting of october 25th, 1917, 2 a. m.
1. All private ownership of land is abolished immediately without any in-
demnification.
2. All landowners e.'Jtates, likewise all the lands of the Crown, monasteries,,
church lands with all their live stock and inventories property, homestead
constructions and all appurtenances pass over into the disposition of the volost
land .committees and district Soviets of Peasants Delegates until the Con-
stituent Assembly meets.
3. Any damage whatever done to the confiscated property belonging from
now on to the whole people, is regarded as a grievous crime, punishable by the-
revolutionary court of justice. The district Soviets of Peasants Delegates shall
take all necessary measures for the oliservance of the strictest order during
the confiscation of the landowners' estates, for the determination of the dimen-
sions of the plots of land and which of them are subject to confiscation, for
the drawing up of an inventory of the whole confiscated property and for the
strictest revolutionary guard of all the farming property on the laud with all
the constructions, implements, cattle, supplies of products etc, passing over to
the people. .
4. For guidance during the realisation of the great land reforms till their
final resolution by the Constituent Assembly shall serve the following peasant
Nakaz (Instruction) drawn up on the basis of 242 local peasant nakazes by
the editor's office of the " Izvestia of the All-Russian Soviet of Peasant Dele-
gates " and published in No, 88 of said "Izvestia" (Petrograd, No, 88, August
19th 1917.)
Exhibit 28.
abolishing private ownehship of land. farming implements,
stock, farm products, and for other purposes.
LIN'S:
The question re the land may be decided only by the general Constituent
Assembly.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1199
The most equitable solution of the land question should be as follows :
1. The right of private ownership of the land is abolished for ever ; the land
can not be sold, nor leased, nor mortgaged, nor alienated in any other way.
All the lands ; of the State, the Crown, the Cabinet, the monasteries, churches,^
possession lands, entailed estates, private lands, public and peasant lands, etc.,
shall be alienated without any indemnification they become the property of the
people and the usufructory property of all those who cultivate them (who work
them ) .
For those who will suffer from this revolution of property the right is recog-
nised only to receive public assistance during the time necessary for them to
adapt themselves to the new conditions of existence.
2. All the underground depths: the ore, naptha coal, salt, etc. and also the
forests and waters, having a general importance, shall pass over into the ex-
clusive use of the state. All the minor rivers, lakes, forests etc. shall be the
usufruct of communities, provided they be under the management of the local
organizations of self-government.
3. The plots of land with highest culture: gardens, plantations, nursery
gardens, seed-plots, green-houses etc. shall not be divided, but they shaU be
transformed into model farms, and handed over as the exclusive usufruct of
the state or communities, in dependence on their dimensions or importance.
Homestead lands, town and country lands with private gardens and kitchen
gardens remain as usufruct of their present owners, the dimensions of such
lands and the rate of taxes to be paid for their use shall be established by the
laws.
4. Studs, governmental and private cattle-breeding and bird-breeding enter-
prises etc. become the property of the people and pass over either for the
exclusive use of the state, or a community, depending on their dimensions and
their importance.
All questions of redeeming same shall be submitted to the examination of
the Constituent Assembly.
5. All the agricultural inventoried property of the confiscated lands, the
live and dead stock, pass over into the exclusive use of the state or a com-
munity depending on their dimensions and importance without any indemnifi-
cation.
The confiscation of property shall not concern peasants who have a small
amount of land.
6. The right to use the land shall belong to all the citizens (without distinc-
tion of sex) of the Russian State, who wish to work the land themselv&s, with
the help of their families, or in partnerships and only so long as they are capable-
of working it themselves. No hired labour is allowed.
In the event of a temporary incapacity of a member of a county community
during the course of two years, the community shall be hound to render him
assistance during this period of time by cultivating his land.
Agriculturists who in consequence of old age or sickness will have lost the
possibility of cultivating their land shall lose the right to use it, and they shall
receive instead a pension from the state.
7. The use of the land shall be distributive, i. e. the land shall be distributed
among the labourers, in dependence on the local conditions — at the labour or
consumption rate.
The way in which the land is to be used may be freely selected: as home-
stead, or farm, or by communities, or associations, as will be decided in the-
separate villages and settlements.
8. All the land upon its alienation, is entered in the general popular land
fund. The local and central self governing organisations, beginning from the-
democratically organised village and town communities and ending with the
central province institutions shall see to the distribution of the land among the-
persons desirous of working it.
The land fund is subject to periodical redistributions depending on the in-
crease of the population and the development of the productivity and cultiva-
tion.
Through all changes of the limits of the allotments the original kernel of the-
allotment must remain intact.
The land of any members leaving the community returns to the land fund and
the preferential right to receive the allotments of the retiring members belongs
to their nearest relations or the persons indicated by them.
The value of the manuring and improvements invested in the land so far as
the same will not have been used up when the allotment will be returned to the-
land fund, must be reimbursed.
1200 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
If in some place the land fund will prove to be Insufficient for tlie satisfac-
tion of tlie local population, the surplus of the population must emigrate.
The organization of the emisration, also the costs thereof and of providing
the emigrants with the necessary stock must be borne by the state.
The emigration is carried out in the following order : first the peasants with-
out land who express their wish to emigrate, then the depraved members of
comnmnlties, deserters, etc. and lastly by drawing lots on agreement.
All of what is contained in this nakaz, being the expression of the will of the
greatest majority of conscious peasants of the whole of Russia, is pronounced
to be a temporary law, whlcli till the Constituent Assembly is to be put into
execution as far as possible Immediately, and in some parts of it gradually as
will be determined by the district Soviets of peasant delegates.
The lands of peasants and Cossacks serving in the ranks shall not be con-
fiscated.
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaries Vladimir Oulianoff— Lenin.
October 26 1917
Exhibit 29.
dechee abolishin'g private ownership in cities.
On August 20th, 1918, a decree was issued by the Soviet Government, whereby,
in cities of more than 10,000 inhabitants all the houses and other buildings, as
well as the plots on which they stand ceased to be the property of their former
■owners and became the property of the AVorkers Soviet Republic.
This decree does not apply to small towns of less than 10,000 inhabitants,
neither does it apply to villages and hamlets.
This decree does not apply to small property owners (less than 10,000
roubles), if they use their houses as dwellings for themselves.
Thus, not alone poor people, but also people of medium means, will not
suffer because of this decree.
Those who heretofore subsisted on income from rentals will receive from
the Government a subsidy up to 10,000 roubles.
The income on the confiscated property will be used for building dwellings for
the poor. One-tenth of the entire income will constitute a State Housing
Fund and this fund will be used by the State to build light, airy and roomy
■dwellings for the tollers.
One third of the income will be expended for public municipal needs, as:
lighting, water supply and drainage system, cleaning, etc.
The rest of the income, i. e. more than half, will con.stitute a local town
dwelling fund (reserve). This fund will be used for repairing buildings,
erecting new ones, paving streets, etc.
Exhibit 30.
land laws of the russian federated soviet republic.
The following ' Fundamental Law of Socialization of the Land ' in Russia
went into effect in September, 1918, replacing the earlier and briefer Land
Decree of November 7, 1917.
Division I. General Provisions.
ARTICLE 1. All property rights in the land, treasures of the earth, waters,
lorests, and fundamental natural resources within the boundaries of the Rus-
sian Federated Soviet Republic are abolished.
Article 2. The land passes over to the use of the entire laboring population
without any compensation, open or seci-et, to the former owners.
Article 3. The right to use the land belongs to those who till it by their own
labor, with the exception of special cases covered by this decree.
Article 4. The right to use the land cannot be limited by sex. religion,
nationality, or foreign citizenship.
Article 5. The sub-surface deposits, the forests, waters, and fundamental
natural resources are at the disposition (according to their character) of the
BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA. 1201
county, provincial, regional, and Federal Soviet powers and are under the
control of the latter. The method of disposition and utilization of the sub-
surface deposits, vyaters and fundamental natural resources will be dealt with
by a special decree.
Abticle 6. All private live stock and inventoried property of non-laboring
homesteads pass over without indemnification to the disposition of the county,
provincial, regional, and Federal Soviets.
Abticlb 7. All homestead constructions mentioned in Article 6, as well as all
agricultural appurtenances, pass over to the disposition (in accordance with
their character) of the country, provincial, regional, and Federal Soviets with-
out indemnification.
Abticle 8. All persons who are unable to work and who will be deprived of
all means of subsistence by force of the decree socializing all lands, forests, in-
ventoried property, etc., may receive a pension (for a lifetime or until the per-
son becomes of age), upon the certification of the local courts and the land
departments of the Soviet power, such as a soldier receives, until such time
as the decree for the insurance of the incapacitated is issued.
AETicna; 9. The apportionment of lands of agricultural value among the labor-
ing people is under the .iurisdlction of the Volostnoi (several villages), county,
provincial, main, and Federal land department of the Soviets in accordance
with their character.
Aeticlk 10. The surplus lands ai'c under the supervision, in every republic,
of the land departments of the main and Federal Soviets.
Aeticle 11. The land departments of the local and central Soviets are thus
entrusted with the equitable apportionment of the land among the working
agricultural population, and with the productive utilization of the natural
resources. They also have the follo\^'ing duties :
(a) Creating favorable conditions for the development of the productive
forces of the country by increasing the fertility of the land, improving agricul-
tural knowledge among the laboring population.
( b ) Creating a surplus fund of lands of agricultural value.
(c) Developing various branches of agricultural industry, such as gardening,
cattle-breeding, dairying, etc.
(d) Accelerating the transition from the old unproductive system of field
cultivation to the new productive one (under various climates), by a proper
distribution of the laboring population in various parts of the country.
(e) Developing collective homesteads in agriculture (in preference to indi-
vidual homesteads) as the most profitable system of saving labor and material,
with a view to passing on to Socialism.
Article 12. The apportionment of land among the laboring population is to
be carried on on the basis of each one's ability to till it and in accordance with
local conditions, so that the production and consumption standard may not
compel some peasants to work beyond their strength; that at the same time it
should give them sufficient means of subsistence.
Article 13. Personal labor is the general and fundamental source of, the
right to use the land for agricultural purposes. In addition, the organs of the
Soviet power, with a view to raising the agricultural standard (by organizing
model farms or experimental fields), are permitted to borrow from the surplus
land fund (formerly belonging to the Crown, monasteries, ministers, or land-
owners) certain plots and to work them by labor paid by the state. Such labor
Is sub.iect to the general rules of workmen's control.
Aeticle 14. All citizens engaged in agricultural work are to be insured at
the expense of the state against old age, sickness or injuries which incapacitate
them.
Article 15. All incapacitated agriculturalists and the members of their
families who are unable to work are to be cared for by the organs of the
Soviet power. , . , , . , . , „
Article 16. Every agricultural homestead is to be insured against fire,
epidemics among cattle, poor crops, dry weather, hail, etc., by means of mutual
Soviet insurance.
Article 17. Surplus profits, obtained on account of the natural fertility of
the land or on account of its location near markets, are to be turned over for
the benefit of social needs to the organs of the Soviet power. .
Article IS. The trade in agricultural machinery and in seeds is monopolized
by the organs of the Soviet power.
Article 19. The grain trade, internal as well as export, is to be a state
monopoly.
85723—19 76
1202 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Division II. — V7)o has the right to use the land.
Article 20. Plots of land may be used in the Russian Federated Soviet Re-
public for the following social and private needs :
A. Cultural and educational:
1. Tlie state, in the form of the organs of the Soviet power (Federal, re-
gional, provincial, county, and rural).
2. Social organization (under the control and by permission of the local
Soviets ) .
B. For Agricultural Purposes :
3. Agricultural communities.
4. Agricultural .associations.
.1. Village organizations.
6. Individuals and families.
0. For construction purposes :
7. By the organs of the Soviet power.
8. By social organizations, individuals, and families (if the construction is
not a means of obtaining profits).
9. By industrial, commercial, and transportation enterprises (by special per-
mission and under the control of the Soviet power).
D. For constructing waj's of communication :
10. By organs of the Soviet power (Federal, regional, provincial, county, and
rural, according to the importance of the ways of communication).
Division III. — The order in irhieh land is apportiotied.
Article 21. Land is given to those who wish to work it themselves for the
benefit of the community and not for personal advantage.
Akticle 22. The following is the order in which the land is given for personal
agricultural needs :
1. To locate agriculturists who have no land or a small amount of land, and
to local agricultural workers (formerly hired), on an equal basis.
2. Agricultural emigrants who have come to a given locality after the issu-
ance of the decree pf socialization of the land.
3. Xon-agricultural elements in the order of their registration at the land
departments of the local Soviets.
Note. — AVhen arranging the order of the apportionment of land, preference is
given to laboring agricultural associations over individual homesteads.
Auticle 23. For the purpose of gardening, fishing, cattle-breeding, or forestry,
land is given on the following basis :
(1) Land which cannot be tilled; (2) land which can be tilled, but which on
account of its location is preferably to be used for other agricultural purposes.
Article 24. In rural districts, land is used for construction purposes in ac-
cordance with the decision of the local Soviets and the population.
IiT cities, land may be obtained in the order in which applications are filed
with the respective local Soviets, if the construction planned does not threaten
to harm the neighboring buildings and if it answers all other requirements of
the building regulations.
Note. — For the purpose of erecting social buildings, land is given regardless
of the order in which applications are filed.
Division IV. — The Standard of Agricultural Production and Consumption.
Article 2o. The amount of land given to the individual homesteads for agri-
cultural purposes, with a view to obtaining means of subsistence, must not
exceed the standard of agricultural production and consumption as determined
on the basis indicated in the instruction given below.
IXSTEUCTION FOE DETEE5IIXIXG THE PeODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION St.\ND.\ED FOE TJSB
OF Land of Ageicdltdeal Value.
1. The whole of agricultural Russia is divided into as many climatic sec-
tions as there are field cultivation systems historically in existence at the given
agricultural period.
2. For every agricultural section a special production and consumption stand-
ard is set. Within the section the standard may be changed in accordance with
the climate and the natural fertility of the land, also in accordance with its
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1203
location (near a market or railway) and other conditions wbich are of great
local importance.
3. For an exact determinaton of tbe standard of each section, it is necessary
to take an all-Russian agricultural census in the near future.
Note. — After the socialization of the land has been accomplished, it i's neces-
sary to survey it immediately and to determine its topography.
4. The apportionment of land on the production and consumption basis among
the agricultural population is to be carried on gradually in various agricultural
sections, according to regulations stated herein.
Note. — Until the socialization of land is entirely accomplished, the relations
of agriculturists will be regulated by the land departments of the Soviets la
accordance with a special instruction.
5. For the determination of the production and consumption standard of a
given climatic section, it is necessary to take the standard (an average agricul-
tural homestead) of one of the counties of that section (or another agricultural
standard of equal size ) with a small population, and with such a proportion of
various agricultural advantages, as, in the opinion of the local inhabitants
(regional or provincial congress of the land departments of the Soviets) will
be recognized as the most normal, i. e., the most favorable for the type of field
cultivation which predominates in that climatic section.
6. For the determination of what an average agricultural homestead is. It is
necessary to take into consideration only those lands which were actually in the
possession of working peasants down to 1917, i. e., lands bought by peasant
organizations, associations, individuals, and entailed and rented lands.
7. Forest, sub-surface deposits, and waters are not to be considered in this
determination.
8. Private lands which were never used for agricultural purposes and wiiicli
were actually in the possession of the state^ private banks, monasteries, or
land owners, will not be taken Into consideration in this determination, as
they will costitute the surplus land fund which will serve to supply the landless
peasants and those who have less land than the peasants' production and con-
sumption standard calls for.
9. For determining the entire amount of land, which was in actual possession
of the working peasants down to the revolution of 1917, it is necessary to
determine its quantity according to its special character (field, pasture, meadow,
.drainage, gardens, orchards, estates).
10. This determination must be made in exact figures as well as in the pro-
portion of the entire quantity to eacli individual homestead, settlement, village,
county, province, or region, or the entire climatic section of the given system of
field cultivation.
11. When thus determining the entire quantity of land, it is necessary to
determine the quality of eacli acre of a typical field or meadow by ascertaining
the amount (in poods) of grain or hay yielded by an acre of land of the given
section for the past ten years.
12. Wlien determining the quantity and quality of land, it Is necessary to
determine at the same time the entire population of the given climatic section
engaged in agriculture, and also that part of the population which subsists at
the expense of agriculture.
13. The cen.sus of the inhabitants engaged in agricultural work is to be taken
by sex, age. and family for each homestead separately, and later the informa-
tion obtained is to be clas.silled by villages, counties, and provinces of the given
section.
14. When taking the census of the population it is necessary to determine the
number of workingmen and members dependent on them, and for that purpose
the entire population is divided into the following classes ac(;ording to ages :
Those unable to work.
Girls, to 12 years of age.
Boys, to 12 years of age.
Men, from 60 years of age.
AVomen, from 50 years of age.
Those incapacitated by physical or mental illness are recorded separately.
Those able to icork.
Men, from 18 to 60, 1.0 unit of working strength.
Women, from 18 to 50. 0.8 unit of working strength.
Boys, from 12 to 16, 0.5 unit of working strength.
1204 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Girls, from 12 to 16, 0.5 unit of worlving strengtli.
Boys, from 16 to 18, 0.75 unit of worliing strengtli.
Girls, from 16 to 18, 0.6 unit of working strength.
Note. — Tliese figures may be changed in accordance with climatic and custo-
mary conditions by decision of the appropriate organs of the Soviet power.
15. By dividing the number of acres by the number of working units, the
number of acres to each unit may be obtained.
16. The number of incapacitated members to each working unit may be
obtained by dividing the entire incapacitated element by the total of working
units.
17. It is also necessary to describe and figure out the number of work animals
and cattle that can be fed on one acre of land and with one working unit in a
county, it is necessary to ascertain the average acre in quality and fertility.
This average is the sum of crops from various soils divided by the number of
the soil categories (paragraph 9).
19. The average obtained as above is to serve as a basis for determining the
production and consumption standard by which all the homesteads will be equal-
ized from the surplus land fund.
Note. — In case the average, as indicated above, obtained after preliminary
calculations, proves insufficient for existence (see Division 1, Article 12), it
may be increased from the surplus land fund.
20. For determining the amount of land needed for additional distribution
among peasants, it is necessary to multiply the number of acres of land to each
working unit in a county by the sum of agricultural working units of the given
climatic section, and to subtract from the product the amount of land which
the working population have on hand.
21. Further, vipon ascertaining the number of acres of land (in figures and
percentage according to character) which the surplus land fund has, and com-
paring this figure with the quantity of land necessar.y for additional distribution
among peasants who have not sufficient land, the following is to be determined:
is it possible to confine the emigration within the boundaries of the given
climatic section? If so, it is necessary to determine the size of the surplus
land fund and its capacity. If it is not possible to confine 'it within the given
climatic section, ascertain how many families M'ill have to emigrate to another
section.
Note. — The main land departments of the Soviet power must be informed of
the quantity of surijlus land, as well as of a lack of the same ; and the location,
amount, and kind of unoccupied lands must be indicated.
22. When additional distribution takes place, it is necessary to know the
exact amount and quality of land which the peasants have, the number of cat-
tle, on hand, the number of members of the families, etc.
23. When additional distribution takes place in accordance with the produc-
tion and consumption standard, this standard must be raised in the following
cases :
(1) When the working strength of a family is overtaxed by the number of
incapacitated members ; (2) when the land which the family has on hand is not
sufficiently fertile; (3) in accordance with the quality of such land of the sur-
I)lus fund as is given to the peasant (the same applies to meadows).
25. ^^'hen an additional apportionment of land takes place and the given dis-
trict lacks certain advantages, the peasant gets a certain amount of land
possessing other advantages.
Division V. Standard for the Utilisation of Land for Construction, Agricnltural,
and Educational Purposes, etc.
Article 26. When land is apportioned for educational and industrial purposes
and also for the erection of dwellings, for cattle breeding, and other agricul-
tural needs (with the exception of field cultivation), the quantity of land to be
apportioned shall be determined by the local Soviets in accordance with the
needs of the individuals or organizations which ask permission to use the land.
Division VI.
Article 27. In case the surplus land fund in the given section proves to be
insufficient for additional distribution among peasants, the surplus of the popu-
lation may be transferred to another section where there is sufficient surplus
land.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1205
Article 28. Transfer from one section to another is to take place only after
the peasants of the latter section are all distributed.
Article 29. The emigration from one section to another, as well as the dis-
tribution of the inhabitants within the section, must be carried on as follows :
at first those who are furthest away from the surplus land fund are to emigrate,
so that :
(a) the land of the surplus fund is used first of all by the peasants of that
village or hamlet in the vicinity of which the sulprus land fund lies.
Note. — If there are several such villages, preference is given to those that
tilled the land before.
(b) the second place is given to the peasants of the Volost within the
boundaries of which the surplus land lies.
(c) the third place is given to the peasants of the county within the
boundaries of which the surplus lands lie.
(d) finally, if the given system of field cultivation covers several provinces,
the peasants of the provinces within the boundaries of which the surplus land
lies receive additional land.
Aeticle 30. The emigration accordingly runs in the following order: (a)
volunteers are the first to emigrate; (b) second, those organizations which
suffer most from lack of land, (c) agricultural associations, communities,
large families, and small families which have small amounts of land.
Aeticle 31. The apportionment of land among agriculturists who have to
emigrate is to be carried on as follows : in the first place, small families suf-
fering from lack of land : second, large families suffering from lack of land ;
third, families suffering from lack of land ; fourth, agricultural associations,
and, finally communities.
Akticle 32. The transfer of peasants from one section to another is to be
done with consideration, so that the new places shall give the peasant a chance
to cultivate land successfully and the climatic conditions shall be analogous to
those of his previous domicile. In that case it is necessary to take into consid-
eration the customs and nationality of the emigrants.
Article 33. The cost of transferring peasants to new jilaces is to be provided
by the state.
Article 34. In connection with the transfer, the state is to help the peasants
in the building of homes, roads, drains, and wells, in obtaining agricultural
machinery and artificial fertilizers, by creating artificial water systems (when
necessary ) and by erecting educational centres.
Note. — For the purpose of expediting the establishment of agricultural work
on a socialistic basis, the state offers to extend to the emigrants every aid
necessary for a systematic and scientific management of collective homesteads.
Division VII. Form of Utilisation of Land.
Article 35. The Russian Federated Soviet Bepublic, for the purpose of at-
taining Socialism, offers to extend aid (cultural and material) to the general
tilling of land, giving preference to the communistic and cooperative home-
steads over individual ones.
Article 36. Lands of cooperative and individual homesteads must, if pos-
sible, be in the same location.
Division VIII. Ohtainlng Rights to the Use of Land.
Article 37. Land may be obtained :
(a) For educational purposes.
1. Social usefulness.
(b) For agricultural purposes :
1. Personal labor.
(c) For building purposes.
1. Social buildings.
2. Dwellings.
3. The necessity of conducting a working liomestead.
(d) For the purpose of constructing ways of communication.
1. Public necessity.
Division IX. The Order in Which the Right to Use the Land May be Obtained.
Article 38. An application must be filed with the land department of the
Soviet power in whose jurisdiction the desired land lies.
1206 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Article 39. The apvilication shows the ordei- in which the permission to use
the land is granted. The iierniission is granted on the hasis of the general provi-
sions of thi.s decree.
Note. — The application should contain the following information, in addition
to the full name and address of the person who desires to use the land : former
occupation, the purpose for which land is desired, the inventory on hand, the
location of the desired plot and its size.
Note. — If the land department of the Volostnoi Soviet refuses to grant the
permission to use land, the question may be brought (within one week) to the
notice of the department of the county Soviet; if the county Soviet refuses, it
may be presented to the land department of the provincial Soviet within two
weeks.
Note. — The right to use land (sub-surface deposits, waters, forests, and
fundamental natural resources) cannot be obtained under any circumstances
through purchase, rental, inheritance, or any other private transaction.
Division X.
x\kti(i,e 40. The riglit to use the land becomes effective in the following
order.
Article 41. The right to use land for con.struction purposes Ijecomes effective
upon actual occupation of the plot or upon preparations for its occupation
but not later than three months after the receipt of permission from the local
Soviet.
Note. — By actual preparations is meant the delivery of building materials to
the place of destination or the closing of a contract with workers.
Abticle 42. The right to use lands for agricultural purposes (on the basis of
personal labor) becomes effective upon beginning the work at the opening of
the next agricultural season.
Article 43. The right to use the land for field cultivation becomes effective
upon the actual beginning of field work (without hired help) at the opening of
the agricultural season next after the receipt of a pfirmit from the local Soviet.
Note. — Buildings may lie erected on plots of land that may be tilled only by
special permission of the land department of the Soviet Government.
Article 44. In case of actual inability to use the plot in the period of time
allowed by the land department, the latter may extend this period if there is
•valid cause, i. e., the illness of the -s^-orking hands, trouble brought about by
epidemics, etc.
Division XL Transfer of Riglit to Use Oiven Plots of Land.
Article 4.5. The right to use the land is not transferable.
Article 46. The right to use land may be obtained by anyone on the basis of
this decree, and it cannot be transferred from one person to another.
Division XII. Temporary CanceUatio)} of the Right to Use the Land.
Article 47. Any land-borrower's right to use the plot of land may be stopped
for a certain length of time, without cancelling it entirely.
Article 4.S. Any land-borrower may cease utilizing the land at a certain time
and still have the right to (a) if natural calamities (floods, etc.) deprive him
of the possibility; (b) if the agriculturist is temporarily ill: (c) if the agricul-
turist is called to do some government duty ; or for other cause valid from the
social poipt of view. He may hold it until such time as conditions are favor-
able for the utilization of his plot.
Note. — The period of such temporary cessation is to be determined in each
•case by the land department of the local Soviet.
Article 49. Upon every temporary cessation of the use of the land (as indi-
cated in Article 4S), the local Soviet either organizes community help to the
agriculturist or calls upon the workers, paid by the state and subject to the
general regulations of workers' control, to do the work of the afflicted agricul-
turist (temporary incapacity, death, etc.) so as to save his property and pro-
ceed with production.
Division XIII. Ce.tsation of the Riglit to Use the Land.
Article .50. The right to use the land may cease for an entire agricultural
unit, or for individual members of the same.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1207
Article 51. The right of the siven individual to use the land may cease for
the whole plot or for a part of it.
Akticle 52. The right is cancelled (a) if the organization, or the purpose for
which it had taken land, is declared void; (b) if units, associations, communi-
ties, etc., disintegrate; (c) if the Individual finds it impossible to cultivate the
field or do other agricultural work, and If at the same time the individual has
other means of subsistence (for instance, a pension paid to the incapacitated) ;
(d) upon the death of the individual, or when his civil rights are cancelled by
the court.
Akticle :a The right to use a plot of land ceases:
(a) in case of a formal refusal to use the plot;
(b) in case of obvious unwillingness to use the plot, althougli no formal re-
fusal has been filled ;
(e) in case the land is used for illegal purposes (e. g., throwing garbage) ;
(d) in case the land is exploited by illegal means (e. g., hiring land se-
cretly) ;
(e) in case the use of the land by a given individual bring injury to his
neighbor (e. g., manufacture of chemicals).
Note. — The land-bori'ower, upon cessation of his right to the use of the land,
has the right to demand from the respective land departments of the Soviets a
fee for the unused improvements and labor invested in the land, if the given
plot did not bring him sufficient profit.
Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee: Sverdlolf.
llembers of the Executive Body: Spiridonova, ilourqnoff, Zinoveiff, Oustinoff,
Kamkoflf, Lander. Skouloff, Colodarsky, Peterson, Natanson-Bobroff.
Secretaries of the Central Executive Committees: Avanessolf, Smoliansky.
Chairman of the Soviet of People's Commissaries: V. Oulianoff (Lenin).
People's Commissar of Agriculture : A. KoleguelT.
Exhibit 31.
decree on harvestixo axd reqi'isitioxixg detachmexts.
1. It is entrusted to all Provincial and district Soviets of Workmen's and
Peasants' Deputies, to all village Committees of Poverty, to all trade organs
•of tile People's Commissariates of Food Supply and Agriculture immediately
to set about to organize harvesting and requisitioning detachments ; to use for
the purpose of harvesting the new crops detachments of workmen and peasants
of the provinces suffering from famine, who have been sent to retiuisitioii grain
and to proceed immediately to organize for these purposes new detachments
from local peasants and workmen.
2. The duties of these detachments shall be: (3) harvesting the crops on the
fields of former landlord estates, (2) harvesting the crops in localities near the
zone of fighting, (3) harvesting the crops on the fields of' well-known 'peasant
speculators and rich peasants, (4) assisting in the timely harvesting of all
grain in general and the storing of all surplus grain in the state store houses.
3. All grain collected by the harvesting and requisitioning detachments is to
be distributed as follows : first, is divided out the amount absolutely necessary
to satisfy the needs of the poorest elements of the local village population ; this
portion of grain is not to be exported but remains on tlie spot ; all the re-
maining grain is to be turned over immediately and unconditionally to the col-
lecting points ; the distribution of this grain is controlled by the provincial
Food Supply Committee under the direction of the People's Commissariat of
Food Supply.
4. If the members of the harvesting and requisitioning detachment are not
paid on the basis of former decrees, as for example the decree on the preserving
for volunteer workmen sent to the front or to food supply detachments, all their
places in the factories and of their average earnings (collection of laws 630),
they are rewarded first by food supplies, second by payments in money fixed
according to local conditions and third by special premiums for the successful
and rapid completion of harvesting and collecting. The amount of wages and
premiums is fixed by the provincial Food Supply Committees under instructions
of People's Commissariat of Food Supply.
Signed: President of Council of People's Commissaries, V. Ulianov (Lenin).
Executive Secretary of the Council, V. L. Bonch-Bruevifch.
1208
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Exhibit 32.
decree ox .sequesteatiox of all ^•acant premises suitable fob dwelling
purposes.
1. The municipal self-soverninents are entitled to sequestrate all vacant prem-
ises suitable for dwelling purposes.
2. The municipal self-Governments are entitled to settle in the vacant dwell-
ing premises on the basis of the rules and standards approved by them such
citizens who are in need of dwelling places or who inhabit overcrowded or in-
sanitary lodgings.
3. The municipal self governments are entitled to form a Dwelling Inspection
and to establish its sphere of activity and organization.
4. The municipal self-governments are entitled to publish obligatory regula-
tions for the formation of house conmiittees, establishing their organizations,
sphere of activity and according to them' the rights of a .iuridifal body.
.5. The municipal self-governments may institute dwelling tribunals and estab-
lish their sphere of action, organization and rights.
6. The present regulations shall be pronnilgated by telegraph.
People's Commissary for the Interior A. I. Kykoff.
Petrograd, October 28th, ]ni7.
Exhibit 33.
oi;m.\a>-(e of the cojimiss.muat of agriculture.
Regarding the organization of the Central Geodetical Technical Department.
II. The Department consists of the following primordial office personnel :
Denomination ofduties.
Total ot
offices .
Salary per year to
each office holder.
1
1
12,000 Rubels.
10,000 "
5
3
5
8,000 "
7,000 "
to 6,000 "
5
5
4
" 6,000 "
" 4,000 "
" 5,000 "
2
" 3,000 "
Department Manager
Assistant Department Manager
Department Inspector
Instructor
Secretary
Assistant Secretary
Office Servant
Copyist
Messenger
Remark 2. — The Department employes as also persons who are temporarily
engaged for work are paid all their actual traveling and provisioning expenses.
X. The foregoing ordinance takes effect with .Tauuary 1st, 1918.
Xational Commissary of Agriculture, L. Kolega.iev.
Secretary of the Collegium for Agriculture, B. Levin.
Published in the 22n(l Issue of the Journal of the Temporary Workmen and
Peasant Government, of January 80th, 1918.
Exhibit 34.
ordinance on supply of agricultural implements.
To fartory and mill committees and representatives of nuinufacturing enter-
The Supreme Board of Xational Economy has now undertaken the organiza-
tion of the entire business of supplying the agricultural population with agri-
cultural machinery and implements. In order that all this work may be car-
ried out successfully, it is necessary that the Supreme Board of National
Economy should have at its disposal exact information about all those estab-
lishments which at this moment have already changed or are ready to change
to the production of agricultural machinery. Only with all this information
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1209
at hand will it be possible to organize systematically this branch of national
economy, which is most important for the Russian Republic, and to avoid in
the future those ills which may be caused by an unorganized change from war
production to piece work. Moreover, all the information is necessary for the
apportionment of orders for agricultural machines and implements, which the
Supreme Board of National Economy will soon place.
In view of what has been said, we urgently request all factory and mill
committees and manufacturers, or their organizations, to furnish in writing
the most complete information about their establishments which have to do
■with, the manufacture of agricultural machinery, indicating the number of
workmen, the machine equipment, and the possible minimum production per
month, together with a statement of the machines and implements (type and
patent), necessary in rural economy, for which they can take orders.
In view of the exceptional importance of the matter of supplying our rural
economy, we respectfully request the provincial papers to reprint this appeal.
(Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 35.
deckee on grain control.
The disastrous undermining of the country's food supply, the serious heritage
of the four years' war, continues to extend more and more, and to be more and
more acute. AVhile the consuming provincial Governments are starving, in
the producing Governments there are at the present moment, as before, large
reserves of grain of the harvests of 1916 and 1917 not yet even threshed.
This grain is in the hands of tight-fisted village dealers and profiteers, of the
village bourgeoisie. Well fed and well provided for, having accumulated
enormous sums of money obtained during the years of war, the village bour-
geoisie remains stubbornly deaf and indifferent to the wailings of starving
workmen and peasant poverty, and does not bring the grain to the collecting
points. The grairj Is held with the hope of compelling the Government to raise
repeatedly the prices of grain, at the same time that the holders sell their
grain at home at fabulous prices to grain speculators.
An end must be put to this obstinacy of the greedy village grain-profiteers.
The food experience of former years showed that the breaking of fixed prices
and the denial of grain monopoly, while lessening the possibility of feasting
for our group of capitalists, would make bread completely inaccessible to our
many millions of workmen and would subject them to inevitable death from
starvation.
The answer to the violence of grain-owners towards the starving poor must
be violence towards the bourgeoisie.
Not a pood [40 lbs. Russian] should remain in the hands of those holding
the grain, except the quantity needed for sowing the fields and provisioning
their families until the new harvest.
This policy must be put into force at once, especially since the German occu-
pation of the Ukraine compels us to get along with grain resources which will
hardly suffice for sowing and curtailed use.
Having considered the situation thus created, and taking into account that
only with the most rigid calculation and equal distribution of all grain re-
serves can Russia pass through the food crisis, the Central Executive Com-
mittee of all Russia has decreed :
1. Confirming the fixity of the grain monopoly and fixed prices, and also the
necessity of a merciless struggle with grain speculators, to compel each grain
owner to declare the surplus above what is needed to sow the fields and for
personal use, according to established normal quantities, until the new harvest,
and to surrender the same within a week after the publication of this decision
in each village. The order of these declarations is to be determined by the
People's Food Commissioner through the local food organizations.
2. To call upon workmen and poor peasants to unite at once for a merciless
struggle with grain-hoarders.
3. To declare all those who have a surplus of grain and who do not bring
it to the collecting points, and likewise those who waste grain reserves on
illicit distillation of alcohol and do not bring them to the collecting points,
enemies of the people; to turn them over to the Revolutionary Tribunal, Im-
:i210 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
prison them for not less than ten years, confiscate their entire property, and
drive them out forever from the communes ; while the distillers are, besides,
to be condemned to compulsory communal work.
In case an excess of grain which was not declared for surrender, in com-
pliance with Article 1, is found in the possession of anyone, the grain is to be
taken away from him without pay, while the sum, according to fixed prices,
due for the undeclared surpluses is to be paid, one-half to the person who points
out the concealed surpluses, after they have been placed at the collecting
points, and the other half to the village commune. Declarations concerning
the concealed surpluses are made by the local food organizations.
Further, taking into consideration that the struggle with the food crisis de-
mands the application of quick and decisive measures, that the mdre fruitful
realization of these measures demauds in its turn the centralization of all
orders dealing with the food question in one organization, and that this organi-
zation appears to be the People's Food Commissioner, the Central Executive
Committee of all Russia hereby orders, for the more successful struggle with
the food crisis, that the People's Food Commissioner be given the following
"powers :
1. To publish obligatory regulations regarding the food situation, exceeding
the usual limits of the People's Food Commissioner's competence.
2. To abrogate the orders of local food bodies and other organization con-
travening the plans and actions of the People's Commissioner.
3. To demand from institutions and organizations of all departments tlie
carrying out of the regulations of the People's Food Commissioner in connec-
tion with the food situation without evasions and at once.
4. To use the armed forces in case resistance is shown to the removal of food
grains or other food products.
5. To dissolve or reorganize the food agencies in places where they might
Te.sist the orders of the People's Commissioner.
6. To discharge, transfer, turn over to the Revolutionary Tribunal, or sub-
ject to arrest officials and employees of all departments and public organiza-
tions in case of interference with the orders of the People's Commissioner.
7. To transfer the present powers, in addition to the right to subject to
arrest, above, to other persons and Institutions in various places, with the
approval of the Council of the People's Commissioners.
8. All understandings of the People's Commissioner, related in character to
the Department of Ways of Communication and the Supreme Council of Na-
tional Economy, are to be carried through upon consultation with the corre-
sponding departments.
9. The regulations and orders of the People's Commissioner, issued in accord-
ance with the present powers, are verified by his college, which has the right,
without suspending their operation, of referring them to the Council of Public
Commissioners.
10. The present decree becomes effective from the date of its signature and
is to be put into operation by telegraph.
Published Mav 14. 1918.
(Nation. Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 36.
■oedinanoe of the coilmissaeiat of comjreece an'd ixiu'stey kegardixc7 the
measukes of the lilpoet and expoet of goods.
About the measures of Import and Export of goods.
The Soviet of National Commissaries decrees :
(1) Until the final Organization of the Sub-Department of International
and Economic Policy at the Supreme Soviet of National Economics, the permits
for the export and import of goods, from the territory, respectively in the
territory of Russia, are exclusively given under the authority of the Depart-
ment of Foreign Conunerce of the Commissariat of Commerce and Industry.
The Export and Import of goods without such permits is regarded as con-
traband and will )ie punished with all severity according to the laws of the
Republic.
(2) Order is given herewith to all custom's officials and Institutions on all
frontiers under penalty of capital punishment not to allow the Export over
the frontier, or, the import from the other side, of goods without the presenta-
tion of such permits.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1211
TQio^ ^^6 foregoing decree will become effective with the 1st of January,
iQi-'vf"^ f^ll permits for the export and import, released after December 31st
191/ by any other Institution than the Department of Foreign Commerce of the
(Commissariat of Commerce and Industry, mentioned above under paragraph
•one, will be regarded as null and void.
(4) The foregoing ordinance is made effective telegraphically.
Chairman of the Soviets of Xntional Commissaries: UlyanofC (Lenin).
National Commissaries: Steinberg, Stalin, Shlvepnilioft', (Podvoyski) Obo-
3ensk.
Commissary of Military Affairs : Podvoyski.
Temporary Administrator: VI. Bonch-Bruavich.
Soviet Secretary : Gorbunoft'.
December 29th, 1917.
(Published in the 1st issue of the Journal of the Temporary Workers and
Peasant 'Government, of January 3rd 1918.)
Exhibit 37.
deckee oix the nationalization of eokeign tbade.
I. All foreign trade is nationalized. Trade arrangements on the buying and
■selling of every kind of produce (of the mining and cultivating Industry, agri-
■culture, etc.) with foreign states and individual trade enterprises, abroad, will
be made in the name of the Russian Republic by organs specially authorized
for that purpose ; other than through these organs, all trade arrangements with
foreign countries for Import and export are prohibited. Note : Rules for im-
port and export of postal packets and passengers effects will be issued sepa-
Tately.
II. The organ administering the foreign trade avIU be the Peoples Com-
inlssariat of Trade and Industry.
III. For the organization of import and export there is instituted in the
Peoples Commissariat for Trade and Industry, a Soviet of Foreign Trade. The
Soviet is composed of representatives of the following administrations, institu-
tions and organizations; (a) Military, Naval, Agriculture, Supply, Roads of
Communications. Foreign Affairs and Finances, Administrations; (b) repre-
sentatives of the Central Organs of regulating and managing separate brands
of production, such as Centro-tea, Centro-sugar, Centro-textile, etc. and rep-
resentatives of all sections of the Supreme soviet of Peoples' Economy; (c) Cen-
tral organizations of cooperatives; (d) Central representations of Trade-In-
dustrial and Agricultural organizations; (e) Central organs of Professional
Unions and Trade-Industrial Employees; (f) Central Organs of Trade-Bner-
prises for Importation and Exportation of principal products. Note : The right
is reserved to the People's Commissariat of Labor and Industry to bring rep-
xesentafives not named herein into the personnel of the Soviet of Foreign Trade.
IV. The Soviet of Foreign Trade conducts a plan of exchange of wares with
foreign lands, worked out by the People's Commissariat for Trade and In-
dustry, and afhrmed by the Soviet for People's Economy.
Among the problems of the Soviet of Foreign Trade are: (1) Balancing of
the supply and demand of exported and imported products: (2) Organization
'Of storage and purchase, through the proper centers of separate Industries
'(supre-sugar, supreoil, etc.) and in their absence, through the medium of co-
opei-ative, private agencies and Trade firms; (3) Organization of purchases
abroad ; through State Purchasing Commission and Agents, cooperative organi-
•zations and trade firms: (4) Fixing of prices on imported and exported wares.
V. (1) The Soviet for Foreign Trade is divided into sections, according to
branches of production and of the most important exported and imported wares,
and the Presidents of these sections are the representatives of the People's Com-
inissariat for Trade and Industry.
(2) The President of the General Assembly of members of the Soviet of
TToreign Trade and its Presidium, elected by the General Assembly, is the
Tepresentative of the People's Commissariat of Trade and Industry. Note:
The internal organization of the Soviet for Foreign Trade, number of sections
their problems, rights and sphere of activities, will be worked out separately.
(3) All decisions of the sections are submitted to the Presidium for the ap-
proval of the People's Commissariat for Trade and Industry.
1212 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
VI. This decree is in effect from the date of its publication.
President of the Soviet of Peoples Commissaries. V. C. Uliyanov (Lenin).
Bronskiy, Stalin, Tchicherin.
Manager of Aifairs of the Soviet of Peoples Commissaries.
BoNCH Bkuevich
Secketaby N. Gokbdnov
Moscow, April 22, 1918.
Exhibit 3S.
decree on local sections of people's commissaeiat of teade and industbt.
1. In order to coordinate local efforts in organizing and regulating trade and
industrial activities of the districts in conformity with general and local in-
terests, for executive functions and functions of control under general direc-
tions from the center, there are organized for Provincial (or Regional) Soviets
of Workmen's and Peasants' Deputies Provincial (or Regional) Sections of
the People's Commissariat of Trade and Industry.
2. The Provincial (or Regional) Sections of the People's Commissariat of
Trade and Industry are guided in their activities by instructions from the
People's Commissariat of Trade and Industry.
3. For the Provincial (or Regional) Section of the People's Commissariat of
Trade and Industry is organized a Soviet, of two representatives each, from
the following organizations: from the Provincial (or Regional) Soviet of
Workmen's and Peasants' Deputies, from the Trade Union of Employees of
Trade and Industry, from the Union of Cooperative Organizations, from the
local food supply organ, and one each from the Provincial (or Regional) Soviet
of National Economy and from the Association of Industrial Enterprises. The
President of the Soviet is the Director of the Provincial (or Regional) Section
of the People's Commissariat of Trade and Industry, elected by the Provincial
(or Regional) Soviet and confirmed by the People's Commissariat of Trade and
Industry.
4. The main tasks of the Local Section of the People's Commissariat of
Trade and Industry, within its district :
(a) Carry out measures adopted by the People's Commissariat of Trade and
Industry, within its district :
(b) Control trade and industrial enterprises of the district according to gen-
eral instructions from the center :
(c) Coordinate and direct the trade and industrial activity of all local or-
ganizations, and of all technical apparatus of trade control of a given locality,
and regulate their •interrelationship.
(d) Prepare and elaborate detailed instructions for their own executive
organs.
(e) Study the conditions of the markets of the district and the conditions of
trade, collect and work up statistical information on the conditions of the
market.
> (f) Make special investigations and inquiries in special fields of trade and
industry, and carry out any special instructions from the People's Commissariat
of Trade and Industry.
5. The Provincial (or Regional) Section for the People's Commissariat of
Trade and Industry presents to the People's Commissariat of Trade and In-
dustry monthly reports on its activity.
6. The acts and orders of the Provincial (or Regional) Section of the People's
Commissariat of Trade and Industry may be suspended by the People's Com-
missariat of Trade and Industry.
7. Urban and District Trade Inspectors are established as the executive
organ and technical apparatus of the Provincial (or Regional) Sections of the
People's Commissariat of Trade and Industry. The right to issue general in-
structions to the local organizations of the People's Commissariat of Trade and
Industry, and the organizing of the Trade Inspectors is reserved to the People's
Commissariat of Trade and Industry.
Signed: President of the Council of People's Coinmlssnriat — V. Ulianov
(Lenin)
Executive Secretary of Council of People's Commissariat — V. Boncn-
Bruevitch
(Collection of Laws and Orders)
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAKDA. 1213
Exhibit 39.
kegoi^tjtions adopted at the fiest all-eussian congeess of the councils of
national economy on the 26th of mat 1018.
I. The economic consequences of the Brest-Litovslc peace.
1. The Brest-Litovsk peace, by tearing away from Russia tlie industrial dis-
tricts Of Poland, the Baltic provinces, the Donetz basin and the most fertile
regions of Ukraine, has decreased the productive forces of Russia's economic
life and has made very difficult the work of healing the wounds inflicted by
the war, which work can be carried on systematically and in harmony with
the interests of the masses of the people only on the basis of a Socialistic
organization of production.
Having imposed on Russia a burden of financial obligations amounting to
many billions, the Brest-Lltovsk peace is making of Russia at the time of her
difficult economic crisis, a tributary to foreign capital, at least temporarily.
2. The Brest-Litovsk treaty with its economic consequences does not corre-
spond to the economic interests of the masses of the people of Russia nor to the
interests of the masses of the people in the occupied territories, The industry
of Poland and of the Baltic provinces and the industry of the Donetz basin
is bound by strong ties to the economic life of Russia and is not in a position
to compete with the technically more developed German industry on the Ger-
man and Austrian market. Separated from Russia by tarifE boundaries the
industry and the commerce of the Baltic provinces Is doomed to a slow extinc-
tion. The Donetz basin and the industry of Ukraine, already in view of their
geographical position, are dependent on the Rus.sian North. The TJkriiinian
bread stufEs, at present so much desired by Germany and Austria, will be ex-
cluded from those countries after the war by a wall of custom duties, levied
in the interests of the Hungarian and Prussian land owners. All this will
call into life, in the districts torn away from Russia, a tendency toward a
close economic union with the Russian economic organism.
Territories until present time kept by coercion within the boundaries of
the Russian Empire will seek economic relations with Russia on the basis
of common interests.
3. Thus we shall have to contend with the severe economic consequences of
the Brest-Litovsk peace in the first place during the transition period, while
the general international consequences of the Imperialistic war have not yet
found their expression, — ^while Russia, conquered in the imperalistic war, can
not yet get aid from the proletariat of the other countries and has just started
the work of reconstructing her shattered economic organism.
Compelled to fulfill the conditions of the Brest-Litovsk peace the Soviet
Russia has in her social legislation the best means whereby to paralyze the
pernicious consequences of the Brest-Litovsk peace. The development of the
productive forces of the Altai and Ural regions will give Russia iron and coal.
The nationalization of various branches of industry, sufficiently centralized by
the former processes of development, will increase the productivity of the
decreased number of our factories.
The nationalization of the foreign trade will offer a possibility of pro-
hibiting the import of socially nonessential commodites as it also will make
possible systematically to utilize the surplus of raw materials in order gradu-
ally to honor our obligations. By attracting foreign capital to be employed In
the development of the natural resources of Russia, and in the creation of new
' branches of industry under the strictest state control and with the direct co-
operation of the State, we shall be able not only to overcome the economic con-
sequences of the Brest-Litovsk treaty until the time comes when they will be
eliminated by the social development, but also, by strengthening of the pro-
ductive forces of Russia; we shall help to overcome the economic disorder, and
to strengthen the Soviet regime as a power aiming at the Socialistic reorgani-
zation of Russia.
//. The economic situation and the economic policy.
1. The overthrow of the rule of the bourgeois-agrarian class and the transition
of the power into the hands of the proletariat is the basis of our economic policy,
the aim of which at the present time is to strengthen the Socialistic social order
in Russia and to defend it in the struggle against the attacks of international
imperialism. The methods whereby the transformation of Russia into a
1214 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Socialistic society is being accomplished are determined by the bitter struggle-
which we are compelled to wage against the bourgeoisie in Russia and outside-
of Russia.
2. The conditions of the economic development of Russia are determined on
the one hand by the change of her boundaries due to the Brest-Litovsk peace-
treaty, on the other hand by the change in the character of her production.
3. The separation of Ukraine and of Poland is to be considered as the most
important consequence of the Brest treaty. It changes radically the develop-
ment of industry in the remaining regions of Russia. ' Owing to the above men-
tioned separation the Russian industry loses a considerable part of its fuel (up
to 70% of the entire coal production). As a result of this a shifting of
the main centers of our industry in the area of coal and ore production to Ural
and Siberia, and a stronger development of the productive forces in these dis-
ti'icts is Inevitable.
4. Owing to the fact that the production for necessities of war now can be
turned into production for the needs of the population of the country, the eco-
nomic situation, despite the terrible drain on our finances, the disorganizatiOD-
of transportation, the decline of the production, etc. will inevitably improve.
The presence of a decrease of production, i. e. the closing of factories and plants,
and the growth of unemployment is due mainly to the difficulties of transition-
from v.-ar to peace production, and from capitalism to the Socialist system.
Such a situation will be replaced by a growth of production as the new order
grows stronger. ,
.5. The present economic situation after seven months' rule of the Soviet power
necessitates a further application of economic measures, which have proved
useful during that time and which brought about the liquidation of the rule of
landed gentry in the villages and to the removal of the bourgeoisie from the
control of the economic life of the country.
0. In the domain of the organization of production the completion and appli-
cation of the nationalization of various enterprises (of which 304 have been-
nationalized and confiscated) is necessary, as well as a systematic nationahza-
tion of branches of industry, first of all the metal and machine, and the chem-
ical, oil. and textile industries. The nationalization must not proceed in a casual
manner, and may be carried out exclusively either by the All-Russian Council of
National Economy or by the Council of Peoples upon recommendation of the
All-Russian Council of National Economy.
7. The development of productive forces in the country demands the establish-
ment of standards of individual and factory production, and of a wage scale
corresponding to the standards of production ; tie introduction of the strictest
labor discipline, under the control of the workers organizations themselves ;
the gradual introduction of compulsory work, applied, to begin with, to people-
not engaged in any socially useful work ; the mobilization of all technical forces
of the country and of experts ; the organized redistribution of labor in accord-
ance with the replacements of centers of industry.
5. In the domain of organization of exchange and distribution of commodities
centralization and concentration of the trade apparatus into the hands of gov-
ernment organs and of the cooperative societies is necessary as well as a
gradual liquidation of the apparatus of private commerce. The system of mo-
nopoly on commodities of mass consumption makes necessary the establishment
of a direct commodity exchange between various territories ; and the fixing of
standard prices for all products and commodities of first necessity, as well as
co-ordination and gradual reduction of prices.
9. A problem of private necessity is the furnishing of the villages on a large-
scale with agricultural Implements and machinery, with manufacturer of prod- •
nets and with fertilizers ; the establishment on a large scale of • work of
amelioration and the institution of a regular exchange of commodities between
the city and the village.
10. In the domain of finances the completion of the nationalization of banks,
the increase of the number of branch banks, a gradual traBSition to obligatory
current accounts comprising the whole population, the largest possible develop-
ment of check circulation and money orders, and common standards of book-
keeping for all nationalized undertakings.
III. Prohlems of Foreign Trade.
1. The four years of Imperialistic war have exhausted the productive forces
of all countries. A famine in commodities resulting from decreased pro-
ductivity will characterize in the next years to come the national economy of all
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1215'
countries. The character of the foreign exchange of commodities is undergoing-
a change. Not competition for foreign markets but the securing for the na-
tional economic organizations of necessary products of foreign origin is tlie-
aim of the foreign trade policy of every country, altogether regardless of mili-
tary successes.
2 The aim of the trade policy of Russia before the war was, on the one-
hand, file facilitation of the export of agricultural products, simultaneously
making difficult the import of products of industry, for the sake of protection
of the " national " industry : under this system raw materials have been ex-
ported in unfinished form, in a manner most unsatisfactory for uh. The export
of grains has not as niucli been the result of the existence of a surplus of prod-
ucts of agriculture, as of the fiscal policy of the government. All our exports ^
in this way have been conditioned not by the abundance of our productive forces-
but by lack of such forces,— not by our richness but by our poverty.
3. The war and the revolution have greatly changed the position of Russia
on the international market. "While before the war our fiscal protectionistic-
tariff policy on the one hand opposed the influx of products of industry, and on
the other hand endeavored to increase the export of grains and raw materials,
now the substance of our foreign trade policy will be just the opposite— the
increase of the importation of the means of production and the decrease of the-
export of raw materials and food products.
i. Our immediate aim in the domain of commodity exchange is the securing-
of the means of production for the most important liranches of the industries
procuring raw materials and manufactured products, as also for the agricul-
ture. In the first instance it is necessary to secure such commodities for the
railway transportation and for the agriculture, the textile industry, tlie leather
and timber industries. So far as possible a reduction of Imports of commodities
of mass consumption as for instance ready-made foot wear, and a complete
stoppage of import of articles of luxury, must be attained. As a temporary
exception the import of food stuffs (sugar, fish, grain) should be permitted.
5. The fundamental principle of our export is the exchan.ge" of commodities.
The products sold abroail are valued in foreign rate of exchange with the
obligation of delivery in their own tonnage products of industry of the selling
country. Our export plan for the coming year contemplates the export of the
following staple products: lumber, flax, flour, hemp, bristle, machine oil, raw
hides, furs, tobacco, and metals. One of the forms of payment for the imported
machinery may. become industrial and commercial concessions in territories
heretofore not touched by the Russian productive forces, on the condition of^
an obligatory partnership of the government in the output ; whereliy special
social and trade legislation is to be enacted to govern the rights and duties
of holders of concessions.
6. The changed conditions of our internal state of affairs necessitate a
change of the organization of the foreign trade. As import of commodities
necessitates export, it is necessary, for the sake of an economical utilization
of our national resources, consciously to regulate the import as well as the
export of commodities. The existing methods of this regulation, as the tariffs
policy and the license and embargo system, do not sufficiently fulfill this aim.
The license system leaves the initiative of exchange of commodities to private
commercial capital, which is guided not by the needs of the country Ijut by
motives of speculative character. It is necessary to regulate the foreign trade
from the standpoint of the interests of the whole national economic organiza-
tion in accordance Avith the the general plan of production and distribution.
7. The nationalization of the foreign trade means that the influx of com-
modities from abroad is to be regulated on the basis of definite needs of the
national economic organization, as determined by the organs which regulate-
the production and distribution and that the payment for the imported prod-
ucts is to be determined by the same responsible organs of production and dis-
tribution ; secondly, that the profits of the intermediary commercial capital
shall be decreased to minimum and limited to a fixed commission profit. The
State, functioning as the sole buyer in foreign countries and the sole seller of"
these goods, is able to return immediately the predatory commission profits
of the commercial capital of Russian or foreign origin to the domestic pro-
ducer and consumer.
8. In regard to occupied territories and the independent state formations,
■which formerly have been a part of the economic organism of Russia, our-
loreign trade policy is based on common economic interests. A tariff union.
1216 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
appears to be the pressing necessity of tlie interested parties. A rapid solu-
tion of this problem will render easier the transition to peace production in
Russia as well as in Poland, Ukraine and the Baltic provinces-
TJntil a final and formal solution of this problem has been reached by means
of definite commercial treaties, direct exchange of commodities with inde-
pendent states, which separated from Russia, as well as with the occupied
territories, is possible on the condition and under definite guarantees that such
exchange of commodities shall serve the needs of the population concerned only.
9. In order to attain without hindrance the nationalization of * * *
EXHIBII' 40.
TP.AXSI-ATION OF ARTICLE IN THE " COUEIER OF THE I'EOl'LES COMiriSSAMAT OF
TKAnE AND IXDUSTRY " AS TO COXCESSION'S.
.rune 20, 1D18.
On the question of Concessions.' For the interests of re-establishing of the
peoples economy of the Russian Republic, it becomes necessary to renew eco-
nomic trade relations with the Central Powers, and also to continue and de-
velop the relations with the former Allifs and neutral nations.
Without mentioning conditions, under which we could begin the realization
of corresponding measures, diplomatic conditions, so to speak, we will dwell on
certain material considerations of the question raised. One method for solving
this question is the utilization of foreign technical and organizing forces for
the development of the as yet undeveloped, productive resources of our still rich
and native land, and the exploitation of the same.
The general scheme of concessions could be presented in the following man-
ner :
The concessionaire would be obliged to perform, Mith his own material and
at his own expense, the necessary work for the development of the natural
liches of Russia, and adapting of them to exploitation. So, for example, Amer-
ica could be given the right to perform work on malcing the river Yenisey and
its tributaries available for navigation. With that there could also be given
to the Concessionaire the right to utilize the raw material located near the
section being developed ; of course it would be compulsory for the concessionaire
to submit to the laws existing now, and those th^t might be issued in the
future, in the domain of social, trade, and industrial legislation. For the pur-
pose of utilizing the scientific and technical ability of the foreigners, the conces-
sionaire could be bound to compose the superior and middle personnel, prefer-
ably of persons with a sufficient technical and scientific preparation, both
theoretic and practical. It is desirable also to utilize the organizing ability of
his compatriots. On the other hand, with the view of reducing the distress
from unemployment it would be possible to compel the concessionaire to hire
laborers, both skilled and unskilled, exclusively on an agreement with the proper
professional unions or other workers organizations. In connection with that, it
is desirable for the safeguarding of the interests of the workers, that a contract
worked out by the proper professional oi-ganizations, be concluded with the
workers.
If the liargain between the Republic and a foreign government ended there, it
would not be a concession, but merely a contract on an order of the Russian
Republic to a foreign government, for which the Republic would have to pay a
certain amount of money. The contract becomes a concession only when the
Russian Republic allows the concessionaire the possibility of exploiting the re-
sources of the Republic, which have been brought to a suitable condition. The
counter agent who, at his own expense, has deepened the Yenisey River, laid
its bank with concrete, built wharves, and so forth ; in other words, has brought
the river and its tributaries to a condition where it is available for exploitation
in the interests of navigation, could be given the concession on exploitation of
the river for a certain period. The concessionaire could be granted the right
to engage in transportation on the river and its tributaries ; of course for that
it would be necessary for him to invest a certain amount of capital, on which
he would receive profit. This right would be in itself a form of remuneration
of the development of productive forces.
This somewhat unusual form of concession presenting apparently two periods :
{first period, the execution of the order, and, second, the payment for it in the
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1217
form of concession), appears to be the most suitable to the Interests of the Rus-
sian Republic. At the first glance it may seem that the above described form in
no way differentiates from the usual form. There are, then, in the usual con-
cessions two periods ; the period of conducting the preparatory work, and the
period of utilizing the work already completed for the purpose of exploitation ;
and, therefore, the form described above seemingly in no way differentiates from
the usual.
As a matter of fact, the difference is in .just what forms the important period
of the concession. AVhile in the usual form of concession the principal role is
played by the second period, the utilization of work performed for the purpose
of exploitation, that is, the concession is considered, so to speak, from the point
of the profit to the conees.sinnaire. In the form of concession described above,
the principal role is played by the first period, the development of natural re-
sources, that is, the concession is considered from the point of view of its benefit
to the State. In the usual concession a capitalistic government, giving- the right
of exploitation to capitalists, acts itself in the Interest of its class ; or, as it is
said, " supports native or some other industry." A socialist government is least
of all interested in the development of an industry in the sense of bringing
profits to capitalists, but the development of productive forces in a socialistic
government is important in the interests of the proletariat. And only because
Russia is poor in her own organizing forces, which could be adapted to the busi-
ness of utilizing the unlimited riches of the republic, do we have to turn for aid
to countries technically better prepared and located lieyond her borders.
That is the reason why it becomes necessary to lengthen and broaden the
first period of the concession, the development of the productive forces of the
land. The more, complete and unbounded this work, the further off will be the
advent of the second period, when the concession must be realized in the narrow
sense of that word ; that is, the reaping of the fruits of labor in large profits on
the expended capital.
The second period of the concession, the period of the concession in the nar-
row sense of the, word : that iSj- the exploitation of the prepared enterprise
requires great caution on the part of the State. For formulating the contract,
the following conditions must be taken into consideration : the obligation of the
■concessionaire to the rules of social and trade enterprise legislation, participa-
tion of the Republic in all profit exceeding a certain percentage, allotment to the
Republic of a certain amount of the products of the execution of the work, pro-
Mbition of the overstepping of the concession without special permission from
the government in each particular case, the right of repurchasing the enter-
prise before the expiration of the date of concession, etc. Of course the condi-
tions outlined here in general, require careful working out of details and con-
formation with existing laws, particularly with the possible law on the limita-
tions of profits. All details and all minutia, guaranteeing the interests of the
State, must be anticipated. Without dwelling at any length on these details, it
is necessary nevertheless to point out one circumstance which has an important
meaning in the realization of the above mentioned aims. That is the condition
on the right of the State to repurchase the enterprise before date of completion
■of contract.
It has already been noted above that the State is interested in the realization
of the first period of the contract, the period of the development of productive
forces, and only reconciling itself with the inevitable, with the realization of
the concession itself, the second period of the contract. But even that obliga-
tion of the State can be annulled or softened to a certain extent by the right
of the State to a before-term repurchase of the enterprise. That right enables
the State, at any moment when it feels able to conduct itself, the complex
■economy, without the aid of private capital, when the economic life of the
country is reestablished, and when the automatic pressui-e of foreign private
capital on the economic life of the country is reduced.
Mention must also be made of the right of tlie State to give any concessions
to foreigners. The right of the State is indisputable. The State, through Its
government, is the proprietor of all natural resources of the country and has
the right to utilize any of them in the interests of the Republic, or on certain
conditions to allow them to be utilized by a third party. In this respect the
Tight of the Russian Republic is even broader than the rights of the bourgeois
governments, as at the time of the revolution the government nationalized many
l)ranches of industrial and trade activity. The nationalization of the com-
mercial fleet, for example, gives the State the privilege of allotting the right
85723—19 77
1218 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
of iiioiKiiiiily on tlie exiiloitatuin of iiKiritime resourcfs to whom it may see fit.
In connection witli tliat. the lesal forms of State ownei'ship must iie'particu-
Inrly ("irefnlly described In the contrai-t.
It is impossilile to foresee all the various forms of " compensation " which
may be demanded Ity our future concessionaires. It is quite i)ossible that these
demands may lie conti-ary to general policies of the Soviet authorities. Such
will be the case, in all probability, in demands of an agricultural nature and
others. The demands may be quite varied, and each individual c.-ise nnist be
decided acc<irding to the facts of the case. But, no matter what the solution
of st^pai-ate questions may be, in each iiarricular case, a firm, stal)le. economic
policy must be the foundation of the whole business in its entirety.
S. R. T.
Exhibit 41.
decr.ke (ix the hegul.vtiox of pkice.s.
1. .\lthouKh the sliojis in the large cities have not received any goods during
tlie last few months, and all the articles in them were purcha.sed earlier by
the proprietors at comparatively low prices, nevertheless at the present time
the pivijirii tors demand for these goods prices much higher than those which
prevailed four months ago. Accordingly an examination of all books of all
shops in all cities and settlements with a population of not less than 10,000 is
ordered.
2. In view of the obvious necessity of control over the fixing of prices, com-
mittees on prices are created for every class of commercial establishment fdry-
goods, halierdasliery, hardware, gi'oceries, etc.).
H. The determination of those bi-anches of commerce for each of which a
special conunittee on pi-ices is created is left to a commission of representatives
of the local Soviet of AVorknien's Dejiuties, the city council, and the union of
connnercial-indiistrial employees in ecpial numbers (three each from those
organizations).
4. The same commission determines which commercial establishments are
within the .iurisdlction of each committee on prices.
~>. f'ommittees on prices, in accordance with this ordinance, are to be created
without fail in every citv and settlement with a population not less than
10,000.
6. The members of the committee on prices comprise 2 representatives of the
respective section of commercial-industrial employees, 2 representatives of
consumers' leagues, 2 representatives of proprietors of the respective commer-
cial establishments, 1 statistician, and 1 book-keeper, chosen by the local
Soviet of Workmen's Deputies.
7. The committee on prices controls a given branch of commerce in its en-
tirety and directs it on the following principles :
(a) the verification of the disbursements of the commercial establishment for
the acquisition, keeping and organization of the sale of goods, and additional
expenses connected with the conduct of the business ;
(b) the determinatiiui, on this basis, of the normal average price of each
product for a given city;
((■) the fixing of an average anicmnt of profit;
(d) the apportionment of the profit among all the shops, with the right of
taking as a whole all disbursements and all incomes of all shops of a given
branch of commerce in a given city, but so calculated that all proprietors who
are personally engaged in their business, and their families, shall be secured
at least a suitable maintenance.
8. The conmiittee on prices controls the sources of supply of shops for articles
in which they deal, and takes measures for the uninterrupteil delivery to the
shops of those articles in proper quantities, and in extreme cases, at the expense
of the proprietors, making necessary expenditures and organizing the temporary
management of those shops whose proprietors cease trading or who maliciously
do not take proper measures for securing the supply of goods for the shop, or
who violate the rules of the committee.
9. For the unification of the supiily of goods to .shops, the committee on prices
assumes the duty of a purchasing centre which supplies all stores under its
control ; while the proprietors, for that purpose, place at its disposal all their
connections, knowledge, and technical and administrative apparatus, and supply
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1219
Tifi^n^V"'^^^^* ^^^^' oi''liiiai'iIy disburse for supplying tlieir shops with goods.
innLoci • " °'' 1^"'^'^^ ^'^'■^ "^^ ^'^S'^t to oi-i;auize purchasing centers, and may
nn fhl^' '" .*:«se of necessity, the representation of the proprietors of shops
10 T.V? """''*' *° ^°"'' inembers instead of two
nn^'oiT , <=o,'"!^'"ee on prices sees to it that the shops under its control carry
nlnl H. " ri": °^' fl^e authorities regarding the distribution of products
an ong the population whether by cards or on some other basis.
11. Ihe committee on prices of each city elects representatives to the all-
city committee on prices, which coordinates the activity of separate committees
under the direction of the central, regional, and local boards of national
economy, and in accordance with their regulations
12 For the expense connected with the business' of the committees on prices
and the maintenance of their personnel, a deduction from the profits of the com-
mercial establishments under their control is made in suitable proportions and
by their order.
13. Executive authority for carrying out this ordinance in each city, including
the formation of a commission provided for in (Clause .3, is given to local trade
unions of commercial-industrial employees, and, in case of the absence of such
to the local Soviet of Worlunen's Deputies; or, in the absence of such Soviet
to the city councH, or, in case of the absence of such citv council, to the local
consumers' leagues.
14. This ordinance sliall be put into effect not later than the month of
February. Persons guilty (if its violation are lialile to imprisonment for a
period not longer than one year, and to a fine at the discretion of the)
Revolutionary Tribunal.
January 30, 1918.
(The Xatlon, Feb. 22, 1919.)
Exhibit 42.
decree natiox.a.ozixg soap factories akd iloxopollzixc the sale of fats and
SOAP.
The government I'.as nationalized eight soap factories. Krlstovaikof of Kazan.
Sterianin-Nevsl'iy at Petrograd, the plants of .Toukof Saloline, the plants of
Brocar, Ralley and Sin. The sale of fats and of soap is monopolized.
Exhibit 43.
decree on the n.\ti0nai,rzat10n of the textile industry.
The following decree of the Soviet Government, dated .January 10, 1918, sets
forth the regulations for the Government control of the textile Industry.
1. On the strength of Clause 2 of the ordinance of the Supreme IBoard of
National Economy, Xo. 34. published In the " Gazette of the Provisional AYork-
men's and Peasants' Government" on December 16, 1917, all textile-weaving
products, such as cotton, wool, flax, hemp, and jute textures, as well as articles
made from them, are taken under control.
2. Factory and mill committees are authorized to see that no goods are taken
from factories or factory storehouses without permission of the Commissariat of
Supplies or of institutions or persons authorized by it.
3. All establishments which manufacture products enumerated In this order
are to submit to the Commissariat of Supplies, under the direction of factory
and mill committees, about the first of each month, a report of the quantity of
goods in the factory storehouses and the quantity of goods manufactured during
those periods.
4. In regard to the arrival of goods enumerated in Clause 1 from abroad, the
persons and institutions receiving them render accounts to the Commissariat of
Supplies. The customs offices through which those goods pass also report to the
Commissariat of Supplies.
5. The Commissariat of Supplies, utilizing the data thus obtained, apportions,
the goods on a national scale.
6. All persons, firms, cooperative societies and institutions which deal whole-
sale or retail, as well as the administration of credit institutions, pawn-shops.
1220 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
transport and express companies and proprietors of storehouses, together with
private persons who have ^oods in a quantity exceeding personal needs, are re-
quired to present within five days from the publication of this order a report
of all goods in their possession, measured by the yard, as well as tailored goods
and single articles, to the proper supplies organizations ; that is to say, in
cities, to the municipal organization, in villages to the village organization, etc.
The latter send the reports to the respective provincial, district, and town sup-
plies organizations for their guidance. "
7. The basis and manner of distribution, as well as the forms of control, are
worked out by the provincial suiiplles councils, but the same must be strictly
enforced so that persons who receive for a specified time or purpose cloth by the
yard shall not be able to get ready-made articles.
8. The prices of all goods are to be fixed — that is to say, the price is to be
listed, plus the charge for delivery and plus 10 per cent, for wholesale merchants
and i;.j per cent, for retail merchants. In case price-lists are lacking, the prices
are fixed by special commissions, consisting of .six -informed persons with the
active parti ciiaation of three representatives of the Soviets of Workmen's and
Soldiers' Deputies or of organizations which take their place.
9. In the case of persons and institutions who disobey this order, their goods
shall be requisitioned with a discount of 50 per cent, from the fixed prices, and
the discounted ."iO per cent, shall be deposited to the credit of the state.
10. Supervision over the execution of this order is entrusted to the department
of supplies of the Soviets of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, factory com-
mittees, and ether democratic organizations.
Exhibit 44.
deckee ox the woekmex's control of ixdusteies.
1. In the Interests of a well-planned regulation of 1;he national economy in all
industrial, commercial, banking, agricultural, forwarding, cooperative, and
productive associations and other enterprises working with hired workmen or
distributing work outside, a workmen's control is now being introduced over the
production, purchase, sale of products and raw materials, their storage, and
also over the financial side of the enterprise.
2. This ^^'orkmen's (,'ontrol is carried (jut by all the workmen of a given
enterprise by means of their elective organizations, namely : factory commit-,
tees, councils of elders, etc : these organizations are bound to include also
representatives of the employees and the technical personnel.
8. For every large town, province, or industrial region a local Council
(Soviet) of Workmen's Control will be formed, which being an organ of the
Soviet of Workmen Soldiers and feasant Delegates is composed of representa-
tives of Professional Unions, factory and other labor committees, and working
cooperatives.
4. Until a congress of Soviets of workmen's control will be conveneil an All-
Eussian S<iviet of Workmen's Control \\'i!l be formed in Petrogi'ad, which will in-
clude the representatives of the following organizations : the AU-Russian Central
Executive Committee of the Soviets of W. & S, Delecrates — 5 meniliers, the AU-
Russian Cent. Exec. Committee of Peasant Delegates — 5 members, the All-Russian
Soviet of Prof. Union'.: — .i members, the All-Russian Centre of the working coofj-
eration — 2 members, the All-Russian Bureau of Factory committees — o members,
the All-Russ. Union of Engineers and Technicians — .5 members, the AU-Russ.
Union of Agrononiist.s-^2 m., from each all-Russian Labor Union with at least
100,000 members — 1 m.. from the Unicjns whose number of members exceeds
100,00(T — 2 m., the Petrograd Soviet of Professional Unicms — 2 members.
5. To the higher organs of the AA'orkmen's Control there will be attached com-
missions of specialists — inspectors (technicians, accountants, and so on), who
shall be detailed, on the initiative of said organs, or on the demand of the
lower organs of the w.'s C. for the inspection of the financial and technical
sides of the enterprise.
6. The organs of the W.'s C. are entitled to supervise the production, to
establish the minimum prodtiction and to take measures for the elucidation of
the cost price of the products.
T. The organs of the AV.'s C. are entitled to control the entire correspondence
of an enterprise, and the owners of the latter shall Ije liable to be summoned
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1221
before the court of justice for concealing any correspondence. All commercial
secrecj' is abolished. The owners are bound to produce before the organs of the
W. s C. all their books and accounts both for the current year and for all the
past accountable years.
8. The decisions of the organs of the W.'s C. are obligatory for the owners
of enterprises and they may be revoked only by a resolution of the higher
organs of the W.'s G.
9. The owner of the administration of an enterprise is allowed to bring a
protest before the higher organs of the AA' .'s C. against any resolution passed by
the lower organs of the Control, within the cotirse of 3 days.
10. In all enterprises the owners and the representatives of the workmen
and employees, elected for the realization of the W.'s C. shall be responsible
before the State for the strictest order, discipline and protection of the prop-
erty. Persons guilty of concealing materials products, or orders, or of keeping
false accounts, or of other abuses, shall be responsible before the criminal laws.
11. The district Soviets of the AV.'s C. (cl. 3) shall decide all contested ques-
tions and conflicts arising between the lower organs of the Control, and also all
complaints of the owners of enterprises, and they shall publish instructions in
conformity with the local conditions and the peculiarities of the production
within the limits of the regulations and dispositions of the AU-Russian Soviet
of W.'s C. ; they shall also supervise the work of the lower organs of the control.
12. The AU-Russian soviet of the Workmen's Control shall draw up the gen-
eral plans of the workmen's Control, and Instructions, it shall promulgate obliga-
tory regulations, regulate the mutual relations between the district Soviets of
the W.'s C. and serve as a higher instance for all matters connected with the
workmen's control.
13. The AU-Russian Workmen's Control shall conform the action of the
W.'s C. with all other institutions concerned with the organization of the na-
tional economy.
The regulations regarding the mutual relations between the AU-Russian
Soviet of W.'s C. and other institutions, organizing and regulating the national
economy, will be published separately.
14. All laws and circulars, limiting in any way the activity of the factory and
other committees and Soviets of workmen and employees, are now revoked.
In the name of the Russian Republic, Chairman of the Council of P. C. Vi.
OulianofC (N. Lenin).
Alexander Shliapnikoff, Bonch-Bruevitch, N. Gorbounoff.
Accepted by the AU-Russian C. Ex. C. of the Sov. of W. & S. Del. November
14th 1917.
Exhibit 45.
DECREE OF THE WORKMEN'S AND PEASA:*;TS' GOVEENIIERT OM THE 8 HOUR'S WORKINQ
DAY.
1. This law extends over all enterprises and business concerns independently
of their dimensions or their owners, and over all persons working for hire.
2. The time during which in accordance with the hire agreement (art. 48, 60,
96, 98 and 103 of the Stat, on Industr. Labour) the workman Is bound to be on
the business premises and at the disposal of the manager of the same for the
execution of the work is called the working time or the number of working
hours per 24 hours.
Note. — For underground works the time necessary for the descent and the
ascent is included in the working time.
Note 2. — The working time of workmen detailed for the execution of any
works beyond the limits of the enterprise is to be determined by special agree-
ment with the detaUed workmen.
3 The working time as established by the 'rules of internal order of the enter-
prise (1 art. 103 of Stat, on Ind. Lab. — normal working time) must not exceed
eight working hours every 24 hours, or 48 hours a week, including the time
necessary for the cleaning of the machinery and the putting in order of the
place of the works.
On Christmas Eve. (Dec. 24th) and on the eve of Trinity Sunday all woi-k
must be stopped at noon.
4 Not later than 6 hours after the begmnmg of the work the workmen must
be allovped an off time for rest and food. Suth an off time must be of not less
than one hour's duration.
1222 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGANDA.
The off times must be liuliciited in tlie rules of tlie internal order; during
such intervals between the work the workmen may disixise freely of their time
and even absent Iheniselves from the business premises.
During the intervals between the work all machinery, nears and latlie.<; nnist
be stopped; exceptions are only admitted f(n- such overtime works which ai'e
carried on in accordance with art. lS-22 of this law, and also for the machines
and sears ojieratlng the ventilation, pumping-, ligliting, etc.; moreover, the
works cannot be stopped In such enterprises where tins is impos.sible for tech-
nical reasons (unfinished castings, bleacliings, and so on).
Note 1. — Enterprises in which the work is recognised by the laws or by the
Cliief Labour Department to be uninterrupted and which is carried on by tlu'ee
shifts of workmen per i-'4 hours are not subject to the rule of stoppages for off
time, but they are bound tn give the workmen a certain time f(n' taking food.
Note 2. — If according t<i the conditions of his work the workman cannot ab-
sent himself to take food, a suitable place should be set apart for him for this
ijurpose. It shall be obligatory to jirovlde a siiecial place for sucl) workmen
who during their work come in touch with materials which are recognised by
a resolution of the Chief t>epartment for factories and mining works (or any
other organization acting in its stead) as pre.1udicial to the health of the
workmen (lead, quicksilver, etc.)
o. The total duration of all the stoppages of works during every 24 hours
nuist not exceed 2 hours.
6. The period of time between 9 p. ni. and 5 a. ni. is called night time.
7. During night time it is prohibited to employ women and workmen younger
than 16 years of age.
8. For the enterprises working with two shifts of workmen the night time
is counted from 9 p. m. to 7\ a. m. but the olf time (4) may be reduced to one
iialf hour for each shift.
9. In such cases when by the desire of the workmen (for instance in brick
liilns) or fcu' climatic reasons it may be desirable to estal)lish off times of a
longer duration the Chief, Department of factories and mining works (or
the organizations acting in its stead) may allow corresponding digressions from
the rules established in art. 4-6 and S of this law.
10. In hiring minors younger than 18 years of age the following rules are
to be observed in addition to those stated above: (.-i) boys younger than 14
years of age cannot be hired f(n; work, (b) the workini; time of boys under 18
years of age cannot be of a longer duration than 7 hours.
Note. — From .Tan. 1st, 1919. no one who has not attained l-") years of age
can be hired f<n- work, and from Jan. 1st, 192(t, no one below 20 years of age.
11. In the list of holidays on which no work Is allowed (2 art. 103 of Stat,
on Ind. Lad.) are included all Sundays and the following feast days: Jan. 1st,
and 6th. Febr. 2:^rd, March 2."ith. Ma\- 1st, Aug. 15th, Sept. 14th, Dec. 2."i(h
and 26th. (!ood Friday and Saturday, Easter Jlonday and Tue.sday, the day
of the Ascension of Christ, and the 2nd day of the Descent of the Holy Spirit.
Note 1. — Persons not belonging to the Christian faith are allowed to Include
in this list other holidays instead of Sundays, in accordance with their re-
ligion ; as to the other holidays they are bound to include those which are not
indicated in Note 2.
Note 2. — At the desire of the majority of the workmen of an enterprise or
business, or any one of its branches the following holidays; 1st aud 6th of
Jan. Aug. 15th, Sept. 14th Dec. 26th, (iood Saturday and Easter Monday may
be replaced by any other off days, '
12. When working with one shift of workmen daily, the minimum duration
of a Sunday or holiday rest given each workman must be 42 hours. With two
or three shifts of men the shortest duration of each Sunday or holiday rest
shall be established by mutual agreement with the workmen organizations.
13. By mutual agreement between the manager of the enterprise or business
and the hired persons the latter may not be made to work on any holiday
instead of a working day. in digression from the list of holidays Indicated in
art. 11. Any such agreement must be immediately communicated to the func-
tionaries to whom the supervision over the execution of this law is entrusted.
14. The Chief Department for factories and mining works (or the organiza-
tion acting in its stead) is entitled to prescribe rules allowing for certain
digressions, in so far as they are actually necessary from the forms stated in
art. 3-5 and 8 for such institutions wlilch by the nature of their production for
the satisfaction of public requirements must carry on their work during night
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1223
time or which must work irres'ularly (luring the different seasons of the year,
as for instance the works for the lighting or watei- supply of towns.
15. For specially injurious manufactures and works in which the workmen
are subjected to the action of specially infavourable conditions or the danger
of professional poisoning (works in drying kil^s quicksilver, or bleaching
works, etc.) the working time mentioned in art. 3-5 and 8 must be reduced.
A list of such works and manufactures with indication of the duration of the
working time and other conditions for each separate work, shall be drawn up
by the Chief Department for factories and mining works (or the organization
acting in its stead)
16. No women or boys under IS years of age are allowed to be occupied in
underground works.
17. Digressions from the rules stated in art. ;!-.■>, 8-12 are allowed only
by agreement with the workmen and with the approval of the labour organiza-
tions in regard to the workmen employed for auxiliary works, the heating of
the factory, water supply, lighting guard and fire-iirigade service and in
general all such works which must be executed in order that the factory might
start working and such which must necessarily be done after the stoppage of
the work.
18. Any work done by a workman at a time when according to the timetable
he need not worlv is called overtime work. Sucli overtime work is allowed
only with observance of the conditions mentioned in art. 19-22 of this law
and it is paid for at a double rate.
19. No women or boys younger than 18 years of age are allowed to work
overtime.
Workmen over 18 years of age are allowed by the labour organizations to
work overtime in the following cases: (a) when the overtime works are called
forth by the necessity of completing work begun in due time but which in con-
sequence of unforseen and accidental delay owing to the mechanical condi-
tions the manufacturing process could not be completed within the normal
working time (according to the rules of internal order) and when the stoppage
of such work at the usiml time would be dangerous or it would damage the
material and machinery (such as chemical processes, castings, etc.) (b) when
the worl;: which is being done is necessary for averting a danger threatening
life or property, likewise for averting any accidental circumstances infringing
on the technical conditions which are neces.sary for the regular working of the
water supply, lighting, sewerage, or pnhlic connimnications at flxed terms; (cl
in the case of works for the necessary repairs in the event of a sudden damage
of the boilers, motors or gearings and in general all unforseen disorders in tlie
machines, appliances or constructions (buildings, dams, boreholes, etc.) which
may call forth a stoppage in the works of the enterprise or in any of its
branches (d) for the execution of necessary temporary works in some branch
of the enterprise in- such eases when in consequence of fire, or breakage, or
other unforseen circiimstances the woi-k of the given branch or any other one
was stopped completely or for a time only and when sucli work is necessary
for the operations of tlie other branches of the enterprise.
20. In the case mentioned in (d) art. 19 a special authorization for overtime
work nnist be obtained from the Labour Commissary or the Labour In.sjiector
in which the duration of such overtime w<irk every day and the period of time
during which it will be executed must be indicated. For overtime work in the
cases mentioned in (b) and (c) art. 19 a simple notification thereof is handed in
to the Inspector.
21. All overtime work shall be recorded in the workmen's settlement books
sepai-ately with mention of the remuneration paid for same moreover a full and
precise count is kept in the office books of all overtime work for each work-
man separately.
22. Overtime work under, the conditions mentioned in art. 19-22 shall be
allo\ved during at most .">0 days in the year for each branch of the enterprise
and a special count is kept of everyday of overtime work of each branch, even
if but one workman should have been working on that day in the given branch.
23. The duration of overtime work of each separate workman shall not in
anv way exceed 4 hours during any 2 days running.
24 For the immediate future, until the military operations will be ended,
in'the enterprises working for the defence, any regulatious limiting the dura-
tion of the overtime work (art. 19-23) and regarding the off time between the
work (4-6) may not be applied by agreement with the workmen and the labour
organizations.
1224 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA,
2."). This law is to be promulgated by telegraph and it shall enter in force
immediately. For any infringement thereof the penalty will be up to one year's
imprisonment by verdict of the court.
In the name of the Russian Republic.
Labour Commissary ad int. : J. Larin.
Petrograd, October 29th, 1917.
Exhibit 46.
deceee ox suspensiox of work and tekms of hieixg and dischaeging wobkmen.
In connection with the curtailing of the war orders as also with the transition
f]'om war worli to the production of good.'^ for national consumption and of
commercial importance, all producing establishments are herewith ordered to
undertake the following measures :
(1) Enterprises which are compelled to stop producing, or, which have to go
over to other work on account of the cancellation of war orders, have to cease
operation on December 23rd, in the S]iace of a month.
(2) The Managements and the Workmen's Committees have, in the course
of the first two weeks after their close do^^'n to state on the basis of the tech-
nical means of their enterprise, the character of the future work, as also the
absolutely necessary number of workmen of various categories for the further
continuation of the production, as also the number of workmen that will be
discharged.
(3) Workmen desiring to leave once for all the enterprise in question, or,
"wlio according to the foregoing paragrapli, will be discharged as superfluous^,
will receive, at the final settlement, payment for one month in advance, tliLs
according to the normal scale, after the elapse of two weks from the day on
which the establishment will be shut down, without any additional bonus, and
will be granted a respite from the calling into the military service, for five
months.
(4) Payment for the time of the lay-off is fixed proportionally to two-thirds
of the scale norms, but not lower than six Roubles per day.
(5) The Plant Committee jointly with the technical personnel fixes the number
of workmen necessary for carrying out the repairs and installations. The
A'l'orkmen who are assigned to this work, must do so. In the case of their non-
appearance or their refusal, they loose the right to the pay to which they are
entitled. For the work of repairs the workmen receive wages according to the
normal scale.
(6) The released workmen are to be turned over to the care of the Labor
Bourse. The Labor Bourse is distributing the workmen among the enterprises
and is assisting the workmen who are out of work to receive the help they are
entitled to and which is due them according to the Insurance Law for the case
of unemployment, but this not before the expiration of the time for which
they received the indemnity in advance. All workmen, who are on the pay-roll
of the Labor Bourse, are obliged to take positions proposed to them. A refusal
deprives the workman of both the enjoyment and the right to subvention.
(7) The observance for the carrying out of all the provisions decreed in the
present order and their control, is placed under the authority of professional
Unions and Local Plant Committees. (Economic Soviets.)
Peoiole's Commissary of Work : A. SWyapoikolf.
December 20th 1917.
(Published in the 38th issue of the Journal of the Temporary Workmen and
Peasant Government, December 21st 1917.)
Exhibit 47.
deceee on the nationalization of the instjeance business.
1. Insurance of all kinds such as : Insurance against fire, life insurance,
insurance against accidents, hail, bad crops, etc., is declared to be the monopoly
of the State.
XoTE. — The mutual insurance of movable goods and property by cooperative
organizations is concluded on a special basis.
2. All private in.surance companies (joint stock companies, share companies
and mutual associations) are subject to liquidation from the date of publication
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1225
of this decree, the former Insurance organizations— of the Zemstvo as well as
mutual municipal insurance organizations— operating within the limits of the
Kussmn Republic, are declared to be the property of the Russian Republic.
6. t or the immediate organization of the insurance business and for the liqui-
dation of the insurance organizations that have become the property of the
Russian Republic, the Supreme Soviet of Public Economy is establishing a
commission consisting of representatives of the Soviet of Public Economy the
Commissariats of : Trade and Industry, the Interior Finances Labor the Com-
missary of Insurance, State Control and the Insurance organizations of the
Soviet.
Note.— To the same Commission will be entrusted the liquidation of private
insurance companies, the entire property that will be manifested at the liqui-
dation of these concerns will become the property of the Russian Republic.
4. The reorganization and liquidation of the existing insurance concerns
mentioned in the above paragraphs must be terminated not later than April 1
1919.
5. The Commissariat of Insurance and Measures against Fire with all or-
ganizations under its control is to be reorganized into the Insurance Depart-
ment of the Supreme Soviet of Public Economy.
6. All property and concerns belonging to the Soviets are not liable to insur-
ance.
7. The life insurance operations of the State Savings Banks will be con-
tinued on the former basis.
8. This decree enters into force from the day of its publication.
President of the Soviet of National Commissaries, V. Ulyanov (Lenin).
Manager of Affairs of the Soviet, V. Bontch-Bruyevitch.
Secretary, L. Fotieva.
Exhibit 48.
deceee oegakizing the insubance council.
1. The Insurance Council is attached to the People's Commissariat of Labor
for the management of all matters relating to the insurance of workmen.
2. The Insurance Council consists of 24 members elected by the insured, 4 by
the AU-Russian Central Council of Professional Unions, 4 by the All-Russian
Central Council of Factory-Works and Village Committees, 3 by the People's
Commissariat of Labor, 1 by the Commissariat of Justice, 8 members from the
employers and by one member from the zemstvo and town self government, from
the medical and legal professions.
3. The Insurance Council elects a Chairman from among its members, two
deputy chairmen and two secretaries.
4. The members of the Council from the People's Commissariats are ap-
pointed by ukazes of the respective People's Commissaries.
5. The members of the Council from the zemstvo and town self-governments,
the medical and legal professions, are elected for a period of one year, respec-
tively, by the Chief Committees of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union and the
Union of Towns, the Board of the Company of Russian medical men in memory
of N. I. Pirogoif and the Council of Sworn Advocates of the Circuit of the Petro-
grad Chamber of Justice.
6. The members of the Council elected by the Insurance Fund organizations
and from the employers are elected in conformity with the rules established by
the All-Russian Congresses to be convened in accordance with art. Of these
Regulations, — respectively, — from the participants of the Insurance Fund or-
ganizations and the employers, and confirmed by the Council.
The term of office of these members is to be one year.
7. The participants of the Insurance Fund organizations and the employers
may elect persons of both sexes to be members of the Insurance Council,
although such persons may not take part in the Insurance Fund or employer's
organizations.
8. The members of the Insurance Council elected by the All-Russian Council
of Professional Unions and the All-Russian Central Council of Factory Com-
mittees and the Committees of agricultural laborers are elected to the corre-
sponding All-Russian Congresses.
9. The members of the Council appointed by the Government, and those
elected by the zemstvo and town self-governments and the medical and legal
1226 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
professions, by tlie All-Russian Ceulral Couiicil of Pnifessioiial Unions, tlie All-
Russian Central Council of Factory Conimitlccs, the Central Council of the
Committees of agricultural laborers may he replaced by deputy members: the
former liy persons ai)pointed in the order mentioned in art. 4 of tliese Regula-
tions and the others by election of the respective organizations.
For replacing the members of the Council from the employers and from the
participants of Insurance Funds there shall he elected 4 and 12 deputy members
in the order established for the election of members of the Council, ibhe replac-
ing of retiring members shall lie decided by a majority of votes received at the
election, or if there is an equal number of votes, then liy drawing lots.
The deputy members may also attend meetings of the Council, even when the
full complement of members is present, but in this case they only enjoy the right
of a consultative vote.
10. After the expiration of their term of office the members of the Council
by election and their deputy members continue to fulfil their functions until
the new elections. Retiring members may be reelected.
11. For their services to the Council the members of the Council shall receive
a remuneration out of the funds of the State Treasury at the rates established
for the members of the Insurance Council.
The deputy memliers shall recei\'e a remuneration established by a Nakaz
(instructions) of the Council.
12. The non-appearance of a member of the Council elected by the participants
of the Insurance Fund at his service or work at a time when he is fulfilling
his duties as a member of the Council, will not entitle the employer to impose
a fine or penalty on him for such non-appearance (stat. on Ind. Lah. publ. 1913
art. 104 and 106) or to demand the cancellation of the agreement with him.
1.3. Any persons from whom it will be deemed possible to obtain useful in-
formation may be invited to the meetings of the Council.
For the dl.scussion of matters concerning any departments of the People's
Connnissariats which have no repi'esentatives in the Council such representa-
tives are invited through the respective People's Commissaries. The invited
persons enjoy the right of a consultative vote.
14. The management of the corres]iondencc of the Insurance Council is en-
trusted to the Bureau of the Council.
The Bureau shall appoint meetings of the Council liy degrees as they shall
be deemed necessai'y.
All matters are submitted to the examinations of the Council in the order
estaiilished by the Bureau of the Council. The members of the Council are
entitled to submit to the Council for discussion questions relating to any sub-
jects pertaining to its conqjetency, through the Bureau.
1.". To the competenc.v of the Insurance Councils shall belong:
(a) the publication within the limits of the existing laws, of rules and in-
structions relating to all kinds of insurance of workmen and also the publica-
tion of instructions establishing the oi'der of activity of the local institutions
connected with such affairs.
(b) the examination of misunderstandings which might arise during the ap-
plication of any laws concerning the insurance of workmen by the local insti-
tutions ;
(c) the revocation of resolutions of Insurance Boards which according to
the laws may be protested before the Councils :
(d) the decision of appeals of complaints against tlie resolutions of the In-
surance Boards brought before the Insurance Council ;
(e) the establishment of the remuneration to be paid to the members of the
Imsurance Boards for their participation in the work of the Boards ;
(f) the publication of rules regarding the accountancy of the insurance
funds and other insurance institutions;
(g) the establishment of general rules for the application of the in.surance
laws to persons working in 'artels' (associations) and likewise to artisans,
peasant-workers (kustari), the poorer peasants working alone, without hired
labor ;
(h) the discussion of law projects regarding the insurance of workmen, of
the nakazes (instructions) of the Council and the General Meetings of the
Council, the rules for Insurance Congresses and the propositions for their con-
vocation ;
(i) the propositions to carry out inspections of the correspondence of the
local institutions entrusted with the insurance affairs and also for the inspec-
tion of the insurance funds and other insurance institutions ;
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1227
(J) the discussion of questions connected Avitli matters pertaining to tlie
competency of tlie Council and submitted by the T.abor Commissariat and bv
the members of the Council through the Bureau of the Council.
16. To tlie competency of the Bureau of the Council belong particularly :
I. Re the insurance of worl-nien in cane of s/cAiie.s.s.
(a) the establishment of the form and order in which the employers must
receive the requisite information, and also the order for the keeping of the
books and records containing such information and the order in which the
same must be produced for verifications ;
(b) the publishing of model statutes for the lio.'<pitiil fund organizations;
(c) the appointment of the dates for the formation of the hospital funds;
(d) the publishing of rules regarding the arrangement and maintenance of
medical institutions for the participants of the hospital funds, and also re-
garding the methods of rendering medical assistance in various forms;
(e) the establishment of the order and general rules for the transfer of the
medical institutions to the participants of the hospial fund- and into the man-
agement of the hospitals funds organizations ;
(f) the establishment of the form of accountancy of the medical institutions
serving the participants of the hospital funds ;
(g) the establishment of the form of the yearly accountancy of the hospital
funds organizations.
II. Kc the insurance of the irorlincn af/aiiist accidents.
(a) the establishment of the form of the certificate, attesting the circum-
stances under which the accident has happened.
(b) the establishment of the terms within wliich the pensioners are bound
to produce the certificates necessary for the receij)t of the pensions ;
(c) the confirmation of the forms of the pension books and the rules for the
delivery of same ;
(d) the establishment of rules and terms for the production of information
regarding the kind of manufacture of work, and the number of persons em-
ployed in it ;
(e) the confii-mation of the tables for the calculation of the capitalized value
of the pensions ;
(f) the examination of the grounds for the calculation of the dimensions of
the insurance payments of the employers;
(g) the establishment and the definition of the degrees of danger of different
work ;
(h) the confirmation of the form of the statements of the insurance companies
for the count of accidents.
III. Re the insurance of the irorlincn af/ainst nnempifjiimcnt.
(a) the establishment of the amount of the payments of the employers into
the Fund of the unemployed in percentage proportion to the earned pay ;
(b) the establishment of the rules for the investment, custody and expendi-
ture of the AU-Russian Fund of the unemployed ;
(c) the establishment of the form and order for the producing of the nece.s-
sary information by the employers;
(d) the examination of complaints brought against the resolutions of the
Insurance Boards.
17. The In.surance Council examines all matters at the general meetings of
the Council and in separate sections of, the Council.
18 Separate sections are formed by the Council for the examination of the
following questions and matters: (a) the insurances against sickness, (b) the
Insurance against accidents, (c) the Insurance against unemployment, (d) in-
validity and so on. Moreover, a special .luridical commission is formed to
which is entrusted the examination of claims and demands of a monetary
nature of all kinds of insurance.
19 The distribution of the questions to be dealt with among the different
sections and the determination of their competency is effected by the Council
In .special instructions for each section.
20 The resolutions of the Council are final.
1228 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
21. For the execution of the separate business of the Council of its sections:
commissions may be formed by resolutions of the General Meeting of the Coun-
cil, to which persons who are not members of the Council may be invited.
22. During the inspection mentioned in par. — • art. — of these Regulations
the institutions and persons subject to the inspection shall be bound to open
before the Auditors all the books, accounts and records relating to the subject
under inspection.
23. The rules for the internal order in the general Meetings, sections and
commissions, and also in the Bureau of the Council shall be determined in the
Nakazes drawn up by the Council.
24. The resolutions of the Council are published in a special Bulletin which
is sent free of charge to the local institutions, the insurance organizations and
also to the governmental and public institutions and organizations, at the dis-
cretion of the Bureau of the Council.
Besides this, all decisions of the Council, of an obligatory nature, are pub-
lished for general information in the central organ of the Government.
25. For the discussion of the principal measures of a general character re-
lating to the insurance of the workmen the Council shall convene Congresses
of the insured.
26. The secretary business of the Insurance Council is entrusted to the Sec-
tion of Social Insurance of the People's Commissariat of Labor under the-
guidance of the Bureau of the Council.
29. Until the members of the Insurance Council from the participants of In-
surance Funds according to art. — of these Regulat. will be elected, said mem-
bers of the Councils shall be elected by the General Petrograd Insurance Con-
ference of Workmen, the delegates to which are elected at the rate of 1 to-
every 1000 workmen.
The order for the election of delegates to the Conference and the order for
the election of members of the Council at this conference are determined by the-
Workmen's Insurance Group and confirmed by the Conference.
II. The members of the Insur. Council from the employers, until they will
be elected in the order established in art. — of these Regulations, will be
elected by the Petrograd Society of Manufacturers and Works Owners.
III. All complaints regarding any irregularities admitted during the elections:
shall be brought before the People's Commissariat of Labor.
Exhibit 49.
begulatioxs on the insurance boaeds.
1. An Insurance Board is formed in each government or province. The office-
of the Board is situated in the chief town of the government or province. The
Insurance Council shall be entitled to pass resolutions regarding the removal
of the office to some other town of a government or province.
Note 1. — The Insurance Council is entitled to pass resolutions regarding the
formation of an Insurance Board for several governments or provinces of
Asiatic Russia.
Note 2. — The Insurance Council is entitled to prescribe rules regarding the
time and order for the opening of Insurance Boards.
2. An Insurance Board is composed of members from the participants of
Insurance Fund organizations, 3 members from the governmental or provincial
Councils of Professional Unions, 3 from the Factory and Village Committees, 3
from the local Commissariat of Labor, 1 from the local Commissariat of Jus-
tice, 1 from the Zemstvo and 1 from the Town self-governments, and 6 members
from the employers.
3. The Insurance Board elects a chairman from among its members, two
deputy chairman and two secretaries.
4. The order for the appointment of members of the Board from the local
Committees of Labor and Justice is established by the respective People's
Commissaries.
The members of an Insurance Board from a government zemstvo and a
municipal Duma are elected by the members of the government zemstvo or
municipal Duma out of the town where the Insurance Board has its seat, and
for the same period of time as the electing members themselves have been
elected to their posts.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1229
The members of the Board from the participants of the Insurance Fund Or-
ganizations are elected for one year by the Governmental or provincial Insur-
:ance Cenference.
The order for the election of delegates and of members of the Council to the
■conference is established liy the Insurance Board.
The members of the Insurance Board elected l)y the employers are elected
for one year, by agreement with the local employers' organizations.
The order in which complaints may be brought against the elections is estab-
lished by the Insurance Council.
5. The participants of the Insurance Funds and the employers may elect
persons of both sexes to be members of a Board, even if such persons are not
participants of the Insurance Funds organizations, or if they do not belong to
the employers' organizations.
6. The order for the appointment of substitutes to the members of Boards
from the local Commissariats of Labor and Justice is established by the re-
spective Peoples' Commissaries.
7. For replacing the members elected by a governmental zemstvo or a munici-
pal Duma one deputy member is elected by each of these institutions and for
replacing the members elected by the employers and the participants of an
Insurance Fund, — respectively 2 and 9 deputy members are elected. Members
elected by the combined organizations of Professional Unions, Factory and
Village Committees are elected by these organizations in a number equal to
that of the members of the Board from these organizations.
The deputy members elected by the employers and the participants of Insur-
ance Funds act as substitutes of the originally elected members in the order of
the majority of votes received by them at the elections, and if there is no ma-
.iority, then by drawing lots. The deputy members may attend meetings of the
Board even when the full complement of the members of the Board is present,
but in this case they shall only enjoy the right of a consultative vote.
8. The elected members of the Board and their deputies shall continue to
fulfil their functions after the expiration of the term for which they had been
elected until new elections will be held. Retiring members may be reelected.
9. For their participation in the work of the Board the members of an Insur-
ance Board receive a remuneration out of the funds of the State Treasury, the
amount of which is established by the Insurance Council.
The deputy members of the Board, in the event of their participating in the
meetings of the Board with a decisive vote shall receive a remuneration out of
the funds of the State Treasury, the amount of which shall be established by the
In.surance Board.
10. The non-appearance of a member of the Board elected by the participants
of the Insurance Funds at the service or work of the enterprise at a time when
he is fulfilling his functions as such member of the Board shall not entitle the
employer to impose a penalty on him for such non-appearance or to demand the
cancellation of the hire agreement before the expiration of the term.
11. To the meetings of the Insurance Board any persons may be invited from
whom It may be considered possible to obtain useful information on the matters
submitted to the deliberation of the meeting. Such persons shall enjoy the
right of a consultative vote.
12. To the competency of an Insurance Board shall belong :
(a) The supervision over the execution of the laws regarding the Insurance of
the workmen,
(b) The supervision over the execution of the rules, instructions and regula-
tions published by the Insurance Council in addition to and development of the
"insurance laws,
(c) Dispositionary measures to be adopted for the application of the laws
for the insurance oic the workmen and also the regulations of the insurance
•council.
(d) To submit to the Insurance Council all difficulties and doubts arising
during the application of the laws for the insurance of workmen and the rules,
instructions and regulations published In supplement to the same.
(e) To order that the workmen and employees of enterprises and all separate
persons liable to be insured be made to join the General Fund,
(f ) To establish the term for the formation of the Town and the Circuit Fund
•organizations, ,
(g) To keep the list of the Insurance Fund Organizations,
(h) To establish the cost of a daily maintenance and treatment of a sick man
in the medical Institutions belonging to the towns and zemstovs,
1230 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
(i) To cofirm the regulations of the Hospital Fund organizations regarding
the increase of the amounts to be paid by the employers,
(j) To examine the complaints brought against the resolutions of the nu'et-
inj;s of Delegates of Insurance Fumi organizations.
(Iv) To examine the complaints against elections to members of the Board.
(1) To appoint inspections of the cash funds of the Insurance Funds, and also
lit the correspondence and acccmntancy of the Boards of such funds.
13. The Insurance Boards examine all- matters in General Meetings and in
separate sections.
14. Sections are formed by the insurance Board for the examination of the
following questions and matters : a/ insurances against accidents, b/ insurance
:i gainst sickness, c/ insurances a.gaiiist unemployment, d/ invalidity, and so on.
Besides, a special juridicial commission is formed to which is entrusted the
examination nf claims and demands of a monetary nature relating to all the
existing forms of insurance.
15. The distribution of the cases among the separate sections and the estab-
lishment of their competency are carried out b.v the Insurance Counril l)y means
of special instructi(ms to each section.
l(i. When a case is appointed for hearing l)y the Board, the plaintiff receives
a niitice thereof and the right is re.served to him or to his attorney to attend the
examination of the case and to give verbal explanations or to hand in written
explanations. The non-appearance of the plaintiff or his attorney shall not stop
the decision of the matter, if the Board will have sufficient reason to be assured
that the abuve notice had been duly received by the plaintiff.
17. The i-es(dntions of the Board in regard to any complaints may consist
either in the reco.gnition of the validity of the protested disposition, or in a
revocation of the same. In the tii'st case the plaintiff shall be informed of the
fact that his cdmplaint is re.iected and lie shall receive a coiiy of the decision
of the board. In the second case the plaintiff is informed of the revocation of
the disposition against which he protested. This order is ol)sevved also when
the disposition is revoked only in part, not as a whole.
18. The cases when members of the Board of a Hospital Fund organization
may be brought before a ecairt of .iustice are examined by the Insurance Board
after an explanation had been previously demanded from the summoned per-
sons. When such a case is appointed for hearing liy the Board a notice is sent
to the defendants and the right is reserved to them or their attorneys to attend
the examination and to give verbal or A^ritten explanatiims on the matter. The
non-appearance of the defendant or his attorney sliall not stop the decision of
the case if the Board has satisfact(a-y evidence to prove that the above men-
tioned notice had been duly received by the defendant.
19. For the validity of tlie (hM/isions of the Board the presence of at least 17
meniliers at the meetings of the Board including the Chairman shall be neces-
sary.
21). Questions are decided liy a simple majority of votes: if there is a tie in
voting, then the vote of the Chairman gives the preponderance.
21. The rules for the internal order and the secretary work in an In.surance
Board are published in a Xakaz by the Ins. Council. *
22. Complaints may be brouglit before the Insurance Council through the
insurance board on the decisions of the latter within the course of one month.
This term is reckoned from the day on whicli such decision was notified, or
from the day on which it was jmt into execution if there had been no previous
notification. The lodging of a complaint does not stop the execution of a deci-
sion of the Board if no special resolution regarding sucli stoppage will be
passed by the Board to which the complaint had been submitted, or by any other
institution on which the decision depended.
2.3. The secretary business of the Board is entrusted to the local Commis-
sariats of Labor under the guiilance of the Bureau of the Boai'd. This Bureau
is composed of the ('hairmau of the Board and two members of the Board, by
election.
All the dispositionary measures for the carrying out of the elections to the
Insurance Board are entrusted to the local Commissariats of Labor.
Until the Insurance Council will have elaborated special rules prescribing the
(.nler in wliich the elections to members of the Board from the employers are
to be carried out, and their verification, and the order in which such elections
nniy be protested against such elections shall be carried out by the boards of
the respective Insurance Associations.
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1231
Exhibit 50.
KEGULATIONS ON THE I.\,SU1!AN('E AGAINHT UNEMPLOYMENT.
1. The netion of tliese Regulations extends over tlie whole territory of the
Russian Republic and over all persons without distinction of age or sex who
are employed for any kind of work (factory, mining, industry, construction,
industry and commerce, tlml)er-felllng-, forwarding- liusiness. agriculture, domi-
cile Industry, personal services, free professions, etc) All the al)ove named
categories of workers are subject to be insured against unemployment inde-
pendently of the nature or duration of their -vA'ork.
2. The force of these Regulations does not extend over persons occupy lug the
higher posts in the enteiiarises, such as : master-workmen, the adminii3trators,
engineers, etc., and also persons beljjiiging to the s'tage or the orchestras,
teachers, tutors and other free pi-ofessions, in case if their regular earnings ex-
ceed three times the average pay of the worlcmen of the given locality as estab-
lished liy the local or provincial councils <if Professional Unions.
3. Under the term of unemploye<l these Regulations class e\ery jierson capa-
ble of working, whose principal souix-e of income is work for hire, and wlio can-
not find work at the normal labcir price as estalslished by the respective Pro-
fessional Unions. -
4. The fact and the duration of the ijerlod of unemployment are established
by the Unemployed Fund Organizations.
Note. — These Regulations do not consider as unemployed the following per-
sons: — (a) Those who are out of work but who still receive their pay; and
(b) those who are out of work owing to a strike, so long as the strike lasts.
5. The Funds necessary for ensuring subsidies to the woi-kmen are formed by
the sums paid in by the employers.
6. These sums form the one single all-Russian fund of the unemployed which
is placed under the management of the Unemployed Fund Organizations consti-
tuting the All-Russian Reinsurance Union.
7. The dimensions of the payments made by the employers into the Unem-
ployed Fund are determined in percentage pro]iortion to the pay, and they are
established uniformly for the whole of Russia liy the Insurance Council, at the
rate of at least three per cent (of the pay).
8. By a resolution of the Fund Committee instead of establishing the dimen-
sions of the payments in percentage proportion to the pay of each separate
member, the amounts of the payments may be established according to the cate-
gories of labor.
9. The payments are made by the employers into the Unemployed's Fund
within a week's term from the day of payment of the salary or pay. Any sums
not paid in time shall be recovered from the employers by order of the Labor
Commissariat, in accordance with the rules prescril)ed for the recovery of indis-
putable claims of the Government (Code of Laws, vol. 16, part 2, Rec. of ind.
cl., publ. 1910 art. 2) and a fine is levied at the same time at the rate of 10%
on the unpaid sum per month, counting every new month begun as a full month.
10. In regard to the Fund of the Unemployed, the employers shall be bound :
(a) To send information regarding every person engaged or dismissed from
tlieir works within three days,
{ b ) To send detailed information regarding the work done, the earnings paid
out to each person separately, on each of the pay days,
(c) To keep all the books and records containing the above information in
the form established by the Fund Committee, and
( d ) To produce before the persons empowered thereto by the P^md Committee
all the requisite books, documents, accounts and records for the verification of
such- information.
10. The following sums are cimsidered as the pay or earnings in the sense
meant bv these Regulations :
(a) The amount earned during a year or any other period of time as salary
or pay, including also the sums paid for overtime work (no matter how they
were paid: by day, liy month, by week, etc.) and
(b) The value of any remuneration in kind (lodgings, board, etc.) during the
same period of time, if such remuneration is given by the employer; the value
of a remuneration in lodgings being estimated at fj-om 20 to SO per cent of the
pav and the remuneration in board, etc., at its ac-tual cost. The value of the
remuneration in kind in the prescribed limits is established by the Board of
1232 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Insurance of the wurkmen in conformity witli tlie data furnished hy the local
I'ldfessional Unions or their joint organizations.
The share of a workman in the profits or any percentage remuneraHon re-
ceived by him, is also included in the sum of his pay or earnings or salary.
12. The Funds of the Unemployed are invested, kept and expeniled'in ac-
cordance with the rules prescribed liy the Insurance Council.
13. A subsidy paid to a workman must amount to his full pay. The Fund
committee is bound to establish the maximum of the sub^^idy ; at any rate it
shall not exceed the average daily pay in the given locality.
Note. — The average daily pay of a given locality is established by the local
or provincial Councils of the Professional Unions.
14. A workman out of work is entitled to receive a subsidy from the very
first day that he is unemployed. A period of unemplo>nient of less than three
days is not paid for.
Note. — The Fund Committee may, after passing a corresponding resolution,
pay a subsidy for such days also.
15. In case of sickness of a workman when out of work the Unemidoyed Fund
organization shall give him medical assistance free of cost, entering for this
purpose into an agreement with the Hospital Fund organizations.
A subsidy in money may be paid only from one Fund.
16. The Unemployed Funds organizations are Town Funds, for the towns and
Circuit Funds for the circuits.
17. The Unemployed Funds organizations are entitled to form Unions and
to enter into agreements with one another and with other organizations and
institutions.
IS. An Unemployed Fund organization may acquire in its own name rights
to property, including rights of ownership and others to real estate, also under-
take liabilities, and act as plaintifC or defendant in courts of justice.
19. The Fund Committee manages the affairs of a Fund of the Unemployed
and consists of an equal number of representatives of the Professional Unions,
the Factory Committees and the Hospital Funds organizations.
The number of the members of the Committee is established by the above
mentioned organizations by mutual consent.
20. A Fund Committee shall elect from among its members :
(a) An executive Bureau, and
(b) An Auditors Commission.
21. With the introduction of other forms of insurance and the formation of
one general fund the management of the affairs of the Fund of the Unemployed
shall be transferred to the general Fund.
22. Tlie resolution of a Fund Committee in regard to the application of these
Regulations may be protested against within the term of a fortnight before a
Board of Insurance of the workmen and the resolution of the latter may be
protested against within the same period of time before the Insurance Council.
A protest can not stop the putting into execution of such resolutions.
23. The dispositionary measures for the formation of a Fund of the Unem-
ployed are entrusted to the local Councils of Professional Unions, the factory
Committees and the Hospital Funds.
In the event of the absence of such organizations or of their not forming a
Fund of the Unemployed within a months term, such Fund organizations ai'e
formed by order of the Labor Commissary.
24. These regulations shall he put into execution by telegraph and they shall
immediately enter into force of law.
27). For any infringement of these Regulations the penalty will be imprison-
ment up to a year by verdict of the Court.
Exhibit 51.
mesioeandltil ok the insurance against rnesiployment.
To the law project on insurance against unemployment submitted to the AU-
Russian Central Executive Committee of the Congress of Soviets of W. S. & P.
Delegates.
Unemployment is the inevitable companion of a capitalistic society. The
reserve working army is continually pressing on the labour market and by its
competition is rendering worse the conditions of life and work of the laboring
classes.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA, 1233
Insurance against unemployment is of great importance to the working
classes, as by ensuring the means of subsistence to the unemployed during the
time that they are out of work, it weakens their competition and enables them
not to press on the labor market and thus aggravate the conditions of work.
But in order to attain its purpose the insurance must l^e completed.
It must cover all the workmen without any exception. Because if any cate-
gory of labor will not be insured the unemployed of such a category will press
on the labor market and aggravate the condition of the employed.
The insurance must be effected at the cost of the owners "of enterprises,
because unemployment is a product of the capitalistic order and the guaran-
teeing against unemployment must be the duty not of the workman, but of the
capitalist as the one profiting by such an order.
The insurance against unemployment must ensure to the workman out of
work at least a living minimum, because a too low subsidy will compel the un-
employed to take work at a reduced rate and thus diminish the pay of the
working men.
Lastly, the insurance must be in the hands of the insured, i. e. the workmen
themselves, because only under the condition of a complete self-government of
the Insured can the insurance business be organized on the best lines.
The annexed Regulations on the Insurance of the workmen against unemploy-
ment are founded on the above-mentioned principles of the insurance program :
it must extend over all workmen without exception ; all the costs must be borne
by the employers, a sufficient assistance is ensured to the unemployed during
the time that they are out of work and the insurance business is in the hands
of the insured themselves — in the Funds organization of the unemployed.
These elementary principles of the insurance do not need any explanation,
they are the requirements of the working class.
The only point needing explanation are the payments of 2% from the pay,
established by the laws. We have no statistical data on the unemployed in
Russia. It is necessary to have recourse to the data obtained in Western
Europe.
The percentage of the unemployed in the English professional unions amounted
in the average during 19 years (1888-1906) to 4.4%; according to the data of
the obligatory insurance against unemployment in England in 1911 in January
there were 5% of unemployed, in February — 4.4%.
In France the number of unemployed among the members of syndicates for the
years 1896-1901 was 8.2%, and according to the census of 1901 — 3%. In the
unions of Ghent the average percentage of the unemployed in 1896 was 4%, in
the Austrian towns in accordance ^vith the census I-XII 1900 it varied among
the different categories of labor from 2.5% (trade) to 5.2% (industry).
In the professional unions of Norway the average jpercentage of the unem-
ployed for the years 1903-1907 was 4.1% ; in the United States 3.3% (1904), in
Germany 3.4%.
In regard to the duration of the unemployment in Berlin the average was 38
days, in Bremen 45 days.
As to the costs of the insurance apainst unemployment they amounted to 5
roubles per member per annum in 100 of the most important English profes-
sional unions in 1906 : in accordance with the law on the compulsory insurance
in England in 1911 the payments for such a form of insurance amounted to
12*% per annum per insured person, in Norway^ rbls. 80 cop., in Demark—
32'r. 60 cop. In accordance with Caillard's pro,1ect (in France) the payment
for each workman amounts to 4.50 cop. ; according to the project of the
Socialist Molkenburg in Germany to 8-10 rbls. per workman. In accordance
with the project of the German national party in 1899 it was minimum 7 rbls.
for workmen working at all seasons, and 18 rbls. for those working in special
seasons. , , i. .„ x, ^ ^ ^
On the ground of these data the calculations for the payments to be made
for the insurance against unemployment in accordance with this law— project
Assumin" tlie number of unemployed to be 10% and the average duration
of a Deriod of unemployment to be 50 days, we shall have to every 100 work-
men 10 men out of work and 500 days of unemployment, or one man will
be out of work 5 days per annum. Counting the average pay of a workman
In Russia to be 500-800 rbls. per annum, or 2 rbls. a day, the costs of the
assistance to the unemployed will amount to 10 rubls. and with all other costs
85723—19 78
1234 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
12-13 rljls. per workman. The minimum payment of 3% of the regular pay
will give 15-18 rbls. per annum per worljman. "
Thus the payment of 3% of the regular pay may be assumed as the minimum.
In case of need this may be increased by the Insurance Council.
Manager of the Section of Social Insurance : A VinokourofC.
Secretary of the Section of Social Insurance : Al. Paderin.
Exhibit 52.
DECREE 0^; WOKKIIEn's INSUEAXCE AGAINST ACCIDENTS.
From now on up to the complete reorganization of the law on the insurance
of workmen against accidents of June 23rd, 1912, on the basis of the workmen's
insurance program, namely : the extension of the insurance on all workmen, the
indemnification of his full pay to a disabled workman, the according of a
self-government to the insured and the establishment of the right of the labor
organizations £o elect the doctor-experts performing the examination and in-
spection, the Council of People's Commissaries passed the following resolution
on November 8th, 1917 : — In consequence of the increased cost of living :
1. The pensions paid to all pensioners in consequence of accidents up to the
year 1917 inclusively shall be Immediately Increased by 100% on the account
of the Pension Fund (art. 463 and 464 of the Stat, on Ind. Lab.). The Pen-
sion Fund shall be replenished during three years from the sums of the
reserve capital from all free sums remaining from the operations and, in the
event of their insufficiency, by supplementary payments on the part of the
owners of enterprises.
In correspondence therewith art. 459 of the Stat, on Ind. Lab. shall be
supplemented as follows :
" The insurance corporation is entitled to borrow money from the pension
fund for the purpose of increasing the pensions of sufferers from accidents
by 100% in consequence of the increased cost of living on the condition that
such borrowed sums be reimbursed within the course of three years from the
reserved capital, the free sums remaining from operations and if this will be
insufficient then the owners of the enterprises will have to pay supplementary
sums.
Signed: Chairman of the P. C— V. Oullanoff (Lenin).
Labor Commissary Shliapnikoff.
Manager of the Affairs of the Council of Peoples Comm., Ylad. Boneh-
Bruevitch.
Secretary of the Council, N. GorbounofC.
November 8th, 1917.
Exhibit 53.
deceee on the indemnification of soldiers who were detailed to work in
industrial enterprises and who have sutfered from accidents.
For the future until the laws on the insurance of workmen against accidents
will be reorganized on the principles of the program of the working party,
soldiers detailed to work in enterprises shall be subject to the action of the
Rules of July 2nd, 1903 and the Law for the Insurance of workmen against
accidents of .June 23rd 1912. The yearly pay to a workman-soldier granted him
as a pension in case of disablement, must be calculated on the basis of the pay
owing to an ordinary workman employed for the same work. In accordance
with "this art. 375, 403, and 460 of the Stat, on Ind. Labor are to be supplemented
bv the following additions :
' Note to art. #375.— All soldiers detailed to works in enterprises and hav-
ing suffered disablement during the execution of the works shall be subject to
the action of the Rules stated in this chapter (fourth), beginning from July
19th, 1914. The payment is to begin on the day that the complete disablement
was recognized, according to art. 392 of Stat, on Ind. Lab.
Note to aht. #403. — The yearly payment to be made to a soldier detailed to
work in an enterprise and having suffered from an accident which has perma-
nently disabled him is to be calculated at the rate of the payments made to
all other workmen employed for the same work.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1235
Note to art. #460. — The insurance corporations are entitled to recover any
additional payments from the owners of the enterprises for the soldiers em-
ployed in their business, beginning from July 19th, 1914.
In the name of the Government of the Russian Republic, People's Commissary
of Labor, Alexander Shliapnikofe.
Exhibit 54.
decbee on the state bank.
The Council of People's Commissaries has decreed :
I. In view thereof that the strike of the functionaries of the State Bank and
the delay in the payment of the money by the Petrograd office of the Bank con-
nected therewith may place in a disastrous position the majority of workmen
and soldiers, — the Commissary of the State Bank Obolensky shall be entitled,
as a temporary and exclusive measure, during at most three days counting the
day of the signing of this decree, — to make payments out of the cash office of
the Petrograd office of the State Bank against lawfully filled valid documents
produced by: (a) the government and public institutions, and (b) by indus-
trial-commercial enterprises, needing the money for the payment of the work-
men, but without entering such payments in the books of the Bank until the
operations of the Bank will be re-started, and substituting the corresponding
amounts taken out of the cash office of the Bank by the produced documents.
The authenticity and validity of the documents must be verified in each sepa-
rate case and confirmed by a guaranty of the factory committees and other
public institutions. The chief controller of the Petrograd office of the Bank
shall establish the conditions of such verification and guaranty.
II. In view thereof that the strike of the functionaries of the State Bank is
preventing the practical realization of the Decree of the Council of Peoples
Commissaries of November 14th regarding the advancing to the Soviet of a
short-termed loan of 25 million roubles, — the Commissary of the Bank is to be
entitled to make payments out of the cash office of the Petrograd office of the
State Bank on the orders of the persons empowered by the Council within the
limits of the aforenamed sum and in the same order and way as decreed in part
1, i. e., with substitution of the money taken from the cash office by documents
until said payments will be entered in the books of the Bank.
The present regulation will be valid during three days, counting the day of
the signing of this decree.
November 17th, 1917.
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaries, Vladimir OulianofC
(Lenin).
People's Commissaries : I. Stalin, L. Trotzky, Z. Menjinsky.
Manager of the Affairs of the Council of People's Commissaries, Bonch-
Bruevitch.
Secretary of the Council of People's Commissaries, N. Gorbounoff.
Exhibit 55.
DECREE ON SUPPRESSION OF THE LAND BANK OF THE NOBILITY AND THE PEASANT
LAND BANK OF THE ODD MINISTRY OF FINANCE.
In execution of the decrees on land and on the annuUation of all class insti-
tutions it is now decreed :
The State Land Bank of the Nobility and the Peasant Land Bank of the
department of the Ministry of Finance are suppressed and the functionaries
and employees of these institutions are to be placed on the unattached list
in accordance with the usual order.
The liquidation of the affairs in the central and local institutions of said
banks is entrusted to the State Bank. The method and the order in which
the liquidation itself is to be carried out shall be established by a special
decree of the Council of People's Commissaries.
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaries, VI. OulianofC (Lenin).
People's Commissary of the Ministry of Finance, V. Menjinsky.
Manager of the affairs, VI. Bouch-Bruevitch. -
Secretary, N. Gorbounov.
November 25, 1917.
1236 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Exhibit 56.
decree on the nationalization of banks.
In the interest of the regular organization of the national economy, of the
thorough eradication of bank speculation and the complete emancipation of
the worlimen, peasants, and the whole laboring population from the exploita-
tion of banking capital, and with a view to the establishment of a single na-
tional bank of the Russian Republic which shall serve the real interests of
the people and the poorer classes, the Central Executive Committee resolves :
1. The banking business is declared a state monopoly.
2. All existing private joint-stock banks and banking offices are merged in
the state bank.
3. The assets and liabilities of the liquidated establishments are taken over
by the state bank.
4. The order of the merger of private banks in the state bank is to be deter-
mined by a special decree.
5. The temporary administration of the affairs of the private banks is
entrusted to the board of the state bank.
6. The interests of the small depositors will be safeguarded.
December 14, 1917.
Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.
Exhibit 57.
decree on steel boxes in banks.
1. All money deposited in the bank's steel boxes must be entered on the
clients current account in the State Bank.
Note. — Gold, in coin and in bars, is to be confiscated and transferred to the
State's general gold fund.
2. All owners of' steel boxes must, immediately upon notification, appear
at the bank, with keys, to be present during the conducting of a revision of
steel boxes.
3. All owners not appearing within three days from notification are consid-
ered as liaving maliciously evaded the revision.
4. Boxes belonging to persons who have maliciously evaded are subject to
be opened by investigating commissions appointed by the Commissaries of the
State Bank, and all property contained therein is confiscated by the State
Bank, to be property of the people.
Note. — The investigating commissions can, in respective cases, postpone the
liquidation.
Adopted at a session of the Central Executive Committee. December 14th.
(Published in No. 35 of the " Gazette of the Temporary Workers and Peas-
ants Government," December 17, 1917.)
Exhibit 58.
DECBEE on the confiscation of shakes of former private B.4.NKS.
Decree for the confiscation of the shares of former private banks having in
view, completely to remove from the direction of the recently created People's
Bank of the Russian Republic, the Capitalists who owned shares in the
abolished private banks and continuing in this way the liquidation of the
regime of the omnipotence of bankers, the Soviet of People's Commissaries
ordains :
1. The shares of former private banks (original, reserve, and special) are
transferred to the People's Bank of the Russian Republic on the basis of com-
plete confiscation.
2. All bank shares are annulled and all payment of dividends on them is
unconditionally discontinued.
3. All bank shares shall be transferred without delay by their present holders
to the local branches of the National Bank.
4. The owners of bank shares not having them in their possession are re-
quired to bring to the branches of the National Bank, lists of the bank shares
belonging to them with a note of their present location.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1237
5. The owners of bank shares who do not bring them (in accordance with
feection 3) or who do now bring lists (In accordance with Section 4) within
the space of two weeks from the day of the publication of this decree will be
punished by the complete confiscation of all their property.
6. All settlement and transfer of bank shares is unconditionally forbidden.
All who take part in these forbidden acts and settlements are liable to im-
prisonment for three years.
(Signed) : President of the Soviet of People's Commissaries, VI. Ulianov
(Lenin).
Director of Administration of the Soviet, VI. Bonch-Bruevich.
Secretary, N. Gorbunov.
Published January 27, 1918.
Exhibit 59.
deceee on the annulment of national loans ageeed on at the session 0¥ the
'central executive committee, january 21, 191s.
1. All national loans concluded by the Governments of Russian landowners
and Russian Bourgeoisie enumerated in specially published lists are annulled
(annihilated) from December 1, 1917. The December coupons of these loans
are not subject to payment.
2. In the same manner are annulled all guarantees given by the said govern-
ments on loans for different undertakings and institutions.
3. Unconditionally and without any exceptions, all foreign loans are annulled.
4. Short term obligations and series of the National Treasury remain in force.
Interest will not be paid on them but the obligations themselves have currency
on an equality with credit notes.
5. Citizens of small means owning the annulled national papers of the internal
loans for a sum not exceeding ten thousand (10,000) rubles (nominal value)
shall receive in exchange, certificates of the new loan of the Russian Socialistic
Federative Soviet Republic for a sum not exceeding ten thousand (10,000)
rubles. The conditions of the loan will be determined separately.
6. Deposits in national savings banks and interest on them remain unaffected.
All obligations of the annulled loans belonging to savings banks are exchanged
for book debts of the Russian Socialistic Federative Soviet Republic.
7. Co-operative local self-governing and other benevolent or democratic insti-
tutions owning obligations of the annulled loans will receive compensation on the
basis of rules elaborated by the Supreme Soviet of National Government together
Vi'ith the representatives of these institutions, if it shall be shown that these
obligations were acquired before the publication of the present decree.
Note. — Local organs of the Supreme Soviet of National Government shall
determine what local institutions come under the head of benevolent or demo-
cratic.
8. The general management of the liquidation of national loans shall be car-
ried out by the Supreme Soviet of National Government.
9. The entire work of the liquidation of loans shall be carried out by the
national bank which shall also have the duty of registering immediately all
those having in their possession, obligations of national loans and other interest
bearing paper whether or not subject to annulment.
10. The Soviets of Workmen's Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies shall form
commissions in co-operation with the local Soviets of popular government to
determine which citizens are of moderate means.
These commissions have the right to annul in entirety, savings not gained by
toil even if these savings do not exceed five thousand (5,000) rubles.
(Signed) President of the Central Executive Committee, T. Sverdlov.
Published January 28, 1918.
Exhibit 60.
deceee on annulment of state loans passed at the meeting of the central
executive COMMITTEE JAN. 21, 1918.
1 All State loans concluded by the governments of the Russian landowners
and the Russian bourgeoisie, enumerated in a specially published list, are an-
nulled (annihilated) from the 1st of December 1917. The December coupons
of the said loans will not be paid.
1238 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
2. In the same fashion are annulled all guarantees given by the above men-
tioned governments on loans issued by various enterprises and establishments.
3. All foreign loans are annulled unconditionally and without any exception.
4. The short term obligations and series of the State Treasury remain in
force. The interest on these will not be paid, but the obligations themselves
will have currency just the same as bank notes (trans, note credit notes).
5. Citizens of small means possessing annulled state papers of the interior
loans in sums not exceeding 10,000 rubles (nominal value) will receive in ex-
change denominated certlfieates of the new loan of the Russian Socialistic Fed-
erative Soviet Republic in sum not to exceed 10,000 rubles. The conditions of
the loans will be especially decided.
6. Deposits in the state savings banks and the interest on such deposits are
inviolable. All obligations of the annulled loans belonging to the savings banks
will be exchanged for a book debt of the Russian Socialistic Federative Soviet
Republic.
7. Cooperative societies, local self-government organizations and other mutu-
ally advantageous and democratic establishments possessing bonds of the an-
rulled loans will have their cases ad.iusted on the basis of rules to be worked out
by the- Supreme Council of National Economy together with the representatives
of the said organizations, if it be proven that the bonds in the possession of the
organizations were acquired before the publication of the present decree.
Remaek. — It is for the local organs of the Supreme Council of National
Economy to decide which local establishments are to be considered mutually
advantageous or democratic.
8. The general administration of the liquidation of the state loans will be in
charge of the Supreme Council of National I'^-ouom-y.
9. The executi(ui of the liquidation of the loans will be carried out by the
State Bank, to whom it is made obligatory to proceed immediately to a registra-
tion of all holders of bonds of the various state loans, as well as other inter st
I (earing papers, both tlmse which have been annulled and which have not been
annulled.
TO. The Councils of Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies will form,
in accord with the Local Councils of National Economy, commissions who will
determine which citizens are to be considered as " possessing small means."
These commissions will have the right to annul absolutely savings acquired
otherwise than by labor, even if these savings do not exceed the sum' of 5,000
rubles.
(Signed) Sverdlov. President of the Central Executive Committee.
(Published in No. 20 of the Gazette of the Temporary Workmen's and Peas-
ants' Government, Jan. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 61.
okdee concerning the execution of decrees fok the .^nnt'lment of the state
LOANS.
1. Persons possessing annulled shares or other annulled valuable papers in
quantity greater than 10,000 rubles, but less than 25,000 rubles, retain the
right to a living dividend from the first 10,000 rubles on the same basis as those
possessors of annulled state loans who liave not more than 10,000 rubles.
2. In the list of the annulled state loans cited in the decree of January 21,
1918, enter all state loans, without exception, which were issued up to October
25, 1917, excepting the small coupons of the " Liberty Loan," not exceeding
100 rubles in value.
3. Obligations of the State Treasury issued abroad before Oct. 25, 1917, are
annulled.
4. Under , persons mentioned in paragraph 1 of this order are understood
only persons possessing annulled papers which were issued on the internal
Russian market and which are now in Russia.
5. Persons having in safes gold in value not to exceed 10,000 rubles, if they
have not other savings exceeding tlie amount prescribed in paragraph 1, will
receive a life interest on the same, equal to the usual interest paid by the
savings bank.
6. Instead of the payment of a life interest to persons possessing annulled
papers in the sum not greater than 10,000 rubles, and also persons mentioned
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1239
in paragraphs 1 and 5 of this order, the State Bank and its departments and
oHicers may, upon declaration of such desire by these persons, transfer to ac-
counts in their name in the local savings banks the principal sums assigned to
them.
For the Department of Economic Politics of the Supreme Council of Na-
tional Economy.
(Signed) V. Milyutin.
Lakin.
S. Shevbkdin, Business Manager.
(Published in No. 41 of the Gazette of the Workmen's and Peasants Govern-
ment, March 7 (new style), 191S.)
Exhibit 62.
decree on the circulation of certificates of the liberty loan as currency
NOTES.
1. The certificates of the Liberty Loan of value not higher than one hundred
(100) rubles are issued at their face value by the national bank and shall be
current within the boundaries of the Russian Soviet Federative Republic on an
equality with credit notes.
2. The coupons beginning with the coupons of March, 1918, in conformity
with the decree of nullification of loans will not be paid. The coupons shall
be cut off when the certificates are put into circulation.
3. Whoever refuses to accept the certificates of the liberty loan as currency
notes at their face value shall be liable to trial and punishment with all the
severity of the revolutionary laws.
(Signed) :
President of the Soviet of People's Commissaries, V. Ulianov (Lenin).
Secretary of the Soviet, N. Gorbunov.
Published, February 16, 1918.
Exhibit 63.
order concerning the circulation as specie of obligations of the " liberty
loan " and of coupons of the repudiated states loans. moscow district
executive committee of the councils of workmen's soldiers' and peas-
ants' deputies.
In view of the misunderstandings which are arising in practice, the People's
Commissariat of Finance makes the following explanations supplementary to
the decrees of the Council of People's Commissars, which have been published
in the " Collection of the Laws and Ordinances of the Workmen's and Peasants'
Government" (No. 24, paragraph 332, and No. 27, paragraph 353), and which
supersede the circular instruction to the State Bank.
1. Obligations of the " Liberty Loan " in denominations, not exceeding 100
rubles, are to circulate on a par with bank notes, and must be accepted in pay-
ment for any sum whatever at their nominal value with, coupons or without.
2 Coupons of the interest bearing papers of the State (state, rents, internal
and war loans. Liberty Loan) In all denominations, as weU as mortgage bonds
of the Bank of the Nobility and Peasants' Land Bank due before December 1st
1917, are ordered to be accepted without any discount whatever in making
pavments, and for all transactions.
3. The series of the State Treasury of all denominations are to be accepted
at their nominal value with or without coupons.
4 The short term obligations of the State Treasury due before the 1st of
November, 1918, are to be accepted on a par with bank notes in making large
navments and without subtracting the unpaid interest.
The orders concerning the limits, within which the above large denomination
bonds are to be changed into money, remain in force.
(•Signed) Vice People's Commissar of Finance, I. Gukovski, May 30, 1918.
(Published in No. 113 of the Izvestia of the All Russian Central Executive
Committee of the Soviets, June 5, 1918.)
1240 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
Exhibit 64.
decree abolishing couets of the old regime and instituting otheks.
The Council of People's Commissaries resolves :
1. To abolish all existing general judicial institutions, such as district courts,
courts of appeal, and the governing Senate with all its departments, military
and naval courts of all grades, as well as commercial courts, and to replace all
these institutions with courts organized on the basis of democratic elections.
Regarding the further procedure and the continuation of unfinished cases a
special decree will be issued.
Beginning October 25 of this year, the passage of all time limits is stopped
until the issuance of a special decree.
2. To abolish the existing institution of justices of the peace, and to replace
the justices of the peace heretofore elected by indirect vote, by local courts
consisting of a permanent local judge and two alternating jurors, the latter of
whom are summoned in pairs to each session from special lists of jurors.
Local judges are henceforth to be elected on the basis of direct democratic vote,
and, until the time of such elections, are to be chosen by temporary ward, and
cantonal Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies.
These same Soviets make up the lists of alternating jurors and determine the
time of their presence at the session.
The former justices of the peace are not deprived of the right to be elected
as local judges, either temporarily by the Soviets or finally by a democratic
election, if they express their consent thereto.
Local judges adjudicate all civil cases to an amount not exceeding 3,000
rubles, and criminal cases if the accused is liable to a penalty of not more than
two years' deprivation of freedom and if the amount sued for does not exceed
300 rubles. The verdicts and rulings of the local courts are final and no appeal
can be taken against them. In cases in which the recovery of over 100 rubles
in money or deprivation of freedom for more than seven days is adjudged, a
request for review is allowed.
The court of cassation is the district session, and in the capitals the metro-
politan session of local judges.
For the trial of criminal cases at the fronts, local judges are elected by regi-
mental Soviets in the same order, and where there are none by the regimental
committees.
Regarding procedure in other legal cases, a special decree will be issued.
3. To abolish all existing institutions of investigating magistrates and the
procurator's office, as well as the grades of counsellors-at-law and private
attorneys.
Until the reformation of the entire system of legal procedure the preliminary
investigation in criminal cases is made by the local judges singly, but their
orders of personal detention and indictment must be confirmed by the decision
of the entire local court.
As to the functions of prosecutors and counsel for defense, who are allowed
even in the stage of preliminary investigation, and in civil cases the functions
of solicitors, all citizens of moral integrity of either sex, who enjoy civil rights,
are allowed to perform them.
4. For the transfer and further direction of cases and suits, proceedings of
the legal bodies as well as of officials engaged in preliminary investigation and
the procurator's office, and also of the associations of counsellors-at-law, the
respective local Soviets elect special commissaries, who take charge of the
archives and the properties of those bodies.
All the lower and clerical personnel of the abolished institutions are ordered
to continue in their positions and to perform, under the general direction of the
commissaries, all duties necessary in order to dispose of unfinished cases, and
also to give information on appointed days to interested persons about the state
of their cases.
o. Local judges try cases in the name of the Russian Republic, and are guided
in their rulings and verdicts by the laws of the Government which have been
overthrown only in so far as those laws are not annulled by the revolution, and
do not contradict the revolutionary conscience and revolutionary conception of
right.
Note. — All these laws are considered annulled which contradict the decrees
of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers', and
Peasants' Deputies and the Workmen's and Peasants' Government, also the mini-
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1241
mum programmes of the Russian Socialist Democratic Labor Party and the
party of Socialist-Revolutionaries.
6. In all disputed civil as well as criminal cases, of a private character, the
parties may resort to an arbitration court. The organization of the arbitration
court will be determined by a special decree.
7. The right of pardon and restoration of rights of persons convicted in
criminal eases belongs henceforth to the judicial authorities.
8. For the struggle against the counter-revolutionary forces by means of
measures for the defense of the revolution and its accomplishments, and also
for the tril of proceedings against profiteering, speculation, sabotage and other
misdeeds of merchants, manufacturers, officials and other persons, 'workmen's
and peasants' revolutionary tribunals are established, consisting of a chairman
and six jurors, serving in turn, elected by the provincial or citv Soviets of Work-
men's, Soldiers', and Peasants" Deputies.
For the conduct of the preliminary investigation on such cases, special in-
vestigating commissions are formed under the above Soviets.
All existing investigating commissions are abolished, and their cases and
proceedings are transferred to the newly formed investigating Commissions..
Pres. of Conn, of Peo. Com. — V. Ulianov (Lenin).
Commissaries: A. Shlikhter, L. Trotsky, A. Shlapnikov, I. Dzhugashvili
(Stalin), N. Avilov (N. Glabov) and P. Stuchka.
(Collection of laws and ordinances 50. Translation from Nation corrected).
November 24, 1917.
Exhibit 65.
instructions to the eevolutionart tribunal.
The Revolutionary Tribunal is guided by the following instructions:
1. The Revolutionary Tribunal has jurisdiction in cases of persons (a) who
organize uprisings against the authority of the Workmen's and Peasants'
Government, actively oppose the latter or do not obey it, or call upon other
persons to oppose or disobey it; (b) who utilize their position in the state or
public service to disturb or hamper the regular progress of vi'ork in the insti-
tution or enterprise in which they are or have been serving (sabotage, conceal-
ing or destroying documents or property, etc.) ; (c) who stop or reduce produc-
tion of articles of general use without actual necessity for so doing; (d) who
violate the decrees, orders, binding ordinances and other published acts of
the organs of the Workmen's and Peasants' Government, if such acts stipulate
a trial by the Revolutionary Tribunal for their violation; (e) who, taking
advantage of their social or administrative position, misuse the authority given
them by the revolutionary people. Crimes against the people committed by
means of the press are under the jurisdiction of a specially instituted Revolu-
tionary Tribunal.
2. The Revolutionary Tribunal for offenses indicated in Article 1 imposes
upon the guilty the following penalties: (1) fine, (2) deprivation of freedom,
(3) exile from the capitals, from particular localities, or from the territory of
the Russian Republic, (4) public censure, (5) declaring the offender a public
enemy, (6) deprivation of all or some political rights, (7) sequestration or con-
fiscation, partial or general, of property, (8) sentence of compulsory public
work.
The Revolutionary Tribunal fixes the penalty, being guided by the circum-
stances of the case and dictates of the revolutionary conscience.
3. (a) The Revolutionary Tribunal is elected by the Soviets of Workmen's,
Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies and consists of one permanent chairman,
two permanent substitutes, one permanent secretary and two substitutes, and
forty jurors. All persons, except the jurors, are elected for three months and
may be recalled by the Soviets before the expiration of the term.
(b) The jurors are selected for one month from a general list of jurors by
the Executive Committees of the Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants'
Deputies by drawing lots, and lists of jurors numbering six, and one or two
in addition, are made up for each session.
(c) The session of each successive jury of the Revolutionary Tribunal lasts
not longer than one week.
(d) A stenographic record is kept of the entire proceedings of the Revolu-
tionary Tribunal.
1242 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAlv'DA.
(e) The grounds for instituting proceedings are: reports of legal and admin-
istrative institutions and officials, public, trade, and party organizations, and
private persons.
(f ) For the conduct of the preliminary investigation in such cases an investi-
gating commission is created under the Revolutionary Tribunal, consisting of
six members elected by the Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants'
Deputies.
(g) Upon receiving information or complaint, the investigating commission
examines it and within 48 hours either orders the dsmissal of the case, if it does
not find that a crime has been committed, or transfers it to the proper jurisdic-
tion, or brings it up for trial at the session of the Revolutionary Tribunal.
(h) The orders of the investigating commission about arrests, searches,
abstracts of papers, and releases of detained persons are valid If issued jointly
by three members. In cases which do not permit of delay such orders may be
issued by any member of the investigating commission singly, on the conditioii
that M-ithin twelve hours the measure shall be approved by the investigating
commission.
(i) The order of the investigating commission is carried out by the Red
Guard, the militia, the troops, and the executive organs of the Republic.
(j) Complaints against the decisions of the investigating commission are
submitted to the Revolutionary Tribunal through its president and are consid-
ered at executive sessions of the Revolutionary Tribunal.
(k) The investigating commission has the right: (a) to demand of all
departments and officials, as well as of all local self-governing bodies, legal
institutions and authorities, public notaries, social and trade organizations,
•commercial and Industrial enterprises, and governmental, public, and private
credit institutions, the delivery of necessary documents and information, and
of unfinished eases; (b) to examine, through its members or special representa-
tives, the transactions of all above enumerated institutions and officials in order
to secure necessary information.
4. The sessions of the Revolutionary Tribunal are public.
5. The verdicts of the Revolutionary Tribunal are rendered by a majority of
votes of the members of the Tribunal.
6. The legal investigation is made with the participation of the prosecution
and defence.
7. (a) Citizens of either sex who enjoy political rights are admitted at the
will of the parties as prosecutors and counsel for the defence, with the right to
participate in the case.
(b) Under the Revolutionary tribunals a collegium of persons is created who
devote themselves to the service of the law, in the form of public prosecution
as well as of public defence.
(c) The above-mentioned collegium is formed by the free registration of all
persons who desire to render aid to revolutionary justice, and who present
recommendations from the Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants'
Deputies.
8. The Revolutionary Tribunal may invite for each case a public prosecutor
from the membership of the above-named collegium.
9. If the accused does not for some reason use his right to invite counsel for
defence, the Revolutionary Tribunal, at his request, appoints a member of the
collegium for his defence.
10. Besides the above-mentioned prosecutors and defence, one prosecutor
and one counsel for defence drawn from the public present at the session, may
take part in the court's proceedings.
11. The verdicts of the Revolutionary Tribunal are final. In case of violation
of the form of procedure established by these instructions, or the discovery of
indications of obvious injustice in the verdict, tlie People's Commissary of
Justice has the right to address to the Central Executive Committee of the
Soviets of Workers', Soldier.?', and Peasants' Deputies a request to order a
second and last trial of the case.
12. The maintenance of the Revolutionary Tribunal is charged to the account
of the state. The amount of compensation and the daily fees are fixed by the
Soviets of Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies. The jurors receive
the difference between the daily fees and their daily earnings, if the latter are
less than the daily fees ; at the same time the jurors may not be deprived of
their positions during the session.
December 19, 1917
(The Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.)
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1243
Exhibit 66.
decree on the nationalization op the press.
In the serious decisive hour of the revolution and the days immediately
following it the Provisional Revolutionary Committee was compelled to adopt
a whole series of measures against the counter revolutionary press of all
shades.
Immediately on all sides cries arose that the new socialistic authority was
violating in this way the essential principles of its progi-am by an attempt
against th? freedom of the press.
The Workers' and Soldiers' Government draws the attention of the popula-
tion to the fact that in our country behind this liberal shield there is prac-
tically hidden the liberty for the richer class to seize into their hands the
lion's share of the whole press and by this means to poison the minds and bring
confusion into the consciousness of the masses.
Every one knows that the bourgeois press is one of the most powerful
weapons of the bourgeoisie. Especially in this critical moment when the new
authority, that of the workers and peasants, -is in process of consolidation, it
was impossible to leave tliis weapon in the hands of the enemy at a time
when it is not less dangferous than bombs and machine guns. This is why tem-
porary and extraordinary measures have been adopted for the purpose of cut-
ting off the stream of mire and calumny in which the j'ellow and green press
would be glad to drown the young victory of the people.
As soon as the new order will be consolidated, all administrative measures
against the press will be suspended ; full liberty will be given it within the
limits of responsibility before the laws, in accordance with the broadest and
most progressive regulations in this respect.
Bearing in mind, however, the fact that any restrictions of the freedom of
the press, even in critical moments, are admissible only within the bounds of
necessity, the Council of People's Commissaries decrees as follows :
General rules on the pre»s. — 1. The following organs of the press shall be
subject to be closed: (a) Those inciting to open resistance or disobedience
towards the Workers' and Peasants' Government; (b) those sowing confusion
by means of an obviously-calumniatory pervei-sion of facts: (c) those inciting
to acts of a criminal character punishable by the penal laws.
2. The temporary or permanent closing of any organ of the press shall be
carried out only by a resolution of the Council of People's Commissaries.
3. The present decree is of a temporary nature and will be revoked by special
ukaz when the normal conditions of public life will be reestablished.
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaries, Vladimir Oulianoff
(Lenin).
October 28, 1917.
Exhibit 67.
decree on the revolutionary tribunal of the press.
1. Under the Revolutionary Tribunal is created a Revolutionary Tribunal of
the Press. This Tribunal will have jurisdiction of crimes and offences against
the people committed by means of the press.
2 Crimes and offences by means of the press are tlie publication and circula-
tion of any false or perverted reports and information about events of public
life, in so far as they constitute an attempt upon the rights and interests of the
revolutionary people. „ , „ ■ ^ ^ ^^
3 The Revolutionary Tribunal of the Press consists of three members,
elected for a period not longer than three months by the Soviet of Workmen's,
Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies. These members are charged with the con-
duct of the preliminary investigation as well as the trial of the case.
4 The following serve as grounds, for instituting proceedings: reports of
leeal or administrative institutions, public organiziations, or private persons.
5 The prosecution and defence are conducted on the principles laid down In
the instructions to the general Revolutionary Tribunal.
6 The sessions of the Revolutionary Tribunal of the Press are public.
7 The decisions of the Revolutionary Tribunal of the Press are final and
are not subject to appeal.
1244 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
8. The Revolutionary Tribunal imposes the following penalties: (1) Fine,
(2) expression of public censure, which the convicted organ of the Press
brings to the general knowledge in a way indicated by the Tribunal, (3) the
publication in a prominent place or in a special edition of a denial of the false
report, (4) temporary or permanent suppression of the publication or its ex-
clusion from circulation, (5) confiscation to national ownership of the printing-
shop or property of the organ of the Press if it belongs to the convicted parties.
9. The trial of an organ of the press by the Revolutionary Tribunal of the
Press does not absolve the guilty persons from general criminal responsibility.
December IS, 1917.
(Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 68.
deceee on government publications.
Talving into consideration on the one hand the idleness which for various
reasons exists among printers, and on the other the scarcity of books, the
People's Commission on Education, through its literary publishing department
and in cooperation with the departments of education outside the schools, school
departments, and departments of science and art, and with the assistance of
representatives of the printers' union and other interested societies, as the Com-
mission shall see fit, and of experts specially invited by it, shall immediately
undertake extensive publication.
First in order must come a cheap popular edition of the Russian classics.
Those works for which the period of authors' rights has ended must he repub-
lished.
The works of all authors thus transferred from private to public ownership
may, by a special order of the National Commissioner on Education regarding
each author, be declared a Government monopoly, for a period, however, not
exceeding five years. The Commission is to make use of this right with regard
to those literary celebrities whose works, in accordance with this law, become
the property of the people.
The publication of these works may be arranged in two series :
A complete scientific edition, the editorship of which should be entrusted to
the department of Russian language and letters of the Academy of Sciences
(after its democratization and adaptation to the new governmental and public
life of Russia) ;
An abbreviated edition of selected works. Each selection is to constitute a
single, compact volume. In the selection the editor is to be guided, among other
considerations, by the suitability of the worlds to the working people, for whose
benefit these popular editions are intended. Both the entire collection and sepa-
rate, more important works are to be accompanied by prefaces by authoritative
critics, historians of literature, etc. To edit these popular publications a special
college should be created of prominent representatives of educational, literary,
and scientific societies, specially invited experts, and delegates of workmen's
organizations. Editors, confirmed by this Commission of Publication Control,
must present to that body their plans of publication together with their com-
mentaries of every description.
The popular edition of classics is to be sold at cost, and, if means shall permit,
even below cost, and may even be given free through the libraries which serve
the working democracy.
The Government Publishing House should further see to the publication of all
sorts of text-books. The bringing up to date and correction of old manuals
should be carried on through a special commission on manuals, consisting of
delegates from educational, scientific, and democratic organizations and spe-
cially invited experts.
The Government Publishing House is likewise granted the right to subsidize
publications, both periodicals and books, undertaken by societies and individuals
and acknowledged to be useful to the general public, with the proviso that these
subsidies, if the publication proves to be profitable, shall be refunded to the
Government as a first lien.
In order to undertake immediately this important public business of the
Soviet of People's Commissaries, it is proposed to appropriate and place at the
disposal of the Government Commission on Education the sum of a million and
a half rubles.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1245
.^'l-P^'"t'"S orders should be given exclusively at the direction of the Print-
ers Union, which regulates its distribution through the autonomous commis-
sions of the various printing offices.
(Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 69.
DECREE ON THE INTKODrCTION OF A STATE MONOPOLY ON ADVERTISEMENTS.
1. The printing of advertisements for n fixed price in the periodical journals
and newspapers, also in digests and on playbills, and likewise the placing of
advertisements in kiosks, advertising offices, etc., shall be from now on a
monopoly of the State.
2. Such advertisements may be printed only in the publications of the Pro-
visional Workmen and Peasant Government in Petrograd and in those of the
local Soviets of Workmen and Soldiers Delegates. All publications in which
such advertisements will be printed without a special right thereto shall be
closed.
3. The owners of newspapers, offices for the inserting of advertisements and
also all the employees of such offices, or any other institutions of the same kind,
shall be bound to remain at their posts until the enterprise will be taken over
by the State in the person of the afore named organs, and they shall be re-
sponsible for the order therein, the uninterrupted continuation of the work of
the enterprise and the handing over to the publications of the Soviets of all
private advertisements and also of all sums of money paid for the same, to-
gether with the whole accountancy and the documents.
4. All the managers of pviblications and enterprises inserting advertisement
for a remuneration and likewise all employees and workmen of such enterprises
shall immediately assemble into meetings and form towns unions and later on
an AU-Eussian Union for a successful and regular organization of the business
of receiving and placing private advertisements in the publications of the
Soviets, and for the elaboration of rules for the best methods of receiving and
printing of such advertisements which would be most convenient to the popula-
tion.
5. Persons guilty of holding back any documents or sums of money or of
refusing to comply with clauses 3 and 4 (of sabotage) shall be punished by the
confiscation of their property and they shall be liable to Imprisonment for a
term of up to three years.
6. The insertion of advertisements for a remuneration in private publications
in the form of reports or accounts, or articles of reclame, or in any other hidden
form shall entail the same penalties.
7. The enterprises for the reception and placing of advertisements shall be
confiscated by the State with the payment to their owners in case of need of
temporary su'bsidv from the State. The owners of smaller enterprises, and all
sleeping partners or shareholders of the confiscated enterprises shall be reim-
bursed in full.
8. All publishers, advertising officers and enterprises printing advertisements
for remuneration are bound to Inform immediately the Soviets of Workmen and
Soldiers Delegates of their place of business and to proceed forthwith to the
handing over of their affairs and advertisements under the liabilities stated in
Clause 5. ^^ ^ -,. ^ ,-c ■ ^
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaries, V. Oulianofc (Lenin).
People's Commissary for Instruction, A. V: Lunacharsky.
Countersigned : Secretary of the Council, N. Gorbounoff.
November 12th, 1917.
Exhibit 70.
statement on the activity of the liteeaey publication's board, attached to
THE people's commissariat ON EDUCATION.
On December 13th', 1917, at the session of the Literary Publication Board a
committee was named to draft a decree, ordering the establishment of a Techni-
cal Board to take charge of state printing shops, including all those printing
shoDs which had been nationalized after October revolution. This committee
was composed of representatives from the Literary Publication Board, from
the Commissariat of Interior Printers' Trade Union and a committee of worker^
employed in state printing shops.
1246 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAKDA.
In February, 191S. owing to energetic activity of the Soviet and representa-
tives of the printing trades, publishing business on a large scale vi-n» made pos-
sible. The state Commission on Education made up a list of Russian novelists,
men, poets, and critics whose works were declared a state monopoly for 5 years!
This list Includes the names of over 50 Russian classics such as: Soloviev. JI.
Bakunin, V. Belinski, V. Garshin, A. Hertzen, N. Gogol, F. Dostoyevsky] A.
Koltzov, JI. Lermontov, Nekrasov, A. Pushkin, L. Tolstoi, J. Turgenev, A.
Tcheehov and others.
July 4 at Moscow was established a committee on Literature and Art.
Among its members are the writer Y. Bruisov and V. Grabar the painter.
A committee was also formed to publish popular scientific books. This com-
mittee has two sections, — political-economy and natural science. The latter
includes: Professors — K. A. Timiriazov, A. K. Timiriazof, A. Michailov, Wolf,
P. Walden, and others.
A number of brochures, (original and translations) have been already pub-
lished by the committee, the subjects being : astronomy, Physics, meteorology,
botany, pedagogy. As regards the publication of text books the state Commis-
sion already on Dec. 4, 1917, created a special commission to take charge of the
work.
A semi-annual appropriation of 12 million rubles has been granted to the
Literary Publication Board. The appropriation for the second half year may
reach 20 millions.
Exhibit 71.
decree or the people's commissab of the post and telegkaph.
The Government of the Soviets of Workmen, Soldiers, and Peasants can not
and does not wish to proceed, in the determination of its normal relations to
the employees and workmen of the governmental institutions, in the same order
as the bourgeois autocracy, in which for centuries all bourgeois governments
usuallj' proceed. The label of civil service was formerly the implement of right-
lessness and tht' stamp of a slave. From now on all the \\-orkers of the post and
telegraph shall be on full social equality with all the proletariat, proud of its
struggle, its liberty and its successes.
To this effecct a series of measures have been adopted as follows:
(1) All the regulations and instructions limiting the rights of the professional
organisations of the post and telegra]ih employees, as for instance Circular No. 8
published by Tseretelli June 26th 1917, will be revised and replaced by others, or
revoked.
(2) The professional unions of workers of the post and telegraph will be given
the right to enga.ye and dismiss employees and the right of recusation of the
chief. The Post and Telegraph Union will be invited to the formation of the
college which together with myself as the representative of the Central State
Power will administer the ilinistry of Post and Telegraph. All the rights of a
\\orkers' control over the management of the enterprise will be granted also to
the post and telegraph workers.
(3) The post and telegraph are the property of the revolutionary people, they
will be cleared of all counter revolutionary elements which shall be replaced
by the faithful sons of the people. In particular there will be ixmoved the
functionaries of the administration who were dismissed in the first days of the
revolution, in the beginning of Mgirch, and afterwards received again notwith-
standing the protests of the professional organisation. In future, in case of a
vote of mistrust against the chiefs on the part of the employees this question
will be decided by the executive organs of the circuit organisations or the local
ones equal to them.
(4) The complete social insurance of the proletariat against unemployment,
old age, orphanage or widowhood and against the loss of working capacity shall
be applied to the employees and workmen of the post and telegraph, on the
account of the state, who is their employer.
(•>) The material position of all the post and telegraph employees and work-
men, especially the lower ones, shall be revised and made to correspond to the
high prices, and in accordance with the resolution of the 2nd Post and Telegraph
Congress. The conditions and the order of work will be based on the principles
of democratisation and respect to the public importance of free citizens.
All this programme, the establishment of normal relations in the province
of the work of the service will be the basis for a liealthy development of our
business itself, and the meaning of our activity — to serve the population with
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
1247
DosLl .L i!f "^ ''^ '^*!®'' '^'^ ^^^"^ an energentic development of the whole
Sf the t.r inf ™'"' 1''®'''™ '" *° ^'s f°''S'^«"^ and the soon-to-be-expected end
tion who wn rifJnn"t-^ ^!^^ forward to all the faithful guards of the revolu-
thi"s stcurrfm thZ^'.'?"'' ^^"^ 'v';"'"^^ sabotage, return promptly to work and
and tllegrlph ^^"'^^''^'^^ ^ sohd position in the army of workers of the post
rPt^''rrtho''w..vtnl° ''''^"r *,°v*^'^ P^^*^- ^■"""^'- ^"1 the bourgeolse coalition
return, the w-orkmen and soldiers will not lay down their arms. The Soviet
Government does not look backward but forward and it savs loudly to Jou!
workers of the post and telegraph business: here is our programml, this is
whither we are going, and now choose; with us— you will drop your chains-
against us— and you will acquire the burning branding hatred of the pro-
letariat. But with or without you the post and telegraph will remain in the
hands of the revolution and the revolution will not wait. The counter-revolu-
tionary political sabotage inspired by hidden monarchists, will be removed—
whether by means of a declaration of readiness to work with your comrades
or by the severe measures of the revolutionary dictatorship.
And to you, comrades, lower employees and workmen, to you who are
nearest to the original kernel of the proletariat, according to your position
spirit and interests, I, nominated Peoples Commissary by the will of the
proletariat and the revolutionary soldiers, address myself with special words
Kead the programme, read this declaration, — and see who is leading you to
sabotage, to a struggle against the government of workmen soldiers and
peasants, who is carelessly playing with your fate, your position, challenging
the hardly repressed anger of the revolution. Look, are there not among vou
those who bowed respectfully before the Sturmers and SavotianofCs,— and 'for
whom it is derogatory to have to do with a government of peasants and work-
men. Look, lower employees and workmen, whom are you following, and
whither are you being lead by the enemies of the revolution.
Petrograd, November 3rd, 1917.
In the name of the Government of the Russian Republic, People's Com-
missary, N. P. Aviloif.
Exhibit 72.
regulations cfr the commissariat of post and telkgeaphs fob a new schedule
of salaeies of the postal and telegeaph officials.
In order to bring the assessment of salaries of the Postal Telegraph em-
ployees in conformity with the high cost of living and with the assessment of
salaries taken in other governmental institutions, a new schedule of salaries
will be put into effect beginning with the 1st of January 1918, for three months
to wit : January, February and March, in accordance with the attached herewith
scale.
At the same time are annulled beginning the 1st of January 1918 all former
money bonuses, to wit: rentals, boardings, diurnals, percentage bonuses, re-
munerations, dietals of the evacuation officials and others.
Nomenclature of employees.
Names of districts— Assessment of salaries per month in
roubles.
1
Category.
ii
ll
si
buca
M .
■SOS
P4
ll
sis
Kiev, Minsk, Odessa,
Kishinev, Perm.
Riga, and Pri-
AmQr.
Jekat erinosla V,
Rostok, Charkofl,
Irkutsk, Dagestan.
Black Sea.
a
^^
a
o
(1) Office messengers, special delivery mes-
sengers and mail drivers, watchmen, and
other employees of the lower class and per-
1 270
1 *300
f 320
J 360
285
255
280
305
330
200Z
215
270
295
320
260Z
235
*260
285
310
240
230
*255
280
306
240
205
*230
255
280
215
190
215
240
265
200:
(2) Chiefs of the Post & Telegraph Dep'ts.,
the Post and Tel. Officials of the eth
rank, scribes of the Dep'ts., masters of
the 3rd rank
1248
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Nomenclature of employees.
Names or districts — Assessment of salaries per mouth in
roubles.
Category.
boos
■Si
=■3
07^ "^
0 a
•is
03O (
tT.S.SS
SIS'
IS
«■?
a
o
(3) Postal Tel. Officials of the 6th rank, as-
sistant bureau-chiefs of the 6tli rank, the
chiefs of the Postal & Telegraph Dep'ts.,
Mail Delivery Officials of the 2nd rank,
district accoimtinff officials
(4) Postal-Telegraph Officials of the 4th rank,
bureau-chiefs of the 6th class, the assistant
bureau-chiefs of the 5th class; substitute
mail delivery officials of the 1st rank, the
assistant district bookkeepers, overseer of
the lower rank, entry-men and district
archive keepers
<5) The Postal and Teleeraph officials of the
3rd rank; bureau-chiefs of the 4th class;
overseers of higher rank; the assistants of
the district executive officials, masters of
2nd rank
(6) Postal-telegraph officials of the 2nd rank;
bureau-chiefs of the 4th class; the assistant
bureau-chiefs of the 3rd class; district
officials on special duty; district book-
keepers; the younger mechanics of lower
rank; district field service and telegraph
officials
<7) Postal-telegraph officials of the 1st rank;
bureau-chiefs of the 3rd class: the assistant
bureau-chiefs of the 2nd class; the younger
mechanics of higher rank; post office auc-
tioner; officials of the money order depart-
ment; district money order officials;
younger district mechanics; master of the
1st rank
(8) Assistant dis'.rict-chiefs; assistant of the
department chiefs of mail transports;
bureau chiefs of 2nd class; assistant
bureau-chiefs of the 1st class; elder me-
chanics; mail assorters at post offices;
elder district mechanics
(9) Assistant Post directors; assistant bureau
chiefs without rank; chieis of bureaus of
the 1st class; of the Depts. of the Post
transportation; chief mechanics
(10) Post directors: chiefs of the telegraph
Bep't; of the districts; of bureaus without
denomination
375
405
355
430
300
345
375
420
600
600
700
800
336
365
410
460
330
360
405
456
580
680
780
670
670
770
760
655
765
250
305
245
390
320
380
430
635
635
735
415
520
620
720
People's Commissary of the Ministry of Post and Telegraphs, P. Proshan.
Manager of the .5th Department bookkeeper, A. Chasov.
January 13th, IfllS.
(Made public In the 14th number 01 the ''Journal of the Workmen and Peasant" Government, on January
21st, 1918.)
Exhibit 73.
deceee on the dissolution of the state committee on public instbuctios.
In tlie first days of the revolution the democracy created a series of laws
for the purpose of raising the public instruction interests of the popular masses.
Not one of the law projects of this Committee has been published and the
Committee itself has not been up to now confirmed by the State authority as
a State institution.
In my decree regarding the institution of a State Commission of Public
Instructions of November 9tli I pointed out that the State Commission shall
enter into cooperation with the State Committee in order to transform it info
a State institution for the elaboration of law projects.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1249
■sipntnr''^ "''i.'iy of the members of the Committee who had entered it as repre-
sentatives of the executive organs of the democracy and the Ex-State Duma
nave lost their powers from the moment of the transfer of the authority into
n t ?"t^ °* '■'^'^ Worl<men and Peasant Government and the re-election of the
'Central Executive Conuuittee of the Soviet of Workmen, Soldiers and I'easant
Delegates, and as the State Committee in need of a greater democratisation.
1, Dlit IjARE : The State Conmiittee in its present formation is dissolved
and Its work is suspended until .-i new Conunittee will be formed on the follow-
ing principles :
From the C. E. C. of the Soviet of W,, S, & P. Delegates, 20 representatives ;
from the All-Russian Teacher's Union, 8 representatives; from the Soviet of
the All-Russian Cooperative Congresses, 8; from the All-Russian Zemstvo Union
(when the same will be reorganized on democratic principles), 2; the Peda-
gogical Commission of the Union of Towns, 2 ; the Socialistic Organisations of
each nation, 1 each ; the All-Russian Student Union, 3 ; the All Russian Union
of pupils of the middle schools, 2 ; the Academical Union, 5 ; the All-Russian
Central Bureau of Professional Unions, 5; the All-Russian Central Committee
■of Educational proletarian organisations, 1 ; the AU-Russian Central Bureau
of the Factory Committees, 1 ; the Petrograd Committee of Socialistic Youth
(until an All-Russian organisations will be formed), 1 ; the All-Russian Parents'
Union (when it will be reorganised), 1.
As soon as the new State Committee will meet an extraordinary session of
the State Committee with the State Commission will be convened ; the subject
submitted tp its handling will be the revision of the law projects already
elaborated by the committee, said revision being necessitated by the circum-
stance that in working them out the Committee had to reckon with the
bourgeois spirit of the former ministries.
Signed :
People's Commissary for the Public Instruction, A. Lunacharsky.
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaries, V. OulianofE (Lenin).
Manager of the Affairs of the Council, VI. Bonch-Bruevitch.
Secretary of the Council, N. Gorbounoff.
November 23th, 1917.
Exhibit 74.
decree ox the ceeation of a state commission of education.
Provision for the organization of people's education in the Russian Socialist
Soviet Republic.
(1) General direction of work connected with people's education in the Rus-
sian Federated Socialist Soviet Republic is intrusted to a State Commission of
Education whose chairman is the People's Commissary of Education.
(2) The membership of the State Commission is as follows :
(a) Bv appointment — members of the Commissariat's Collegium; all depart-
ment heads of the Commissariat ; the chief clerk of the Commissariat and the
secretary of the State Commission.
(b) Elected — 3 representatives of the Central Executive Committee; 3 rep-
re.sentatives of professional teacher's organizations accepting the platform of
the Soviet Government; 2 representatives of the Central Bureau of Trade
"Unions, 1 representative of the Centi-al Bureau of Labor cooperatives and 1 rep-
resentative of the Central Culture organization.
(c) In the capacity of icpreneritatives of Departments. — 1 member of the Com-
missariat of Education in charge of the Bureau of Nationalities and 1 member
■of the Supreme Soviet of National Economy. ^ ^^ ^ ,, ^
]vjq^,j; 1 A right is reserved for the delegates of the People s Commissariat lu
■oharo-e of Nationalities to invite to the session of the State Commission, in ad-
visorv- capacity, a representative of the nationality the cultural institutions of
which are under discussion at the particular session.
j^tq,j,j, 2 In the course of the formation of new regional divisions their rep-
Tesentattves, one from each region, become members of the State Commission,
"With the right to vote.
j^„,j,j, 3 The State Commission has also the right to augment its membership
with representatives of other organizations — cultural, professional, students,
etc in case these organizations have a clearly defined all-Russian character
and accept the platform of the Soviet Government.
85723—19 79
1250
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
■ [V The management of the People's Commissai-iat of Education is entrusted
m the hands of a Collegium including: The People's Commissarv, his assistant
and five members. ' '
(4) The People's Commissary is elected by the Central Executive Committee
ot the Soviet of "\\ orkmen's Peasants, Red Guard Army's and Cossacks' Depu-
ties ; the assistant of the People's Commissary and the members of the Colle-
gium are elected by the Soviet of People's Commissaries at the recommendation
ot the People's Commissary of Education.
(5) The Collegium appoints directors to various Departments of the Commis-
sariat, a chief clerk of the Commissariat and a secretary of the State Commis-
sion of Education.
(6) In addition to matters enumerated in other articles of this act the fol-
lowing duties are also within the jurisdiction of the State Commission: The
formulation of a general plan of People's Education in the Russian Socialist
I'ederated Soviet Republic, and the establishment of fundamental principles
governing the People's Education, as well as those of school reconstruction ; the
coordination of cultural activity in localities ; the drafting of a budget and the
distribution of means appropriated for common Federal cultural needs; a.s
well as other matters of fundamental significance submitted for consideration
to the State Commission by the Commissariat's Collegium.
Note. — Single members of the State Commission have the right to demand a
discussion of matters they consider of principal importance only in case their
statement is sustained by not less than one-third of all members of the Com-
mission.
(7) In addition to matters enumerated in other articles of this statement, the
People's Commissariat of Education has a direct charge of institutions of learn-
ing and academic instruction of a state-wide importance, and passes its final
judgment on questions and conflicts arising between various orgaizations of
educational activity.
(8) The State Commission calls and convenes, periodically, an All-Russiaii
Congress of Education to which it submits a report of its activity and to whose
consideration it submits for discussion questions of great importance coming
within the jurisdiction of the State Commission.
(9) An AU-Russian Congress of Education comprises : (a) Elected representa-
tives of Departments and Soviets of People's Education from each province
(gubernial in the following ratio: 1 representative from each provincial De-
partment and Soviet ; from all county Departments and Soviets of the province-
two from Departments and twii from Soviets ; from all volost Soviets and De-
partments, also two from Soviets and two from Departments of each province;
(b) full representation of the state Commission, (c) competent persons in
advisory capacity.
(10) The direction of affairs connected with People's Education, such as pri-
mary education and instruction outside the academic walls, with the exception
of higher education, is entrusted to Departments of People's Education, ac-
cordingly formed at the Executive Committees — Regional, Provincial, County
and Volost.
(11) The Soviet of People's Education functions as a controlling and ad-
visory organ attached to each Department of People's Education.
(12) All Departments and Soviets of People's Education act within bound-
aries, established by fundamental laws of the Republic ; coordinate their activi-
ties in accordance with enactments of the State Commission of Education and
follow instructions in the order : Volost, of county ; county, of provincial ; and
provincial, of regional department of People's Education.
(13) A Volost Department of People's Education consists of members, not
less than three, elected by executive committee of the Volost Soviet of Work-
men Deputies, forming thus a Collegium.
XoTE. — A right is granted to a Volost Department to augment its member-
ship by inviting representatives of settlements and volosti, in an advisory
capacity.
(14) A Volost Department of People's Education is entrusted with carrying
into effect the principle of universal literacy within the boundaries of the par-
ticular volost, it shall organize the social education and spread education among
the entire volost population, aids in the developments of the initiative of the
population in matters of People's Education.
(15) For the realization of aims enumerated in Article 1, the Department of
People's Education (a) takes all measures for carrying into execution the pro-
visions drafted by the State Commissions of Education, particularly those re-
BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA. 1251
lating to a general programme of education; (b) has charge of schools and
cultural and educational institutions, in conformity with corresponding orders
of the State Commission and direct instructions of the Countv Department of
People's Education; (c) drafts estimates and submits them for approval to the
County Department of People's Education, should n need arise for using county
funds; (d) submits to the County department of People's Education a report
on its activity and state of affairs in regard to People's Education, these re-
ports being submitted at appointed periods, but not fewer than twice a year,
collects and supervises statistics of children of primary and school age and
supervises their school attendance; (f) draws and supervises lists of candi-
dates qualifying for the position of a teacher or director of institutions of pri-
mary education and, in cooperation with the Soviet of People's Education,
organizes elections of teachers by the population; (g) calls and convenes, at
appointed times a Volost Soviet of People's Education; (h) submits to the
Soviet of People's Education detailed reports on its activity and acquaints the
S. P. E. with applicable legislative and governmental enactments.
(IG) A Volost Soviet of People's Education is formed of: (a) Representatives
of all bodies having the right to send delegates to the Soviet of Workmen
Deputies, representations being, the same as those of the collectives in the
S. W. D. ; (b) representatives of teachers* personnel and those of pupils; (c)
competent persons invited in advisory capacity.
Note 1. — The whole number of members of the Soviet of People's Education
elected by the teachers and pupils must not exceed one third of the whole
number of members of the S. P. E., with the right to vote.
(17) Sessions of the Volost Soviet of People's Education are open.
(18) Sessions of the Volost S. P. E. are all held at least once a month.
(19) A Volost Soviet of People's Education discusses the reports of the
Supreme Department of People's Education, analyzes the Department reports
on pressing legislative and other governmental acts and discusses the plan of
organization pertaining to peoiile's education within the volost.
^21) A County Department of People's Education is formed of members, not
fewer than five, elected by the Executive Committee of the County's S. W. D.
thus forming CoUegiums.
(22) A County Department of People's Education has the following subdivi-
sions : primary, education, school education and self-education outside academic
walls, the charge of which subdivisions may be entrusted to specially invited
experts by the Department.
(23) In addition to matters enumerated in other articles of this Provision, a
county Department of People's Education directs the whole business of People's
Education in the county ; has charge of all educational institutions ; corrects
and approves estimates of Volost Departments of People's Education, should a
need arise for using county funds ; organizes the provision and distribution
among the Volost Departments of the books and school appliances ; issues
instructions to Volost Departments of People's Education, calls and convenes
at appointed periods county Soviet of People's Education and submits annual
estimates to the Provincial Department of People's Education.
(24) The membership, problems and the order of business of a county Soviet
of People's Education are being determined; within its jurisdiction area, in
accordance with articles 16, 17, 19 and 20 of this Provision.
Note. — A county soviet of People's Education convenes not less than once in
two months.
(25) A Provincial Department of People's Education is composed of members
not less than seven, elected by Executive Committees of the Provincial Soviet of
Workmen Deputies and thus forming a Collegium.
' (26) In addition to matters enumerated in other articles of this Provision, a
provincial Dept. of people's Education establishes institutions of learning,
academic instruction and education of common provincial importance; issues
instructions to the county and Volost departments of People's Education;
examines and approves annual estimates, submitted by county departments of
people's education ; submits an annual estimate to the Regional Department of
People's Education ; calls periodic conferences of representatives of County-
Departments of People's Education, as well as all-provincial congresses of active
social workers for promotion of people's education ; drafts reports on the state
of affairs of people's education in the particular province.
(27) The duties of Provincial Soviets of People's Education are: to determine
provincial needs pertaining to education to prepare and develop general meas-
ures for promotion of education among the population of the province; to de-
1252 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
velop projects on school reform, to aid the Regional Department of People's
Education in carrying into execution provisions established by the State Com-
mission of Education.
(28) A Regional Soviet of People's Education is formed and acts in accord-
ance with articles 16, 17, 19, 20 and 24 of this Provision.
Note. — Capital cities are regarded as separate provinces and are directly
subordinated to Regional Departments.
(29) A Regional Department of People's Education is composed of members,
not fewer than seven, elected by a Congress of Soviets Workmen's Deputies of a
Region, thus forming a Collegium.
(30) A Regional Department of People's Education develops and approves u
plan of all-regional measures pertaining to people's education ; systematizes all
annual estimates submitted by various Provincial Departments of People's
Education ; call periodic Regional Educational Congresses ; opens educational
courses, exhibitions, excursions, etc., controls the activity of cultural and
educational institutions within boundaries prescribed by corresponding legis-
lative enactments ; and submits an annual report on the state of affairs in the
sphere of people's education to the state Commission of Education.
Chairman of the Soviet of People's Commissa»ies, V. Oulianov (Lenin).
Acting People's Commissary of Education, Michael Pokrovsky.
Chief Clerk of the Soviet of People's Commissaries, Y. Borch-Brue^'ich.
Correct :
Secretary of the Soviet, X. Gorbunov.
Exhibit 7.5.
eegulatiox coxfeeni.ng admission) to a higher schodl. institttron of ttte
evssian sociaust federative soviet repunlic.
1. Every person, regardless of citizenship and sex. reaching the age of 10.
can be admitted as a member of the students' body to any of the higher
sohool institutions without submitting a diploma or testimonial papers attest-
ing graduation from a secondary or other school.
2. It is forbidden to demand from persons gaining entrance any certificiite«
whatsoever, except their identification papers. .
3. All school institutions of the Republic, in conformity with the decree mi
joint instruction, dated Jlay 27, 1918, are thrown open to all, regardless of sex.
All persons responsible for violating this decree shall be tried by the Revolu-
tionarv Tribunal.
4. Entrance of students — freshmen for the 1918-1919 course, already com-
pleted on the basis of either school certificates or competitive examinations,
are hereby declared void. Xew entrance conditions in accordance with re-
quirements of the general Provision on higher schools of the Republic, now
in course of preparation, shall be published not later than September 1, 1918.
5. Tuition fee in higher school institutions of the Russian Socialist Federa-
tive Soviet Republic are henceforth abolished. Tuition fees already paid for
the first half of the 1918-1919 academic year shall be refunded accordingly.
Chairman of the Soviet of People's Commissaries, V. Ulianov (Lenin).
Acting People's Commissary of Education. Pokrovsky.
Chief Clerk of the Soviet of People's Commissaries, V. Bonch-Bruevich.
Secretary of the Soviet, X. Gorbunov.
Exhibit 76.
BEGt-LATIOX OF THE SOVIET OF PEOPLE'S ( OMIITSSARIES CONCEEMNG STA^'DAED
REMUNERATION FOE TEACHERS.
The Soviet of People's Commissaries decrees : , i ^
1 To establish a monthlv remuneration for teachers, taking as a standara
length of a working dav 4 school hours a day. (24 liours or lessons a week).
2 Pending the establishment of a united school system to preserve remuner-
ation on the basis of vearly hours in secondary schools and wherever sucu
remuneration has hitherto been in practice. In primary and higher schools.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1253
semiharies, etc. where monthly payment has been in force such payments shall
continue to be m force for teachers occupied with 4 hour school worli a day
(24 hours a week).
3. Classification of teachers into " regularly appointed " " unattached," " sub-
stitutes," etc.. Is abolished.
4. All teachers (regardless of the particular subject taught, including in-
structors of music, singing, domestic arts, manual labor and physical exer-
cises) shall receive a remuneration for their school labor on the basis of
common standard pay and have equal pension rights.
.'). Up to July 1, 1918, the same basis of remuneration shall be applied to
lessons given above the prescribed 24 hours standard.
Note. — An increase of the number of lessons above the standard for individual
teachers shall be made in each single case in accordance with a special regula-
tion of the Department of Public Education attached to the local Soviet of
Workmen's Deputies.
6. Remuneration of the labor of chairmen of pedagogic councils, up to July
1, 1918, shall be adjusted to a remuneration on the basis of 12 yearly hours;
vice-chairman and members of administrative and executive committees, 6
yearly hours ; secretaries of pedagogic council and librarians and also clerks
and bookkeepers of schools, school superintendents, 6 yearly hours ; assistant
school .superintendents (Indies' school superintendents not in boarding schools),
18 yearly hours; instructors and ladies' school .superintendents of boarding
schools, 24 yearly hour.
7. An additional remuneration of labor in preparation of laboratory work
shall be made to the extent of 20% of a yearly hour ; remuneration of labor
in correcting written tests shall be made to the extent of 10% of an yearly
hour ; new and ancient languages, 10% ; Russian language and mathematics,
15%.
8. All living quarters, occupied by virtue of service, shall be paid for by
the occupants, the amounts being fixed by respective departments of the Soviets
of Workmen's, Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.
9. The duties of a clerk and bookkeeper at non-boarding schools shall be
executed by one person.
Note. — Two positions fused into one shall be allowed to be dispatched by one
person only by special' permission from a Department of Public Education at-
tached to the local Soviets of Workmen's Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.
10. The technical personnel shall be remunerated in accordance with a decree
of the Soviet of People's Commissaries.
11. The following rule applies to teachers serving above the fixed term :
every five years a raise of 600 rubles a year shall be paid to teachers having
not "less than 6 yearly hours in all schools, this raise being paid not longer
than for 4 consecutive periods.
12. New standards of payments shall be in force beginning March 1, 1918,
two categories being adopted for this purpose.
13. To the first category belong;
(a) all secondary schools and
(b) all higher grammar, technical, trades, agricultural schools, teachers'
seminaries, normal schools and instructors of school and school-administration
work.
14. To the second category belong; lower grammar, trades, lower agricul-
turiil schools and instructors for kindergarten training.
Note to articles 13 and 14. — The difference between the aforesaid remuner-
ation scale and that of the actually received salary shall be paid to persons
of the teachers' personnel, described in articles 13 and 14, beginning March 1,
and the rest, beginning June 1.
Note 2 to akticlbs 13 and 14. — Persons leaving service before publication of
said decree shall forfeit their pension rights.
15. Monthly salaries to persons of the first category .shall range from 600 to
400 rubles at Petrograd and Moscow, and for the second category — from 500
to 300.
16. Present remunerations likewise apply to private schools having the same
governmental rights.
Chairman of the Soviet of People's Commissaries, V. Oulianov (Lenine).
Chief Clerk, V. Bonch-Bruevich.
Secretary of the Soviet of People's Commissaries, N. Gorbunov.
1254 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
Exhibit 77.
deceee on the appropkiation of 12,520,000 eoubles for subsidies to teachkrs.
Upon introduction of a bill by the People's Commissar of Education, the
Soviet of People's Commissars lias resolved :
Not going into the details as to the salaries of the teachers for 1919 and not
deciding upon same finally, to allot to the Commissariat of Education a sum
of 12,520,000 roubles for the distribution of subsidies to the teachers, so that
each teacher should get an increase sufficient to make his salary 100 roubles
per month.
The Chairman of the Soviet of People's Commissars: X. UlianofE (Lenin).
People's Commissar of Education : A. B. Lunacharsky.
Chief Clerk: Vladimir Bonch-Bruevitch.
Secretary of the Soviet: X. Gorbounoff.
(Published in the organ of the Provisional Workers' and Peasants' Govern-
ment, January 3rd, 1918.)
(Note. — Each decree of the Soviet of Workers' and Peasants' becomes affec-
tive and must be enforced upon its publication in the official organ of the
Government. )
Exhibit 78.
resolution of the school sanitation board.
At the Congress of medical-sanitation held at BIoscow, .June 19, 1918, was
read and discussed at great length the report from the school-sanitation board
attached to the Commissariat of Public Instruction. The Section is entrusted
with safeguarding the children's health and application of preventive measures
in schools against turberculosis and neurological diseases.
Hitherto in Russia little time vifas devoted to physical education of children
and their hygienic conditions. At the present time the School Sanitation Board
does the work of spreading physical education among children and of removal
of conditions detrimental to students' health. To accomplish this the Board
has established an Institute of Physical Education in Russia, experimental in-
stitutions (settlements, schools of forestry, schools-sanatoriums, ambulatories,
etc.) and has been aiding labor organizations interested in the establishment of
such institutions.
The following resolution of the S('hool Sanitary Board was adopted :
1. The object of school sanitation within the boundaries of the Russian
Soviet Republic is the safeguarding of children's health of all ages, physical as
well as mental and a proper organization of physical education.
2. For the realization of this problem a central school-sanitation soviet is
■established at the Commissaiiat of Public Instruction, representatives of pro-
letarian organizations and large masses of the population participating in the
■work.
3. Likewise, similar school-sanitation Soviets are establislied in localities
regulating and directing the local school-sanitation activity.
4. The directing organs in the matters of school sanitation are medical
boards, elected by medical sanitary organizations such as The Soviet of Medical
Boards or the Commissariat of Health and medical sanitary sections attached
to the local Soviets of workmen's deputies and approved by the Commissariat of
Public Instruction. All these organizations are working in close contact with
the Central Commissariat of Health as well as with the Commissariat of Public
Instructions and sections attached thereto.
5. A school physician is a permanent and competent member of the pedagogic
soviet and is actively engaged in school work. He is elected by the school-
sanitary sub-section of the medical sanitary board and is approved by the De-
partment of Public Instruction attached to the Soviet.
6. To safeguard the health of cliildren and to render direct mental, moral
and physical aid to children of imperfect health the school-sanitary sections
(medical boards) establish special institutions: sanatoriums, schools of for-
estry for physically weak and sick children, auxiliary schools for underdevel-
oped children, auxiliary dispensaries, sanatoriums and agricultural settlements
for exceptional forms of mental and physical deformity. School ambulatories
are established for study, medical treatment and assigning children to proper
institutions.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1255
Exhibit 79.
OKDERS OF THE PEOPLE'S COMMISSIONEK OP EDUCATION OF THE WESTERN PROVINCES
AND FRONT.
uf^'^/^i'^Y'^^ orders are selected from a group of six educational documents
publislied .at Petrograd, March 10, 191S. The omitted orders, Nos. 3-5, relate
to the budget for 1919 and to routine matters. The private libraries mentioned
m No. 2 apparently include only private circulating libraries.
No. 1. To all primary and secondary educational hutitiitionft of the vcntcrn
provinces.— 1 propose to the administration of all the above-mentioned educa-
tional institutions, from the date of the publication of this order, not to dis-
charge students for non-payment of dues. As to those who have already been
discharged before this order was published, they must immediately be re-
instated.
I propose to all departments of pulilic education in local Soviets of Work-
men's, Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies, to attend strictly to the carrying out
of my order. The question of the legal position of students who have not paid
their school dues will be explained in the near future.
No special notification will be given to each educational institution, and the
present order becomes the law of the land from the date of its publication in
the newspaper Sovietskaya Pravda (Soviet Truth).
No. 2. Having in mind to afCord to the large popular masses access to books,
the Commissariat on Public Education will shortly proceed to regulate the
library business and its reorganization on new principles. In view of this the
Commissioner directs that :
I. All libraries found within the boundaries of the western provinces and
front, and belonging to municipalities, public institutions, or organizations of
various sorts, or to private persons, are taken over for the benefit of public
educational institutions in local Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants'
Deputies, and, in the city of Smolensk, by the local section of public education
of the provincial commissariat.
II. All institutions, organizations, and private persons possessing libraries in
the city of Smolensk must, within five days following the date of the publication
of this order in the newspaper Soviet.'^kaya Pravda, present to the commis-
sariat on public education exact information concerning:
(1) the location of the libraries belonging to them;
(2) the number of volumes found in the libraries;
(3) the contents of the libraries (complete catalogues of the books must be
presented ; and in case such do not exist, then general information concerning
the character of the books collected) ;
(4) the periodical publications subscribed to by the libraries;
( .5 ) the number of subscribers ;
(6) the rules adopted for the use of these books.
Note : This order does not affect persons who have libraries consisting of less
than 500 volumes, if these libraries are not intended for public readers.
III. In case reading-rooms are found at those libraries, it is necessary to
indicate :
(1) the list of periodical publications found in the reading-room;
(2) statistical data, if such are at hand, regarding the reading-room visitors.
IV. Institutions, organizations, and private persons possessing libraries out-
side the boundaries of the city of Smolensk and of the Government of Smo-
lensk must present the information indicated above, within a week from the
date of the publication of this order, in the proper section of local Soviets of
Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies. The latter, upon receipt of the
data, must furnish copies of the same to the Commissioner of Public Education
of the Western Provinces and Front.
V. Those who fail to comply ^^•ith this order will be turned over to the mili-
tary revolutionary tribunal.
No. 6. It is the duty of all owners of moving-picture houses in the city of
Smolensk, from the date of the publication of this order in the newspaper
Sovietskaya Pravda, to present for approval to the provincial commissariat on
public education the programmes and librettos of the pictures proposed to be
exhibited by them.
It is forbidden to show pictures not approved by the Commissariat.
1256 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
In those cfises in wliicli the Commissni-iat shall find it necessary, the pictures^
before being shown to the public, must be shown for examination to parsons-
specially designated by the Commissariat.
lloving-picture enterprises jiot complying with this order will be at once con-
fiscated.
(Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 80.
COMMISSARY LEPESHINSKY'S PAPER ON SCHOOL REFORM READ AT THE FIRST ALL-
BUSSIAN CONGRESS OF TEACHERS' IKTERNATIO.XALISTS. JUNE 2, 1918.
The Commissariat of People's Education has yet done very little in the field'
of reforms of people's education since the problem of people's education could
be approached intelligently only after the removal of the Commissariat tQ'
Moscow.
It has become customary to accuse the new Government of indifference toward
cultural values of the past, and particularly of disrupting the schools. Such
an accusation is obviously wrong. In as much as the school represents wrong
principles, breeding privileges and utilitarianism and Is a servant of the ruling
classes, it has been destroyed. Such a school system was an instrument to befog
the masses' consciousness and it crippled the children physically and spiritually.
This destruction of the old school system, as an integral part of the whole old
social structure, was brought about not by a group of Individuals but by the
elemental force of life itself. History paved the way for such a destruction)
and it has become a pressing necessity of the present revolutionary period.
It is, however, not sufficient to taJie notice of this spontaneous destruction
alone. The revolutionary classes of society, particularly their more advanced
upper strata, their leading elements, must introduce into these elemental proc-
esses a maximum of intelligence and system. First, a surgical application is-
needed to remove all useless remnants of the past, yet creative activity is also
needed, although it perhaps will, of necessity, be slow and cautious to begin
with. The school has ceased to be an instrument in the hands of the exploiting
classes ; with the people's victory it has in reality become a people's school.
And now the Commissariat of Education is busily engaged In transferring it
Into the hands of the people's government — the Soviet organs.
The school no longer needs teachers who simply are office holders, teachers
appointed from above, teachers detached from the people. Our Commissariat
emphasizes this circumstance suggesting the principle of electing teachers by
local organs created by the population itself.
The school has ceased to be a source of privileges based on other values than
intellect and knowledge. The Commissariat, therefore, is taking prompt action
to abolish diplomas and certificates that gave all sorts of privileges to persons
graduated from various branches of academic schooling.
The old school system was not a channel of education but an instrument of
obscuring the people's mind. The revolution has swept away this school
system. Governmental activity has brought out new problems before the school.
Our Commissariat, as an educational centre, as a first step Is engaged in the
freeing the sch0(5l from church influences and encroachments, the separation of
the school from the church.
These first steps are only the beginnings of the task. Before us is still a long
path of a tremendous and prolonged creative work of organization which shall
ultimately give to the people the school they need in this period of reconstruct-
ing the life on a new basis in the period of the international struggle of the
proletariat for Socialism.
Having this task in mind the Commissariat sounded a call inviting learned
and practical Individuals, people of extensive pedagogic training to participate
In that task. The Commissariat of People's Education has opened widely the
doors to all who wanted and could help. Something has already been done in
this direction. Recently we created at the Commissariat of People's Educa-
tion an educators' advisory board which In turn was subdivided into a number
of sub-committees, these latter conducting a preliminary campaign in favor of
the school reform and gradually formulating concrete problems, the solution
of which shall determine the substance of our school-organization activity.
Our conception of a school is one from which religious services and teachings-
are absolutely barred. Secondly, a people's general education sehool must be
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1257
compulsory and accessible to all, regardless of sex and social distinctions ; it
must be a scliool where tuition, books, etc., are free ; and, lastly, we conceive^
tlie new school as a tolling unit. The school iiuist be homogenous in the sense
of a uniform type with a definite minimum amount of linowledge, — in the sense
of uniforiQity of aims and problems grouped between two centres of gravita-
tion— and in the bringing up of a harmonious individual and the problem of
social development of the individual ; and, finally, in the sense of establishing
an organized connection between the various school grades and unimpeded
promotion of students from lower grades to higher.
The principles underlying the development of the school, as a toiling unit,
can be summarized thus :
1. An early fusion of productive labor with academic instruction is the'
mightiest weapon in the tasli of reconstruction of the modern society.
2. The technology of the present mode of production demands an all-around
development of the individual who possesses the ability to worli and is;
equipped with polytechnic knowledge for various industrial fields. Therefore,,
a school of general science must assume the character of a polytechnic (voca-
tional) school, while specialization and professionalism are outside the scope-
of the general science school and are the problems of the higher schools or
educational training outside academic walls.
3. Manual labor must form an integral element of school life ; all school
children must participate in productive labor. The useful results of such
labor should be made obvious to the students having for its object either direct
creation of useful articles of consumption (chiefly for the needs of the par-
ticular school), or creation of productive labor which only ultimately creates
material blessings, as for an example, caring for cleanliness, hygienic condi-
tions of life in schools, etc.
4. The school becomes a productive commune, i. e., both a producing and
consuming body based on the following principles guiding the social education,
of children :
(a) The principle of school autonomy and collective self-determination in
the process of mental and manual labor ;
(b) The principle of satisfying all children's needs by the children them-
selves ;
(c) The organization of social mental endeavor (scientific bodies, magazines,
collective work, etc.)
5. The school must offer the widest possible opportunities for the full play
of development of the creative forces of the child. To accomplish this the
child must be reared amidst surroundings favorable to its mental and physical
capacity, the existencfe of which should be propitious of the greatest possible
harmonious development of the child's body and soul. Essential pre-requisites
hereof are :
(a) Self-perseverance of children in various fields of school life, their inde-
pendence and initiative while at work and their spirit of self-reliance in matters
of everyilay routine ;
(b) Introduction of an educational system stimulating creative forces of the-
child ;
(c) Artistic activity, as the chief element in the child's esthetic development
guiding the passive emotional processes of its spiritual life.
(d) Methods of child's bringing-up fuid educational training of children
change their former character in accordance with the new problems of the
■ school. Attention in the matter of children's education shouhl be chiefly aimed
• at bringing up a human being, as a social creature, and at understanding social
labor : first, at the present time, then, — labor in the past human history, and,
lastly! labor's problems in the coming future. There ought to exist an organic
direct' connection between the educational mental work in the school and the
element of productive labor. Educational training is to be conducted in full
conformity with the latest discoveries in psychology, physiology and pedagogy,
and in particular in the direction from the known to the unknown, from the
concrete to the abstract.
It seems to me that the people should receive a qualified knowledge, and this
can be made possible only when the child will be attached to the school for a
considerable length of time. It is urgent to create conditions whereby the
maiority of children of school age should be forced to pass a long course of
instruction. Compulsory schools exist in many countries, why not here in
Kussia'?
1258 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGANDA.
We ou!?ht not be afraid that there will be a lack of schools, and of teachers:
we will gradually introduce an extensive educational course and accelerate the
formation of a teacher's force.
All persons favorably disposed towards this cause should be recruited ; we
must also widely propagate our ideas, and with this object in \lew we com-
mence to publish our information Bulletins on school reform work. These bul-
letins we shall freely circulate throughout Russia. However, what is most
needed is not merely word-propaganda, but deeds. With this object the Com-
missariat of Education is organizing experimental schools. It would be an error
to assume that here in the centre a tendency prevails to introduce bureau-
cratic methods in the management of schools. We wish to impose nothing on
the people, and when we draw up certain plans, it is chiefly because the popula-
tion itself, in the person of Its organs of local social administrative units, re-
quire from us a general outline and directives.
Exhibit 81.
statejient of the kepektoiee coilmittee of the aet-educatioxal section.
The object of the Repertoire Committee is first, the drawing up of a reper-
toire for districts' theatres, and secondly, the preparation of a list of plays for
workmen's theatres.
In the opinion of the Committee the following principles must underlie the
preparation of the repertoire: (1) plays on the repertoire list must be artistic
creations and adapted to the needs of the theatrical art; (2) they should
heighten and strengthen the revolutionary spirit of the masses; (3) they should
be optimistic in spirit.
Owing to insistent and continual requests from localities a preliminary hst
has been prepared including the following Russian and foreign dramatists.
Rwisian. — (iogul, Criboyedov, Shackovsky, Ostrovsky, Leo Tolstoi, Turgenev,
Tchechov, Suchovo-Kobulin, Tschedrin, Gorky, A. Tolstoi.
Foreign. — Calderon, Lope de Vega. Cervantes, Shakespeare, Baumarche,
Moliere. Schiller. Blanche, Ibsen, Shaw, Komain Holland, Verhaeren, Della-
Grazia, Mirbot, Hauptman.
The plays approved by. the Committee will contain short reviews, written by
the members of the Committee containing: (a) fabula and central idea of the
play. (2) characterization of the, stage personages, (3) po.ssible cuts and change
of "scenes, (4) illustrative points on scenery and costunfes (preferably accom-
panied by schematic drawings). These reviews will be later published by the
Committee as separate leaflets.
Iksides. the Committee is preparing for publication a number of books on the
theatre. The subjects of these books are: (1) stage-craft, (2) scenic decora-
tions, (3) the art of make-up. (4) costumes, (5) rythm gymnastics, (6) drama
and opera, (7) studio work, (8) working over assigned parts.
Exhibit 82.
decree of the commissaeiat of social welfare creating a " palace of
motherhood." «
For the purpose of solving questions of immediate importance in respect to
the protection and care of motherhood as a social function of a woman, and
to the protection of children as a duty of the Oovernmcnt, the following Com-
mittee is appointed: ^ „ ,,
Madames: 11. P. Shuvalova, F. K. Skobinskaya, E. N. Jlindling, L. Procho-
rova. X. D. Koraleva, and A. M. Kollontai.
This committee is charged with the immediate organization of the Depart-
ment of Protection of Mothers and Children as part of the Ministry, and to
take over from it all the property of the former All-Russian organization for
the protection of motherhood, as well as all the funds, if such are to be found.
This Committee must immediately organize in the building of the Women s
Institute of Emperor Nicholas 1st and of the Girl's Alexandorvsk School
(aioika 48 and 50)— "a Palace of Motherhood," as a Central Department of
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1259
the AU-Russian Statg organization for protection of motherhood and children
ot the Republic.
Peoples Commissar of Social AY elf are: A Kollontai.
(Published in the organ of the Provincial Worlier's and Peasants' Govern-
ment, #4.-), December 31st, 1917.)
(Note. — AH decrees of the Soviet of ^^'orker's and Peasants' become effective
and must be enforced upon their publication in the official organ of the Govern-
ment. )
Exhibit 83.
decree abolishing ixhprit.vnce.
I. Inheritance, whether by law or by will, is abolished. After the death of
an owner, the property whicli belonged to him, whether movable or immovable,
becomes the property of the Government of the Russian Socialistic Soviet Fed-
erative Republic.
Note. — The discontinuance and transfer of rights of utilization of farm lands
is determined by the rules provided in the fundamental law of the socialization
of the land.
II. Until the issuance of a decree dealing with general social arrangements,
relatives who are in need (i. e., those who do not possess a minimum main-
tenance), and who are incapable of work — such relatives being in a directly
ascending or descending line, full or half brothers or sisters, or spouse, of the
deceased — receive support from the property left by the deceased.
Xote 1. — No distinction is made between the relationship that arises within
wedlock and that which arises outside of wedlock.
Note 2. — Adopted relatives or children and their descendants are put upon
the same footing as relatives by descent whether as to those who adopted them
or as to those who have been adopted.
III. If there is not enou.sh of the property remaining to support a spou.se
and all surviving relatives, as enumerated above, then the most needy of them
must be provided for first.
IV. The amount of allowance to be given a spouse and surviving relatives
from the property of the deceased is determined by the institution conducting
the affairs of social security in the Governments, and in Moscow and Petrograd
by the municipal Soviets of Workmen's and Peasants' Deputies, in agreement
with the persons who have the right to receive the allowance, and. in ciise of
dispute between them, bv the local court, according to the usual legal procedure.
Cases of this sort are under the jurisdiction of the Soviets of AVorkmen's and
Peasants' Deputies and the local courts of the last place of residence of the
deceased.
Y AH property of the deceased, other than that enumerated in Article IX
of this decree comes under the jurisdiction of the local Soviet, which turns it-
over to the bureaus or institutions having control in those localitie-; of similar
propertv of the Russian Republic, according to the last place of residence of the ■
deceased or according to the place where tliis pr,)perty is situated.
VI The local Soviet publishes, for the purpose of general notification, the
deatii of the propertv owner, and calls upon the persons who have a right to
receive support from the said property to appear within a year from the date
°*VII "riiosT^who do not declare their claims before the expiration of the
vear following the publication, as provided in the above article, lose their
right to receive support from the property of the deceased
VTTT From the property of tlie deceased are paid, first, the expenses of the
administration of the property. The relatives and spouse of the deceased
rpcXe their allowances before the creditors are paid. The creditors of the de-
PP«sPfl f their claims are recognized as proper to be paid, are satisfied from
thl nronertv after the deductions indicated above, on condition, in case the
nrnnertv is'insufficient to cover all demands of the creditors, that the general
r^r nTinies of the meeting of creditors be applied.
pimcii«<r. ^^^ pj.operty of the deceased does not exceed 10,000 rubles, or in par-
+■ ir consists of a farm house, domestic furniture, and means for economical
'"ri irtion bv work, in either the city or the village, it comes under the imme-
S- t controrof the spouse and relatives enumerated in Article II of the present
!^^^ ee who are present. The method of control ahd management of the prop-
1260 BOLSHEVIK PEOPAGAXDA.
erty is avransd by asi'eoment between the spouse and relatives, and, in case
of their disagreement, by the local tribunal.
X. The present decree is retroactive as regards all inheritances discovered
before it was issued, if they have not yet been acquired by the heirs, or, if
acquired, if they have not yet been taken possession of by the heirs.
XI. All suits now pending respecting inheritances, suits' respecting the probate
of wills, respecting the confirmation of the rights of inheritances, etc.. are
deemed to be discontinued, and the respective hei-editary property is to be at
once turned over for administration to the local Sovielis or institutions indi-
cated in Article V of the present decree.
XoTE. — Concerning hereditary properties discovered before the present decree
is issued — properties enumerated in Article IX of the present decree — a special
regulation will be Issued.
XII. The People's Commissioner of Justice is empowered, in agreement with
the Commissariat of Social Security and Work, to issue a detailed instruction
concerning the enforcement of the present decree.
The present decree is of force from the date of its signature, and is to be put
into operation liy telegraph.
April 27, 1918.
(Xation, Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 84.
decree on maeeiage, children, and registration of civil status
The Russian Republic hencefoith recognizes civil marriage only.
Civil marriage is performed on the basis of the following rules :
1. Persons who wish to contract marriage declare [their intention] orally or
by a written statemvnt to the department of registration of marriages and
births at the city hall (regional, district, township, Zerastvo Institutions), ac-
cording to the place of their residence.
Note : Church marriage is a private affair of those contracting it, while civil
marriage is obligatory.
2. Declarations of intention to contract marriage are not accepted (a) from
persons of the male sex younger than IS years, and of tlie female sex, 16 years
of age; in Transcaucasia the native inhabitants may enter into marriage upon
attaining the age of 16 for the groom and 13 for the bride; (b) from relatives
In the direct line, full and half-brothers and sisters ; consanguinity is recog-
nized also between a child born out of wedlock and his descendants on one side
and relatives on the other; (c) from' married persons, and (d) from insane.
3. Those wishing to contract marriage appear at the department of registra-
tion of marriages and sign a statement concerning the absence of the obstacles
to contracting marriage enumerated In Article 2 of this decree, and also a
• statement that they contract marriage voluntarily.
Those guilty of deliberately making false statements about the absence of the
obstacles enumerated In Article 2 are criminally prosecuted for false statements
and the marriage is declared Invalid.
4. Upon the signing of the above-mentioned statement, the director of the De-
partment of registration of marriages records the act of marriage in the book
of marriage registries and then declares the marriage to have become legally
effective.
When contracting marriage the parties are allowed to decide freely whether
they will henceforth be called by the surname of the husband or wife or by a
combined surname.
As proof of the act of marriage, the contracting parties Immediately receive
a copy of the certificate of their marriage. . . .
5. Complaints against the refusal to perform marriage or incorrect registra-
tion are lodged, without limitation of time, with the local .judge in the locality
where the department of registration of marriage is ; the ruling of the local
judge on such complaint may be appealed in the usual way.
6. In case the former books of registration of marriages have been destroyed,
or lost in some other way, or if for some other cause married persons can not
obtain a certificate of their marriage, those persons are given the right to sub-
mit a declaration to the respective department of registration of marriages, ac-
cording to the place of residence of both parties or one of them, to the effect
that they have been in the state of wedlock since such and such time. Such
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1261
declaration Is attested, in addition to tlie statement stipulated by Article 3, by
a further statement of tlie parties that the book of registration has really bt'en
lost or that for some other sufficient cause they cannot obtain a copy of the cer-
tificate.
Registration of Births.--7. The registration of the birth of a child is made by
the same department of registration of marriages and IMrths in the place of resi-
dence of the mother, and a special entry of each birth is made in the book of
registration of births. . . .
8. The birth of a child must be reported to the department either by his
parents or one of them, or by the persons in whose care, because of the death
of his p;ireiits, the child remained, with an indication of the name and surname
adopted for the child and the presentation of two witnesses to attest the fact
of birth.
9. The book of registration of marriages as well as the books of registration
of births are kept in two copies, and one copy is sent at the end of the year to
the proper court for preservation.
10. Children born out of wedlock are on an equality with those born in wed-
lock with regard to the rights and duties of parents toward children, and like-
wise of children toward parents.
The persons who make a declaration and give a signed statement to that ef-
fect are registered as the father and mother of the child.
Tho.se guilty of deliberately making false statements regarding the above are
criminally prosecuted for false testimony and the registration is declared in-
valid.
In case the father of a child born out of wedlock does not make sucli a decla-
ration, the mother of the child or the guardian or the child Itself has the right
to prove fatherhood by legal means.
Registration of Deaths. — 11. Record of the death of a person is made in the
place where the death occurred by the department which has charge of the
registration of nvarriages and biJths, by entry in a special book for -registration
of deaths. .
12. The death of a person must be reported to the department by the legal or
administrative authorities or persons in whose care the deceased ■\\-as.
13. Institutions in charge of cemeteries are henceforth forbidden to place ob-
stacles in the way of the burial on cemetery grounds in accordance witli the
ritual of civil funerals.
14. All religious and administrative institutions which hitherto have had
charge of the registration of marriages, births and deaths according to the cus-
toms of any religious cult, are ordered to transfer immediately all their regis-
tration books to the respective municipal, district, rural and Zemstvo adminis-
trations.
December IS, 1917.
(Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 85.
deckee on divokce.
1. Marriage is annulled by the petition of both parties or even one of them.
2. The above petition is submitted, according to the rules of local jurisdiction,
to the local court.
Note. — A declaration of annulment of marriage by mutual consent may be
filed directly with the department of registration of marriages in which a record
of that marriage is kept, which department makes an entry of the annulment
of the marriage in the record and issues a certificate.
3. On the day appointed for the examination of the petition for the annul-
ment of marriage, the local judge summons both parties or their solicitors.
4. If the residence of the party who is to be summoned is unknown, the
petitioner is allowed to file the petition for annulment of marriage in tlie place
of residence of the absent party last known to the petitioner, or in the place of
residence of the petitioner, stating to the court, however, the last known place
of i-esidence of the defendant.
5. If the place of residence of the party who is to be summoned is unknown,
then the day for the trial of the case is set not earlier than the expiration of
two months from the day of the publication of a notice of summons in the local
Government gazette, and the summons is sent to the address of the last known
place of residence of the defendant given by the petitioner.
1262 BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA.
6. Having convinced himself that the petition for the annulment of the mar-
riage really comes from both parties or from one of them, the judge personally
and singly renders the decision of the annulment of the marriage and issues a
certificate thereof to the parties. At the same time, the judge transmits a copy
of his decision to the department of registration of marriages where the an-
nulled marriage was performed and where the book containing a record of tliis
marriage is kept.
7. When annulling a marriage by mutual consent, the parties are obliged to
state in their petition what surnames the divorced parties and their children
are to bear in the future. But when dissolving the marriage by the petition of one
of the parties, and in the absence of an understanding about this matter between
the parties, the divorced parties preserve their own surnames, and the surname
of the children is determined by the judge, and in case of disagreement of the
parties, by the local court.
8. In case the parties are agreed on the matter, the judge -simultaneously
with the decision of annulment of the marriage, determines with whicli of the
parents the minor children begotten of the marriage shall live, and which of the
parents must bear the expense of maintenance and education of the children,
and to what extent and also whether and to what extent the husband is obliged
to furnish food and maintenance to his divorced wife.
9. But if no understanding shall be reached, then the participation of the
husband in furnishing his divorced wife with food and maintenance when she
has no means of her own or has insufficient means and is unable to work, as well
as the question with whom the children are to live, are decided by a regular
civil suit in the local court, irrespective of the amount of the suit. The judge,
having rendered the decision annulling the marriage, determines temporarily,
until the settlement of the dispute, the fate of the children, and also rules on the
question of the temporary maintenance of the children and the wife, if she is in
need of it.
10. Suits for adjudging marriages illegal or invaKd belong henceforth to the
jurisdiction of the local court.
11. The operation of this law extends to all citizens of the Russian Republic
irrespective of their adherence to this or that religious cult.
12. All suits for annulment of marriage which are now tried in eccelesiastical
consistories of the department of Greek-Catholic and other denominations, in
the governing synod and all other institutions of the Christian and non-
Christian religions, and by officials in charge of ecclesiastical affairs of all
denominations, and in which no decisions have been rendered or the decisions
already rendered have not become legally effective, are declared by reason of this
law null and void, and are subject to immediate transfer to the local district
courts for safe-keeping, with all arcliives in the possession of the above-
enumerated institutions and persons having jurisdiction in divorce suits. The
parties are given the right to file a new petition for the annulment of the mar-
riage according to this decree witliout awaiting the dismissal of the first suit,
and a new summons for absent parties (paragraphs 4 and 5) is not obligatory
if such a summons was published in the former order.
December 18, 1917
(Nation Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 86.
deceee on separation of chl'kch from the state.
1. The church is separated from the state.
2. AVithin the limits of the Republic, it is prohibited to pass any local laws
or regulations which would restrict or limit the freedom of conscience or estab-
lish any kind of privileges or advantages on the ground of the religious affilia-
tions of citizens.
3. Every citizen may profess any religion or none at all. Any legal dis-
abilities connected with the profession of any religion or none are abolished.
Note. — From all official acts any indication of the religious affiliation or non-
affiliation of citizens is to be omitted.
4. The proceedings of state and other public legal institutions are not to be
accompanied by any religious customs or ceremonies.
5. The free observance of religious customs is guaranteed In so far as the
same do not disturb the public order and are not accompanied by attempts
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1263
upon the rights of the citizens of the Soviet Republic. The local authorities
have the right to take all necessary measures for the preservation, in such
cases, of public order and security.
6. No one may decline to perform his civil duties, giving as a reason his
religious views. Exemptions from this law, conditioned upon the substitution
of one civil duty for another, are permitted by decision of the people's court in
each individual case.
7. Religious or judicial oaths are abolished. In necessary cases a solemn
promise only is given.
8. Acts of a civil nature are performed exclusively by civil authorities, such
as the departments of registration of marriages and births.
9. The school is separated from the church. The teaching of religious doc-
trines'in air state and public, as well as in private, educational institutions
In which general subjects are taught, is forbidden. Citizens may teach and
study religion privately.
10. All church and religious societies are subject to the general regulations
governing private associations and unions, and do not enjoy any privileges or
subsidies either from the state or from its local autonomous <'>nd self-governing
institutions.
11. Compulsory collection of paj'ments and assessments for the benefit of
church or religious societies, or as a means of compulsion or punishment of
their co-members on the part of these societies, is not allowed.
12. No church or religious society has the right to own property. They have
no rights of a juridical person.
13. All the properties of the existing church and religious societies in Russia
are declared national property. Buildings and articles specially designated
for religious services are, by special decisions of the local or central state
authorities, given for free use by corresponding religious societies.
(Nation, Dec. 28, 1918.)
Exhibit 87.
deceee on the nationalization of chuech peopekty.
Paet I.
1. To release all clergymen of all denominations who are in the service of the
"War Department.
2. All branches of the military clergy to be reshaped.
3. Military committees have the right if the military units, administrations,
establishments and institutions so desire, to retain the clergymen.
4. $In the latter case the maintenance of retained clergymen is to be fixed not
by former States but exclusively by the stipulations of the committees of the
units themselves.
5. Without exception all property and all church funds of churches of mili-
tary units to be handed over to the committees of the various units and in the
case of reshaping of the latter — to the committees of the higher grades.
6. For the purposes of receiving and delivery of funds and property now at
the disposal of the clerical department special commissions will be appointed.
People's Commissariat on Affairs of War, M. Kedrov, E. Skylyansky, V. Pod-
voysky, K. Mekhonoshin.
January 16, 1918.
Exhibit 88.
deckee on the levying of direct taxes.
The council of People's Commissaires decreed :
(1) The last date for the payment of the State Income Tax at the rate estab-
lished by the resolution of the Provisional Government of June 12th, 1917, is
December 15th, 1917. All persons who have not received the tax-sheets, shall
nav in to the respective treasuries, and cash offices, not later that December
15th, 1917, the entire amount of the tax due on the income indicated by them
in their notifications.
1264 BOLSHEVIK PKOPAGAXDA.
Note 1. — For tlio supervision over tlie precise execution of tbe law tlie Soviets
are bound to send immediately tlieir Commissaries to tlie courts of exchequer
until tlie local levying institutions will be reorganised.
XoTE 2. — To enforce the execution of the orders of the Soviets and other
authorities in the matter of the payment of the taxes mentioned in ** 1, 3 and 4
of the present decree the Soviets shall be entitled to employ the Red Guard and
the militia, who are enjoined to execute all the instructions of the Soviets con-
cerning the levyin;i of the taxes.
( 2 ) Any person who will not have paid the income tax by the 20th of Decem-
ber, 1917, will be liable, besides the penalties prescribed by the laws, to the pay-
ment of a fine which may amount to the conflscation of the wliole of his prop-
erty. Persons intentionally withholding the payment of the tax shall be liable
to imprisonment for a term up to five years.
(3) The tax to be paid once, established by the law of June 12th, 1917, shall
"be paid according to said law, by the loth of December, 1917, the 1st of Feb-
ruary and the 1st of April, 1918, in different parts. All prorogations established
after June 12th, 1917, are now revoked.
(4) The temporary tax on the accrued profits in the industrial-commercial
■enterprises and for the remuneration of personal industrial work, established
by the law of May 15th, 1916, with the modifications introdJ ed by the law of
June 12th, 1917, shall be paid in at present by the 15th of De< ember, 1917. All
the prorogations and modifications introduced since June 11 rh, 1917, are re-
voked.
(5) In levying the tax to be paid once, and the tax on the accrued profits,
the rules for the payment of taxes prescribed in clause 2, shall be applied.
(6) The supervision over the payment of the above mentioned taxes is en-
trusted over and above the usual organs to the local Soviets of Workmen
Soldiers and Peasant Delegates, which are also entitled* to establish the dimen-
sions of the fines to be levied for any infringement of the law.
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaries, VI. OulianofC (Lenin).
Manager of the Affairs: VI. Bonch-Bruevitch.
People's Commissaries : A. Shliapnikoff, Djugashvili-Stalin.
Secretary of the Council of People's Commissaries : GorbounofP.
November 24th, 1917.
Exhibit 89.
decree ox the akkest of the leadeks of the civii. wak ag.^inst the kevoi.utiox.
The members of the leading organisations of the Kadet party as being a party
of the enemies of the people, are to be arrested and brought before the revolu-
tionary tribunal.
The local Soviets are entrusted with the duty of exercising a special super-
vision over the Kadet party in view of its connection with the KornilofC-Kaledin
civil war against the revolution.
This decree shall enter in force from the moment that it is signed.
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissaires, VI. Oulianoff (Lenin).
People's Commissaires : L. Trotzky, H. Aviloff, N. Stouchka, V. Jlenjinsky,
Djugashvili-Stalin, G. Petrovsky. A. Schlichter, Dybenko.
Petrograd. November 28tli. 1917.
Exhibit 90/
deckee ox the okganization of a wobkers' jiilitia.
1. All the Soviets of ^^'orkn)en's and Soldiers' Deputies shall form a workers'
militia.
2. The workers' militia shall be fully and exclusively under the orders of
the Soviet of Workmen and Soldiers Delegates.
3. The military and civil authorities are bound to render assistance in arming
the workers' militia and to supply it with the technical means even up to pro-
viding it with the arms belonging to the war department of the government
4. This law is to be promulgated by telegraph.
People's Commissarv for the Interior : A. I. KykofC.
Petrograd, October '28th 1917.
BOLSHEVIK PROPAGANDA. 1265
Exhibit 91.
beckee on the nationalization of the property and capital of the bed cross.
1. All property of" the Bed Cross is declared to be property of the Russian
Republic.
2. The governing body of the Red Cross shall cease to exist.
3. The reorganization of the Red Cross is entrusted to a committee.
Exhibit- 92.
decree on the transfer of hospitals.
Decree on the transfer without charge of all medical establishments of the
enterprises to the hospital fund organization, or if there are no such establish-
ments, then of the payment of the requisite amounts for the installation of
same.
For the future until the Insurance Council will draw up a law regarding
the order and form of transfer of the medical establishments into the manage-
ment of the hospital fund organizations the Council of People's Commissaries
decreed on November 14, 1917 ;
1. In handing over the medical relief to the management of the hospital fund
organizations the owners of the enterprises shall be bound to transfer free of
cost to the hospital fund all the medical institutions of the enterprise If the
hospital fund organization will consider them satisfactory and corresponding
to their destination.
2. If the existing Institutions of any enterprise do not satisfy the normal
standard of medical relief then in case the hospital fund organization will
consent to them being transferred into its hands the owners of the enterprise
shall be bound to pay additional sums in order that the said medical institution be
brought into a condition corresponding to the established standards.
3. In case the enterprise has no medical institutions, or if the existing ones
do not correspond to their destination, the owners of the enterprise shall be
bound to give to the hospital fund organization a sum for the installation of
medical institutions (hospitals, day hospitals, lying-in hospitals, nursing homes
and first-aid stations) according to their actual cost and at the following rate:
one hospital bed for every 100 workmen or women, and 1 bed for every 200
women, for confinements.
4. The owners of enterprises are forbidden to close, or to transfer to other
persons, or to reduce the dimensions of the medical institutions, hospitals, day-
hospitals, lying-in hospitals, etc., attached to their enterprises, by the time of
the promulgation of this decree.
Signed: Chairman V. OulianofE (Lenin).
People's Comm. for Labor : A. Shliapnlkoff.
Exhibit 93.
instructions concerning the erection of a monument in honour of karl
MAEX.
The Soviet of People's Commissaries instructs as follows :
1. To appropriate one million rubles for the erection of a monument on
the grave of Karl Marx.
2. The People's Commissary of Education is empowered to announce a com-
petitive examination for a project of the monument.
3. The representative of the Russian Republic in London is authorized to
negotiate with the heirs of Karl Marx regarding the execution of said in-
struction.
Chairman of the Soviet of People's Commissaries, V. Oulianov (Lenin).
Chief Clerk of the Soviet of People's Commissaries, V. Bonch-Bruevich.
Secretary of the Soviet, N. Gorbunov.
June 1st, 1918.
85723—19 80
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